THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  ILLINOIS 
LIBRARY 

From  the  collection  of 
Julius  Doerner,  Chicago 
Purchased,  1918. 


Great  Leaders 


...and... 


National  Issues 


1896 


Containing  the 

....LIVES  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  AND  DEMOCRATIC.... 
CANDIDATES  FOR  PRESIDENT  AND 
VICE-PRESIDENT, 

BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCHES  OF  THE  LEADING  MEN  OF  ALL  PARTIES, 

The  Story  of 

FAMOUS  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  PAST, 

HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES, 

LIVES  OF  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS, 


Together  with  a full  Presentation  of 

THE  LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  THE  DAY, 

• • • Including  • • • 

THE  TARIFF,  GOLD  AND  SILVER,  CUBA,  ARMENIA,  VENEZUELA, 
MONROE  DOCTRINE,  Etc. 

By  the  Following  Noted  Authors  : 

EDWARD  S.  ELLIS,  A.M.,  THOMAS  B.  REED,  WILLIAM  L.  WILSON, 
JOHN  SHERMAN,  J.  K.  UPTON,  AND  OTHERS. 


OVER  100  PORTRAITS  AND  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


NON-PARTISAN  BUREAU  OF  POLITICAL  INFORMATION, 


Copyright  1896 

BY 

WM.  ELUS  SCUM.. 


'Piet'w  - 


\ 30?^  ‘ 


PREFACE. 


'T^HIS  has  been  an  eventful  year  both  at  home  and 
abroad.  A Presidential  year  is  always  an  in- 
teresting one,  but  this  time  it  is  unusually  so  because 
the  issues  are  more  clearly  defined  and  are  of  more 
personal  importance  and  interest  to  every  citizen. 
Every  individual,  however  humble,  will  be  affected 
either  for  good  or  bad  by  the  policy  of  the  Govern- 
ment in  regard  to  Silver  and  the  Tariff.  Then  the 
whole  world  has  been  stirred  by  the  cruel  massacre 
of  the  Armenians  and  the  struggle  of  the  Cubans 
for  liberty.  Only  recently  this  whole  country  and 
Europe  were  greatly  excited  by  a threatened  war 
with  England  in  reference  to  Venezuela. 

A book  which  covers  all  these  subjects  and  which 
at  the  same  time  furnishes  biographies  of  the  candi- 
dates for  President  and  Vice-President  of  both  the 
Republican  and  Democratic  parties,  and  also  biog- 
raphies of  the  great  political  leaders  all  over  the 
country,  cannot  fail  to  be  unusually  interesting  to  all 
the  citizens  of  this  country. 

In  the  preparation  of  the  book  we  have  had  the 
assistance  of  several  of  the  great  leaders  of  the  dif- 
ferent political  parties.  We  believe  the  careful 
reader  will  recognize  the  earnest  effort  made  to  be 
^ fair  to  all  parties,  and  to,  furnish  reliable  information. 

(3) 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016  with  funding  from 

University  of  Illinois  Urbana-Champaign  Alternates 


https://archive.org/details/greatleadersnatiOOelli 


CONTENTS 


i. 

FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS  OF 
THE  PAST. 

The  Origin  of  the  Caucus. — The  Election  of  1792. — The  First  Stormy 
Election. — The  Constitution  Amended. — The  Country  Divided  in 
Parties. — Improvement  of  the  Method  of  Nominating  Presidential 
Candidates. — The  First  Presidential  Convention. — Convention  in 
Baltimore  in  1832. — Exciting  Scenes. — The  Presidential  Campaign 
of  1820. — “Old  Hickory.” — Andrew  Jackson’s  Popularity. — Jackson 
Nominated. — “Old  Hickory”  Defeated. — Jackson’s  Triumph. — The 
“Log-cabin  and  Hard-cider”  Campaign  of  1840. — “Tippecanoe  and 
Tyler  Too.” — Peculiar  Feature  of  the  Harrison  Campaign. — “Rough 
and  Ready.” — Democratic  Convention  in  Baltimore,  1852. — “ Old 
Fuss  and  Feathers.” — A Tragic  Period. — The  Democratic  Party 
Divided. — Stephen  A.  Douglas. — John  C.  Breckinridge. — The  Consti- 
tutional Unionists. — Woful  Misunderstandings. — The  Result  of  the 
Election  of  i860. — Ulysses  S.  Grant  and  Horatio  Seymour. — Unique 
Campaign  of  1872. — The  Most  Critical  Period  in  the  History  of  Our 
Country. — Charge  of  Fraud. — More  Trouble. — A Way  Out  of  the 
Danger. — The  Republican  National  Convention  of  1880  in  Chicago. — 
The  Most  Peculiar  Political  Campaign  of  Later  Years. — “ Rum, 
Romanism  and  Rebellion” 

II. 

QUESTIONS  FOR  THE  NEXT  ADMINISTRA 
TION  TO  CONSIDER. 

The  Hawaiian  Tangle. — The  Venezuela  Dispute. — The  “ Queen  of  the 
Antilles.” — The  Armenian  Massacres. — Our  Quarrel  with  Chili. — 
The  Necessity  of  The  “ Sick  Man.” — The  Tariff  Question. — The 


6 


CONTENTS. 


“American  System.” — The  “Tariff  of  Abominations.” — Later 
Tariffs. — The  Money  Problem. — A Substitute  Must  Be  Provided. — 

“ Bimetallism.” — National  Bankruptcy  and  Divorce  Laws. — The 
Temperance  Problem. — “ Paternalism  in  Government  ” 54 

III. 

A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF, 

By  Hon.  Thomas  B.  Reed,  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives. 

The  History  of  Protection. — “The  Whole  Race  Wiser  than  any  Man.” — 

The  Truth  the  Simplest  when  Understood. — Large  Facts. — Trying 
Ordeals. — The  Future  Not  Exhausted. — Other  Testimony. — “Phe- 
nomenal Prosperity.” — “ Marvelously  Illimitable.” — “ The  Richest 
Country  in  the  World.” — “A  Paradise  for  Laboring  Men.” — Solid 
Arguments. — What  Can  the  Example  of  England  Teach  ? — England’s 
Development. — Raw  Materials  Scanty  in  England. — The  Workings 
of  the  Corn  Law. — “As  Wages  Fall,  Profits  Rise.” — England  Credited 
for  Great  Sense. — “ Unusual  Temerity.” — A Striking  Result. — The 
Vital  Question. — Influence  of  Wages. — Where  will  the  Increase 
Come  From  ? — The  Measure  of  Wages. — “ Supply  and  Demand.” — 
Producers  and  Consumers. — Cold  Mathematics. — More  Figures. — 
Who  have  the  Markets  of  the  World  ? — “ Survival  of  the  Superior.” — 
Broader  Illustrations. — The  Chinaman  Must  Keep  Out. — “ Labor  is 
on  the  Free  List.” — Constitutionality  of  Tariff  Taxation. — Who  Pays 
the  Tax  ? — -A  Fighting  Chance. — Statistics  in  Massachusetts. — Diver- 
sification of  Industries. — Invention  Born  of  Necessity. — Another 
Fact. — Large  Consumption  at  the  Basis. — The  Hope  of  Agriculturists. — 
Cheaper  Labor. — What  has  made  England  Rich  ? 72 

IV. 

A TARIFF  FOR  REVENUE, 

By  Hon.  Wm.  L.  Wilson,  Author  of  the  “Wilson 
Bill.” 

Human  Progress  Cannot  be  Impeded. — What  the  Laws  have  Done. — A 
Lesson  in  the  Last  Census. — The  Goal  of  Perfect  Freedom. — Two 


CONTENTS. 


7 


Arguments. — Increasing  Revenues. — The  Income  Tax  is  no  Sectional 
Legislation. — The  Meaning  of  Tariff  Reform. — A Battle  for  Human 
Freedom 127 

V. 

GOLD  AND  SILVER,  AND  THE  PROBLEM  OF 
OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY, 

By  Hon.  J.  K.  Upton,  Assistant  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  under  Three  Administrations. 

Money  of  no  Recent  Origin. — Ancient  Use  of  Silver  as  Money. — Other 
Commodities  Used  as  Money. — Representative  Money. — The  Func- 
tions of  Money. — The  Legal-Tender  Function. — Combination  of 
Two  Standards. — Debasing  the  Money. — The  Spanish  Pillar  Silver 
Dollar. — Diverse  Valuation  of  the  Shilling. — Paper  Money. — Bimet- 
allism.— The  Experiment  of  1762. — “Not  Worth  a Continental.”  — 

The  Bank  of  North  America. — Initiatory  Steps  for  a Mint — Bimet- 
allism.— The  New  Silver  Dollar. — Spanish  Coins  no  Longer  Legal 
Tender. — The  Trade  Dollar. — The  “ Bland  Bill.” — Paper  Money. — 
Wild-cat  Currency. — The  Golden  Age  of  the  West. — The  Famous 
Specie  Order. — The  “ Greenbacks.” — Another  Form  of  Paper  Issue. — 
Outstanding  Paper  Issues  in  1865. — The  Law  of  1875. — Issue  of 
Bonds. — An  End  of  Enterprise  and  Prosperity. — A Great  Success. . . 141 

VI. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN  ON  THE  CURRENCY 
OF  THE  FUTURE. 

Checks,  Clearing  Houses  and  Paper  Notes. — A Safe  But  Expensive 

Policy. — “One-half  Gold  and  One-half  Silver.” 186 

VII. 

LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 

The  Hawaiian  Imbroglio. — King  David  Kalakaua. — Queen  Liliuokalani. — 
Revolution. — Reversal  of  Policy. — The  Transvaal  Question. — Dr. 
Jameson. — Discovery  of  Gold  in  the  Transvaal. — Dr.  Jameson’s 


8 


CONTENTS. 


Raid. — The  Result  of  Jameson’s  Raid. — Enthusiasm  in  England.— 

The  Monroe  Doctrine — The  Dispute  over  the  Venezuelan  Boundary. — 
South  American  Republics  Free. — “ The  Balance  of  Power.” — A 
French  Empire  in  Mexico. — The  Venezuelan  Question. — Arbitra- 
tion.— A Commission  Appointed. — “Jingoism”  and  Sober  Second 
Thought. — The  Cuban  Revolt. — Pathetic  and  Dramatic  Incidents. — 

The  Provinces  of  Cuba. — The  Insurrection  of  1895. — Marshal 
Martinez  de  Campos. — Cubans  Appoint  a Permanent  Government. — 

The  Pronounced  Friendship  of  Congress  for  Cuba. — Recognition 
of  Belligerency. — What  Have  we  Done  for  the  Cubans? — Two-thirds 
of  the  Population  of  European  Origin. — We  Have  no  Debt  of 
Gratitude  to  Spain 193 


VIII. 

POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  PRESENT  DAY. 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON. — Harrison’s  Marriage. — Sterling  Integrity 
and  Marked  Ability. — Harrison  Becomes  a Soldier. — Harrison’s  Rec- 
ord in  the  Field. — Harrison  Nominated  and  Elected  President 233 

GROVER  CLEVELAND.— Cleveland  Goes  West.— Cleveland’s  Early 
Public  Career. — Cleveland  as  Governor. — President  Cleveland’s  First 

Administration. — Cleveland  Re-elected. — “ Struck  Fire.”... 242 

JOHN  SHERMAN. — Sherman’s  Younger  Years. — Sherman  a Law- 
yer.— “Another  Dead  Cock  in  the  Pit.” — An  Ardent  Supporter  of 
Lincoln. — In  the  Senate. — Sherman’s  Administration  of  the  Treasury 

Department 253 

THOMAS  BRACKETT  REED— Reed  as  a Teacher— A Brilliant 
Lawyer. — Nominated  for  Congress. — Reed  in  the  Speaker’s  Chair. — 

“ Present,  but  not  Voting.” — Home  Life 262 

CHARLES  FREDERICK  CRISP— A Brave  Soldier— His  Public 

Career. — In  the  Congress. — At  Home 271 

JOHN  GRIFFIN  CARLISLE— Earlier  Years— Public  Career- 
Personal  Qualities. — His  Most  Remarkable  Characteristic. — Home 

Life 275 

LEVI  PARSONS  MORTON— Earlier  Years— In  Boston— A 

Memorable  Transaction. — In  the  Congress. — Vice-President  of  the 

United  States 282 

WILLIAM  B.  ALLISON. — First  Entrance  into  Politics. — In  the  Con- 
gress.— Soldier-Voting. — Declining  the  Portfolio  of  the  Treasury...  288 


CONTENTS. 


9 


DAVID  BENNETT  HILL.— “ I Don’t  Want  to  be,  an  Angel.”— 
Launched  upon  the  Sea  of  Politics. — The  Republican  “ Landslide  ” 

of  1894 295 

HENRY  MOORE  TELLER. — Excellent  Success. — A Power  in 

Politics. — A Pronounced  “ Silver  Man.” 301 

WILLIAM  LYNE  WILSON. — Stirring  Times. — In  the  Congress. — 

The  “ Wilson  Bill.” — Personal  Qualities 304 

WILLIAM  McKINLEY.— “You’ll  Do.”— A Fire-tried  Veteran  at 

Twenty-two. — The  “ McKinley  Bill.” — Exalted  Sense  of  Honor 308 

CHAUNCEY  MITCHELL  DEPEW.— Early  Career.— A Supporter 
of  Abraham  Lincoln. — Attorney  of  the  New  York  and  Harlem  Railroad 
Company. — President  of  the  New  York  Central. — Wit,  Logic  and 

Eloquence 316 

MATTHEW  STANLEY  QUAY.— Quay’s  Tariff  Record.— His  Life 

Story. — Personal  Characteristics 324 

CUSHMAN  K.  DAVIS. — Devotion  to  the  People. — Work  for  New 

States. — His  Political  Courage. — His  Rare  Qualities 327 

STEPHEN  B.  ELKINS. — Romantic  Career. — A Poor  Boy  without 
Influential  Friends  — Successes  in  Law,  Business  and  Politics. — His 
Sympathy  with  Wage-earners. — Selling  of  Government  Bonds. — 

Restoring  Discriminating  Duties 336 

SHELBY  M.  CULLOM. — Environment  a Leading  Factor. — Cullom’s 
Great  Public  Career. — Elected  to  the  Congress. — In  the  Governor’s 
Chair. — Unswerving  Rectitude. — Courage  and  Strength  as  a Public 
Servant. — Early  Life  and  Education. — Mental  Characteristics. — Do- 
mestic Life 346 

CHARLES  H.  PARKHURST.— The  Formative  Period  of  His  Life.— 

Municipal  Reform. — “ I Know.” — Triumph 366 

RICHARD  P.  BLAND. — Chairman  of  the  Coinage  Committee. — The 

“ Bland  Dollar.” — The  Growth  of  Silver  Mining  in  the  West 37 2 

WILLIAM  R.  MORRISON. — In  the  House  of  State  Representatives. — 
Soldier. — In  the  Congress. — The  “ Morrison  Bill.”— The  “ Reagan 

Bill.”— The  Proper  “ Timber  ” 375 

HORACE  BOIES. — Prominent  Lawyer. — Popularity  with  Democrats. — 

Governor. — Growing  Popularity. — One  of  the  “ Idols  of  his  Party”..  . 381 

IX. 


OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

The  Twenty-three  Statesmen  who  have  occupied  the  Presidential  Chair. — 


IO 


CONTENTS. 


Brief  Sketches  of  their  Lives. — The  Memorable  Events  of  their 
Administrations. — The  Important  Facts  of  our  Political,  Commercial, 
and  Social  History  since  the  Adoption  of  the  Constitution 385 

X. 

REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION  AND  PLATFORM. 

“ Bosses  ” Set  Aside. — Many  Brilliant  Men. — McKinley  Buttons  Every- 
where.— The  Currency  Question. — First  Day  of  the  Convention. — 
Adoption  of  the  Gold  Plank. — Speech  of  Chairman  Thurston. — Split 
Between  the  Gold  and  Silver  Men. — Reading  of  the  Platform. — The 
Minority  Report. — Bolt  of  the  Silver  Men. — A Montana  Delegate 
Who  Did  Not  Bolt. — A Voice  from  Utah. — Nomination  of  Senator 
W.  B.  Allison. — Nomination  of  Thomas  B.  Reed  of  Maine. — Speech 
of  Senator  Lodge. — Reed’s  Record. — Nomination  of  Gov.  Levi  P. 
Morton  of  New  York. — Nomination  of  William  McKinley  of  Ohio. — 

The  Convention  Goes  Wild. — Senator  Thurston’s  Eloquent  Speech. — 

The  Year  of  the  People. — The  Flag  Will  Never  Be  Hauled  Down. — 

The  Balloting. — McKinley  Nominated. — Wild  Enthusiasm. — The 
Vote  by  States. — The  Nomination  Made  Unanimous. — The  Nomina- 
tions for  Vice-President. — Garret  A.  Hobart  of  New  Jersey  Nomi- 
nated.— At  McKinley’s  Home. — Reception  of  the  News 438 

XI. 

THE  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 

Allegiance  to  Protection  Renewed. — Reciprocity  Demanded. — Merchant 
Marine. — The  Currency  Plank. — Justice  to  Veterans. — Foreign  Re- 
lations.— Suffering  Cuba. — The  Navy. — Foreign  Immigration. — Civil 
Service. — Free  Ballot. — Lynching. — National  Arbitration. — Home- 
steads.— Territories. — Temperance  and  Rights  of  Women 501 

XII. 

LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 
WILLIAM  McKINLEY, 

By  HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Early  Life. — War  Services. — Elected  to  Congress. — His  Tariff  Measure. — 
Mastered  the  Whole  Subject. — The  Campaign  of  1892. — Powers  of 
Leadership. — His  Work  as  Governor. — Knowledge  on  Many  Topics. — 

For  Honest  Money 513 


CONTENTS. 


II 


XIII. 

LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 
GARRET  AUGUSTUS  HOBART. 

Early  Life. — His  Personal  Magnetism. — His  Mission  as  a Peacemaker. — 
Entrance  Into  Politics. — Prominent  in  the  Senate. — Recognized  as  a 
Leader. — Mentioned  for  Governor. — Active  in  Business  Life. — 
Tremendous  Business  Capacity. — Never  a “ Boss.” — Domestic  Life..  528 

XIV. 

PROHIBITION  CONVENTION  AND  PLATFORM. 

“ Narrow  Gauge  ” and  “ Broad  Gauge  ” Prohibition. — Vote  on  the  Money 
Question. — Prohibition,  and  it  Alone. — The  Platform. — Joshua  Lever- 
ing, of  Maryland,  Nominated  for  President,  and  Hale  Johnson,  of 
Illinois,  for  Vice-President 543 

XV. 

LIFE  OF  JOSHUA  LEVERING. 

A Prominent  Business  Man. — A Prominent  Baptist. — Originally  an  Inde- 
pendent Democrat. — Voted  for  St.  John  in  1884. — Candidate  for 
Governor  of  Maryland 333 

XVI. 

SILVER  MUST  BE  RESTORED. 

BY  HORACE  BOIES. 

No  Room  in  this  Country  for  Two  Gold  Standard  Parties. — Speculators 
Raid  the  Treasury. — The  Dollar  of  Our  Fathers. — Which  is  the 
Dollar  We  Want  ? 555 

XVII. 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION. 

Waste  of  Time  and  Energy. — Everybody  “ Hustling.” — Expected  to  See  the 
“ Fur  Fly.” — Senator  Daniel,  Temporary  Chairman. — Senator  Daniel’s 
Speech. — Wednesday’s  Proceedings. — The  Silver  Men  in  Complete 
Control. — The  “ Dollar  of  Our  Daddies”  Would  Be  Restored. — 

No  Compromise  of  Any  Kind. — Report  from  the  Committee  on 


12 


CONTENTS . 


Credentials. — The  Minority  Amendment  Defeated. — Thursday’s  Pro- 
ceedings.— The  Minority  Report. — Amendments. — “You  Shall  Not 
Crucify  Mankind  Upon  a Cross  of  Gold.” — Give  us  “ Silver  Dick.” — 
Horace  Boies  of  Iowa  Nominated. — Friday’s  Proceedings. — Robert 
E.  Pattison  of  Pennsylvania  placed  in  Nomination. — Roll-call  of  the 
States. — Result  of  First  Ballot. — The  Second  Ballot. — The  Boom  for 
Bryan  Swept  Resistlessly  Forward. — Bryan  Greeted  as  the  New 
Saviour  of  the  Democratic  Party. — The  Evening  Session. — The  Last 
Day  of  the  Convention. — A Stampede  to  Sewall. — The  Close  of  the 
Convention 

XVIII. 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM. 

The  Money  Question. — The  Demonetization  of  Silver. — Opposed  to  the 
Gold  Standard. — Free  and  Unlimited  Coinage. — Opposed  to  the  Issue 
of  Bonds. — The  Issue  of  Paper  Money. — The  Tariff. — The  Income 
Tax. — Foreign  Pauper  Labor. — Reduction  in  the  Number  of  Offices. — 
Contempts  in  Federal  Courts. — The  Pacific  Railroad  Funding  Bill. — 
The  Pensioners. — The  Monroe  Doctrine. — Sympathy  for  the  Cubans. — 
Opposed  to  a Third  Term 

XIX. 

LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 
WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN. 

Early  Life. — His  First  Political  Effort. — Against  the  Repeal  of  the  Silver 
Purchase  Act. — His  Personality. — Bryan  as  an  Orator. — Extract  from 
his  Speeches 

XX. 

LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 
ARTHUR  SEWALL. 

A Splendid  Example  of  Physical  Manhood. — A Ship-Building  Family. — 
His  Son  a Republican. — How  it  Feels  to  be  a Nominee. — Thinks 
He  will  Carry  Maine 


CONTENTS. 


13 


XXI. 

THE  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  OF  THE 
PEOPLE’S  PARTY. 

Important  Convention. — Middle-of-the-Road  Men. — Temporary  Chairman 
Butler. — Committee  on  Credentials  Named. — The  Test  of  Strength 
Comes  on  the  Second  Day. — Coats  and  Vesis  Laid  Aside. — Senator 
Allen  Speaks. — The  Convention  Settles  Down  to  Business  on  the  Third 
Day. — Reversal  of  the  Order  of  Nominations. — The  Way  to  a Haven 
of  Peace. — Minority  Report  Adopted. — The  Platform. — Vice-President 
Nominated. — Would  All  Like  to  be  Bankers. — A Protest. — Closing 
Day. — Bryan  Nominated 613 

XXII. 

THE  PLATFORM  OF  THE  PEOPLE’S  PARTY. 

Declaration  of  Principles. — Sale  of  Bonds — A Graduated  Income  Tax. — 
Transportation. — The  Pacific  Railroads. — Land. — Direct  Legisla- 
tion.— General  Propositions 628 

XXIII. 

THOMAS  EDWARD  WATSON. 

Entered  the  Political  Arena. — A Campaign  of  Exceeding  Bitterness. — 

“ Dat  Man  isde  Nigger’s  Saviour.” — A Last  Bold  Stroke. — His  Person- 
ality  632 


XXIV. 

THE  SPEECH  THAT  MADE  BRYAN. 

Crown  of  Thorns,  Cross  of  Gold. — An  Historic  Achievement  in  American 
Politics  as  Well  as  a Literary  Curiosity  for  Future  Generations. — The 
Wonderful  Peroration 637 


LIST  OF  HALF-TONE  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


United  States  Capitol,  Washington,  D.  C.,  Frontispiece.  Page 

John  Adams  20 

Andrew  Jackson  ............  29 

Abraham  Lincoln • . . 39 

The  Electoral  Commission 49 

Armenian  Massacres 60 

Venezuelan  Gold  Fields  ..........  69 

Thomas  B.  Reed 79 

James  G.  Blaine 89 

Thomas  Jefferson 100 

Henry  Clay 109 

John  Quincy  Adams 119 

William  L.  Wilson 129 

Samuel  Tilden 140 

Daniel  Webster 149 

Ulysses  S.  Grant 159 

Richard  P.  Bland 169 

John  G.  Carlisle 180 

William  R.  Morrison 189 

President  Paul  Kruger  . . . . 199 

Lord  Salisbury 204 

The  Venezuelan  Commission 209 

Joseph  Chamberlain 215 

Maximo  Gomez 220 

/Antonio  Masseo 220 

Cuban  Patriots 229 

Benjamin  Harrison • • 239 

Grover  Cleveland  249 

John  Sherman 259 

Charles  F.  Crisp  270 

Levi  P.  Morton 279 

William  B.  Allison  ..•••••••..  290 

(14) 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


15 


Henry  M.  Teller 
Matthew  S.  Quay 
Chauncey  M.  Depew 
Cushman  A.  Davis 
William  F.  Vilas 
Stephen  B.  Elkins 
Arthur  Gorman 
Shelby  S.  Cullom 
Charles  Manderson 
W.  A.  Peffer  . 

Charles  H.  Parkhurst 
Horace  Boies  . 

George  Washington 
Campaign  Speechmaking 
James  A.  Garfield 
Daniel  W.  Vorhees 
Benjamin  Tillman 
Roger  Q.  Mills 
Mark  A.  Hanna 
Joseph  B.  Foraker 
Frederick  F.  Dubois 
Robert  T.  Lincoln 
Warner  Miller 
Thomas  G.  Platt 
Henry  Cabot  Lodge 
Donald  Cameron 
Susan  B.  Anthony 
Frances  E.  Willard 
William  McKinley 
Mrs.  William  McKi 
Garret  A.  Hobart 
W.  O.  Bradley 
Redfield  Proctor 
Robert  E.  Pattison 
Joshua  Levering 
William  E.  Russell 
William  C.  Whitney 
John  W.  Daniel 
James  E.  Campbell 
David  B.  Hill 
William  J.  Bryan 
Arthur  Sewall . 


nley 


299 
310 
319 
330 
330 
339 
339 
35o 
350 
359 
37  o 
379 
390 
399 
410 
419 
430 
43° 
439 
450 
459 
459 
470 
470 
479 
479 
490 
499 
5io 


5i9 

530 

539 

539 

550 

553 

559 

559 

570 

579 

590 

599 

609 


OTHER  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Page 

The  Speedwell  Iron  Works,  Morristown,  N.  J. 71 

Silk  Winding  . . . . .126 

The  Cradle — Gold  Mining 156 

The  United  States  Mint,  New  Orleans 163 

A Very  Old  Woolen  Mill  in  New  Hampshire,  and  a Mill  of  the  Second 

Period  Attached  There  to ^5 

Gold  Mining  in  California — The  Sluice  . . . . . . .183 

Virginia  Currency  . . . . . . . . . . .185 

A New  England  Weaver  Winding  the  Spools  . . . . 192 

“Chicago,”  U.  S.  N.,  One  of  the  New  “White  Squadron  ” Warships  . 205 

Pennsylvania  Avenue,  Looking  Toward  the  Capitol,  Washington  . . 232 

A Skirmisher  241 

Senate  Chamber  ...........  245 

The  Liberty  Bell,  as  Exhibited  at  the  New  Orleans  Exposition  . . 252 

House  of  Representatives  .........  255 

Indian  Village  Enclosed  with  Palisades  268 

Old  Gate  at  St.  Augustine,  Florida 274 

Indian  Agency 294 

Indian  Mother  and  Infant  307 

The  Great  Dome  and  Telescope  of  Lick  Observatory,  California  . .315 

The  Broyling  of  their  Fish  over  the  Flame  of  Fier  ....  323 

In  the  Wild  West  . . . . . 335 

An  Indian  Warrior  365 

Old  Dutch  Church,  New  Utrecht,  Long  Island 374 

The  White  House,  at  Washington,  D.  C.  . . . . . . . 393 

Shop  in  Which  the  First  Morse  Instrument  was  Constructed  for  Exhibition 

before  the  Senate  . . . . . . . . . 404 

Lincoln’s  Boyhood  Home  in  Kentucky 414 

Home  of  Lincoln  at  Gentryville,  Indiana  ......  415 

Garfield  On  the  Tow-path  .........  425 

The  Home  of  Garfield’s  Childhood 427 

The  Falls  of  St.  Anthony,  1885 435 

Tablet  in  the  Waiting-Room  of  the  Railway  Station  where  Garfield  was 

Shot  . . 437 

(16) 


Famous  Presidential  Campaigns  of  the  Past. 

The  Origin  of  the  “ Caucus.*’ 

The  presidential  nominating  convention  is  a mod- 
ern institution.  In  the  early  days  of  the  Republic  a 
very  different  method  was  pursued  in  order  to  place 
the  candidates  for  the  highest  office  in  the  land  before 
the  people. 

In  the  first  place,  as  to  the  origin  of  the  “ caucus.” 
In  die  early  part  of  the  eighteenth  century  a number 
of  caulkers  connected  with  the  shipping  business  in 
the  North  End  of  Boston  held  a meeting  for  consul- 
tation. That  meeting  was  the  germ  of  the  political 
caucuses  which  have  formed  so  prominent  a feature 
of  our  government  ever  since  its  organization. 

The  Constitution  of  our  country  was  framed  and 
signed  in  the  month  of  September,  1787,  by  the  con- 
vention sitting  in  Philadelphia,  and  then  sent  to  the 
various  Legislatures  for  their  action.  It  could  not 
become  binding  until  ratified  by  nine  States.  On  the 
2d  of  July,  1788,  Congress  was  notified  that  the  nec- 
essary nine  States  had  approved,  and  on  the  13th  of 
the  following  September  a day  was  appointed  for  the 
choice  of  electors  for  President.  The  day  selected 
was  the  first  Wednesday  of  January,  1789.  The  date 

(17) 


jg  FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 

for  the  beginning  of  proceedings  under  the  new  Con- 
stitution was  postponed  to  the  first  Wednesday  in 
March,  which  happened  to  fall  on  the  4th.  In  that 
way  the  4th  of  March  became  fixed  as  the  date  of 
the  inauguration  of  each  President,  except  when  the 
date  is  on  Sunday,  when  it  becomes  the  5th. 

Congress  met  at  that  time  in  the  city  of  New  York. 
It  was  not  until  the  1st  of  April  that  a quorum  for 
business  appeared  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  the  Senate  was  organized  on  the  6th  of  that 
month.  The  electors  who  were  to  choose  the  Presi- 
dent were  selected  by  the  various  State  Legislatures, 
each  elector  being  entitled  to  cast  two  votes.  The 
rule  was  that  the  candidate  receiving  the  highest 
number  became  President,  while  the  next  highest  vote 
elected  the  Vice-President.  The  objection  to  this 
method  was  that  the  two  might  belong  to  different 
political  parties,  which  very  condition  of  things  came 
about  at  the  election  of  the  second  President,  when 
John  Adams  was  chosen  to  the  highest  office  and 
Thomas  Jefferson  to  the  second.  The  former  was  a 
Federalist,  while  Jefferson  was  a Republican,  or,  as 
he  would  have  been  called  later,  a Democrat.  Had 
Adams  died  while  in  office,  the  policy  of  his  adminis- 
tration would  have  been  changed. 

There  could  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  first  choice. 
While  Washington  lived  and  was  willing  thus  to 
serve  his  country,  what  other  name  could  be  consid- 
ered ? So,  when  the  electoral  vote  was  counted  on  the 
6th  of  April,  1789,  every  vote  of  the  ten  States  which 
took  part  in  the  election  was  cast  for  him.  He  re- 


JOHN  ADAMS. 


FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 


21 


ceived  69  (all)  ; John  Adams,  34 ; John  Jay,  9 ; R. 
H.  Harrison,  6;  John  Rutledge,  6;  John  Hancock, 
4;  George  Clinton,  3 ; Samuel  Huntingdon,  2;  John 
Milton,  2 ; James  Armstrong,  Benjamin  Lincoln,  and 
Edward  Telfair  1 each. 

The  Election  of  1792. 

At  the  next  election,  in  1792,  the  result  was  : Wash- 
ington, 132  (all)  votes;  John  Adams,  77;  George 
Clinton,  50;  Thomas  Jefferson,  4;  Aaron  Burr,  1 ; 
vacancies,  3.  It  would  have  been  the  same  at  the 
third  election  had  the  illustrious  Father  of  his  Coun- 
try consented  to  be  a candidate ; but  he  was  growing 
feeble,  and  had  already  sacrificed  so  much  for  his 
country,  that  his  yearning  for  the  quiet,  restful  life  at 
Mount  Vernon  could  not  be  denied  him.  So  he 
retired,  and,  less  than  three  years  later,  passed  from 
earth. 

The  First  Stormy  Election. 

What  may  be  looked  upon  as  the  first  stormy  elec- 
tion of  a President  took  place  in  1800.  When  the 
electoral  vdtes  came  to  be  counted,  they  were  found 
to  be  distributed  as  follows:  Thomas  Jefferson,  73; 
Aaron  Burr,  73  ; John  Adams,  65  ; Charles  C.  Pinck- 
ney, 64;  John  Jay,  1.  Jefferson  and  Burr  being  tied, 
the  election  was  thrown  into  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, where  the  contest  became  a memorable 
one.  The  House  met  on  the  1 ith  of  February,  1801, 
to  decide  the  question.  On  the  first  ballot,  Jefferson 
had  eight  States  and  Burr  six,  while  Maryland  and 
Vermont  were  equally  divided.  Here  was  another  tie. 


22 


FA  MO  US  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 


Meanwhile,  one  of  the  most  terrific  snow-storms 
ever  known  swept  over  Washington.  Mr.  Nicholson  of 
Maryland  was  seriously  ill  in  bed,  and  yet,  if  he  did  not 
vote,  his  State  would  be  given  to  Burr,  who  would  be 
elected  President.  Nicholson  showed  that  he  had  the 
“courage  of  his  convictions”  by  allowing  himself  to 
be  bundled  up  and  carried  through  the  blizzard  to 
one  of  the  committee  rooms,  where  his  wife  stayed 
by  his  side  day  and  night.  On  each  ballot  the  box 
was  brought  to  his  bedside,  and  he  did  not  miss  one. 
The  House  remained  in  continuous  session  until  thirty- 
five  ballots  had  been  cast  without  any  change. 

It  was  clear  by  that  time  that  Burr  could  not  be 
elected,  for  the  columns  of  Jefferson  were  as  im- 
movable as  a stone  wall.  The  break,  when  it  came, 
must  be  in  the  ranks  of  Burr.  On  the  thirty-sixth 
ballot,  the  Federalists  of  Maryland,  Delaware  and 
South  Carolina  voted  blank,  and  the  Federalist  of 
Vermont  stayed  away.  This  gave  the  friends  of 
Jefferson  their  opportunity  and,  fortunately  for  the 
country,  Thomas  Jefferson  was  elected  instead  of  the 
miscreant  Burr. 

The  Constitution  Amended. 

As  a result  of  this  noted  contest,  the  Constitution 
was  so  amended  that  each  elector  voted  for  a Presi- 
dent and  a Vice-President,  instead  of  for  two  can- 
didates for  President.  It  was  a needed  improvement, 
since  it  insured  that  both  should  belong  to  the  same 
political  party. 

During  the  first  term  of  Washington,  the  country 
was  divided  into  two  powerful  political  parties.  Men 


FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 


23 


who,  like  Washington,  Hamilton,  Adams  and  others, 
believed  in  a strong  central  government,  with  only 
such  political  power  as  was  absolutely  necessary 
distributed  among  the  various  States, were  Federalists. 
Those  who  insisted  upon  the  greatest  possible  power 
for  the  States,  yielding  nothing  to  Congress  beyond 
what  was  distinctly  specified  in  the  Constitution,  were 
Republicans,  of  whom  Thomas  Jefferson  was  the 
foremost  leader.  Other  points  of  difference  de- 
veloped as  the  years  passed,  but  the  main  distinction 
was  as  given.  After  the  election  of  John  Adams,  the 
Federalist  party  gradually  dwindled,  and  in  the  war 
of  1812  its  unpatriotic  course  fatally  weakened  the 
organization. 

The  Country  Divided  in  Parties. 

The  Republican  party  took  the  name  of  Demo- 
cratic-Republican, which  is  its  official  title  to-day. 
During  Monroe’s  administration,  when  almost  the 
last  vestige  of  the  Federalists  vanished,  their  op- 
ponents gradually  acquired  the  name  of  Democrats, 
by  which  they  are  now  known.  After  a time,  the 
Federalists  were  succeeded  by  the  Whigs,  who  held 
well  together  until  the  quarrel  over  the  admission  of 
Kansas  and  the  question  of  slavery  split  the  party  into 
fragments.  From  these,  including  Know  Nothings, 
Abolitionists,  Free  Soilers  and  Northern  Democrats, 
was  builded,  in  1856,  the  present  Republican  party, 
whose  foundation  stone  was  opposition  to  the  exten- 
sion of  slavery.  Many  minor  parties  have  sprung 
into  ephemeral  life  from  time  to  time,  but  the  Demo- 
crats and  Republicans  will  undoubtedly  be  the  two 


24 


FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 


great  political  organizations  for  many  years  to  come, 
as  they  have  been  for  so  many  years  past. 

Improvement  of  the  Method  of  Nominating  Presidential  Candidates. 

It  will  be  noted  that  the  old-fashioned  method  of 
nominating  presidential  candidates  was  clumsy  and 
frequently  unfair.  Candidates  sometimes  announced 
themselves  for  offices  within  the  gift  of  the  people, 
but  if  that  practice  had  continued  to  modern  times, 
the  number  of  candidates  thus  appealing  for  the  suf- 
frages of  their  fellow-citizens  mioffit  have  threatened 
to  equal  the  number  of  voters  themselves.  The  more 
common  plan  was  for  the  party  leaders  to  hold  private 
or  informal  caucuses.  The  next  method  was  for  the 
legislative  caucus  to  name  the  man.  The  unfairness 
of  this  system  was  that  it  shut  out  from  representa- 
tion those  whose  districts  had  none  of  the  opposite 
political  party  in  the  legislature.  To  adjust  the  mat- 
ter, the  caucus  rule  was  so  modified  as  to  admit  dele- 
gates specially  sent  up  from  the  districts  that  were 
not  represented  in  the  Legislature.  This,  it  will  be 
seen,  was  an  important  step  in  the  direction  ol  the 
present  system,  which  makes  a nominating  convention 
to  consist  of  delegates  from  every  part  of  a State, 
chosen  for  the  sole  purpose  of  making  nominations. 

The  perfected  method  appeared  in  New  Jersey  as 
early  as  1812;  in  Pennsylvania  in  1817,  and  in  New 
York  in  1825.  There  was  no  clearly  defined  plan 
followed  in  making  the  presidential  nominations  for 
1824,  and  four  years  later  the  legislative  caucus  sys- 
tem was  almost  universally  followed.  After  that,  the 


FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 


25 


system  which  had  been  applied  in  various  States  was 
applied  to  national  matters. 

The  First  Presidential  Convention. 

In  the  year  1826,  William  Morgan,  a worthless 
character,  living  in  Batavia,  New  York,  attempted  to 
expose  the  secrets  of  the  order  of  Free  Masons,  of 
which  he  had  become  a member.  While  he  was  en- 
gaged in  printing  his  book,  he  disappeared  and  was 
never  afterward  seen.  The  Masons  were  accused  of 
making  way  with  him,  and  a wave  of  opposition  swept 
over  the  country  which  closed  many  lodges  and 
seemed  for  a time  to  threaten  the  extinction  of  the 
order.  An  anti-Masonic  party  was  formed  and  be- 
came strong  enough  to  carry  the  election  in  several 
States.  Not  only  that,  but  in  September,  1831,  the 
anti-Masons  held  a National  nominating  convention 
in  Baltimore  and  put  forward  William  Wirt,  former 
Attorney-General  of  the  United  States,  as  their 
nominee  for  the  Presidency,  with  Amos  Ellmaker, 
candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  The  ticket  re- 
ceived seven  electoral  votes.  The  noteworthy  fact 
about  this  almost  forgotten  matter  is  that  the  con- 
vention was  the  first  presidential  one  held  in  this 
country. 

Convention  in  Baltimore  in  1832. 

The  system  was  now  fairly  launched,  for  in  Decem- 
ber of  the  same  year  the  National  Republicans  met 
in  convention  in  Baltimore  and  nominated  Henry 
Clay,  and  in  May,  1832,  Martin  Van  Buren  was 
nominated  by  a Democratic  convention.  He  was  re- 


2 6 FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 

nominated  at  the  same  place  and  in  the  same  manner 
in  1835,  but  ^le  Whigs  did  not  imitate  their  oppo- 
nents. In  1840,  however,  the  system  was  adopted 
by  both  parties,  and  has  been  followed  ever  since. 

Our  whole  country  seethes  with  excitement  from 
the  hour  when  the  first  candidate  is  hinted  at  until 
his  nomination  is  made,  followed  by  his  election  or 
defeat  a few  months  later.  Some  persons  see  a 
grave  peril  in  this  periodic  convulsion,  which  shakes 
the  United  States  like  an  earthquake,  but  it  seems 
after  all  to  be  a sort  of  political  thunder-storm  which 
purifies  the  air  and  clarifies  the  ideas  that  otherwise 
would  become  sodden  or  morbid.  It  is  essentially 
American,  and  our  people’s  universal  love  of  fair 
play  leads  them  to  accept  the  verdict  at  the  polls  with 
philosophy  and  good  nature. 

Exciting  Scenes. 

And  yet  there  have  been  many  exciting  scenes  at 
the  nominating  conventions  of  the  past,  as  there 
doubtless  will  be  in  many  that  are  yet  to  come. 
Coming  down  to  later  times,  how  often  has  it  proved 
that  the  most  astute  politicians  were  all  at  sea  in 
their  calculations.  The  proverbial  “dark  horse”  has 
become  a potent  factor  whom  it  is  not  safe  to  forget 
in  making  up  political  probabilities. 

The  Presidential  Campaign  of  1820. 

Probably  the  most  tranquil  presidential  campaign 
of  the  nineteenth  century  was  that  of  1820,  when 
James  Monroe  was  elected  for  the  second  time.  He 


FA  MO  US  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS . 


27 


was  virtually  the  only  candidate  before  the  country 
for  the  exalted  office.  When  the  electoral  college 
met,  the  astounding  fact  was  revealed  that  he  had 
every  vote — the  first  time  such  a thing  had  occurred 
since  Washington’s  election. 

But  there  was  one  elector  who  had  the  courage  to 
do  that  which  was  never  done  before  and  has  never 
been  done  since  : he  voted  contrary  to  his  instructions 
and  in  opposition  to  the  ticket  on  which  he  was 
elected.  Blumer,  of  New  Hampshire,  explained  that, 
as  he  viewed  it,  no  President  had  the  right  to  share 
the  honor  of  a unanimous  election  with  Washington, 
and,  though  an  ardent  friend  of  Monroe,  he  deliber- 
ately cast  his  one  vote  for  Adams,  in  order  to  pre- 
serve Washington’s  honor  distinct.  His  motive  was 
appreciated,  and  Blumer  was  applauded  for  the  act, 
Monroe  himself  being  pleased  with  it. 

Old  Hickory.” 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  repeat  that  this  incident 
has  not  been  duplicated  since  that  day.  Andrew 
Jackson,  “ Old  Hickory,”  was  probably  the  most  pop- 
ular man  in  the  country  when  the  time  came  for 
naming  the  successor  of  Monroe.  It  may  sound 
strange,  but  it  is  a fact  that  when  the  project  of  run- 
ning him  for  the  Presidency  was  first  mentioned  to 
Jackson,  he  was  displeased.  It  had  never  entered 
his  head  to  covet  that  exalted  office. 

“ Don’t  think  of  it,”  he  said ; “ I haven’t  the  first 
qualification  ; I am  a rough,  plain  man,  fitted  perhaps 
to  lead  soldiers  and  fight  the  enemies  of  our  country, 


28 


FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 


but  as  for  the  Presidency,  the  idea  is  too  absurd  to  be 
held.” 

But  what  American  cannot  be  convinced  that  he  is 
pre-eminently  fitted  for  the  office  ? It  did  not  take 
long  for  the  ambition  to  be  kindled  in  the  breast  of 
the  doughty  hero.  His  friends  flattered  him  into  the 
conviction  that  he  was  the  man  of  all  others  to  assume 
the  duties  and  the  “bee”  buzzed  as  loudly  in  Jack- 
son’s bonnet  as  it  ever  has  in  that  of  any  of  his 
successors. 

Andrew  Jackson’s  Popularity. 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  “ Old  Hickory  ” was  a great 
man,  and  though  he  was  deficient  in  education,  lack- 
ing in  statesmanship  and  obstinate  to  the  last  degree, 
he  was  the  possessor  of  those  rugged  virtues  which 
invariably  command  respect.  He  was  honest,  clean 
in  his  private  life,  a staunch  friend,  an  unrelenting 
enemy  and  an  intense  patriot — one  who  was  ready 
to  risk  his  life  at  any  hour  for  his  country.  In  addi- 
tion, he  never  knew  the  meaning  of  personal  fear. 
No  braver  person  ever  lived.  When  the  sheriff  in  a 
court-room  was  afraid  to  attempt  to  arrest  a notorious 
desperado,  Jackson  leaped  over  the  chairs,  seized  the 
ruffian  by  the  throat,  hurled  him  to  the  floor  and 
cowed  him  into  submission.  When  a piece  of 
treachery  was  discovered  on  a Kentucky  race  course, 
Jackson  faced  a mob  of  a thousand  infuriated  men, 
ruled  off  the  dishonest  official  and  carried  his  point. 
He  challenged  the  most  noted  duellist  of  the  south- 
west, because  he  dared  to  cast  a slur  upon  Jackson’s 
wife.  It  mattered  not  that  the  scoundrel  had  never 


ANDREW  JACKSON 


FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 

failed  to  kill  his  man,  and  that  all  of  Jackson’s  friends 
warned  him  that  it  was  certain  death  to  meet  the  dead- 
shot.  At  the  exchange  of  shots,  Jackson  was  fright- 
fully wounded,  but  he  stood  as  rigid  as  iron,  and  sent 
a bullet  through  the  body  of  his  enemy,  whom  he  did 
not  let  know  he  was  himself  wounded  until  the  other 
had  breathed  his  last. 

Above  all,  had  not  “ Old  Hickory  ” won  the  battle  of 
New  Orleans,  the  most  brilliant  victory  of  the  war  of 
1812?  Did  not  he  and  his  unerring  riflemen  from 
the  backwoods  of  Tennessee  and  Kentucky  spread 
consternation,  death  and  defeat  amon^  the  red-coated 
veterans  of  Waterloo?  No  wonder  that  the  anni- 
versary of  that  glorious  battle  is  still  celebrated  in 
every  part  of  the  country,  and  no  wonder,  too,  that 
the  American  people  demanded  that  the  hero  of  all 
these  achievements  should  be  rewarded  with  the 
highest  office  in  the  gift  of  his  countrymen. 


Jackson  Nominated. 

Jackson,  having  “ placed  himself  in  the  hands  of  his 
friends,”  threw  himself  into  the  struggle  with  all  the 
unquenchable  ardor  of  his  nature.  On  July  22,  1822, 
the  Legislature  of  Tennessee  was  first  in  the  field  by 
placing  him  in  nomination.  On  the  22d  of  February, 
1824,  a Federalist  convention  at  Harrisburg,  Pa., 
nominated  him,  and  on  the  4th  of  March  following  a 
Republican  convention  did  the  same.  It  would  seem 
that  he  was  now  fairly  before  the  country,  but  the 
regular  Democratic  nominee,  that  is,  the  one  named 
by  the  congressional  caucus,  was  William  H.  Craw- 


32 


FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 

ford,  of  Georgia.  The  remaining  candidates  were 
John  Quincy  Adams  and  Henry  Clay,  and  all  of  them 
belonged  to  the  Republican  party,  which  had  re- 
tained the  Presidency  since  1800.  Adams  and 
Clay  were  what  was  termed  Loose  constructionists, 
while  Jackson  and  Crawford  were  strict  construc- 
tionists. 

“Old  Hickory”  Defeated. 

The  canvass  was  a somewhat  jumbled  one  in  which 
each  candidate  had  his  ardent  partisans  and  sup- 
porters. The  contest  was  carried  out  with  vigor  and 
the  usual  abuse,  personalities  and  vituperation  until 
the  polls  were  closed.  Then  when  the  returns  came 
to  be  made  up  .it  was  found  that  Jackson  had  received 
99  electoral  votes,  Adams  84,  Crawford  41  and  Clay 
37.  “Old  Hickory”  was  well  ahead,  but  his  strength 
was  not  sufficient  to  make  him  President,  even 
though  on  the  popular  vote  he  led  Adams  by  more 
than  50,000.  Consequently  the  election  went  to  the 
House  of  Representatives,  where  the  supporters  of 
Clay  combined  with  those  of  Adams  and  made  him 
President.  Thus  came  the  singular  result  that 
the  man  who  had  the  largest  popular  and  electoral 
vote  was  defeated. 

It  was  a keen  disappointment  to  Jackson  and  his 
friends.  The  great  Senator  Benton,  of  Missouri,  one 
of  the  warmest  supporters  of  “ Old  Hickory,”  angrily 
declared  that  the  House  was  deliberately  defying  the 
will  of  the  people  by  placing  a minority  candidate  in 
the  chair.  The  Senator’s  position,  however,  was 


FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS ., 


33 


untenable,  and  so  it  was  that  John  Quincy  Adams  be- 
came the  sixth  President  of  our  country. 

Jackson’s  Triumph. 

But  the  triumph  of  “ Old  Hickory”  was  only  post- 
poned. His  defeat  was  looked  upon  by  the  majority 
of  men  as  a deliberate  piece  of  trickery,  and  they 
“lay  low”  for  the  next  opportunity  to  square  mat- 
ters. No  fear  of  a second  chance  being  presented  to 
their  opponents.  Jackson  was  launched  into  the 
canvass  of  1828  like  a cyclone,  and  when  the  returns 
were  made  up  he  had  178  electoral  votes  to  83 
for  Adams — a vote  which  lifted  him  safely  over  the 
edge  of  a plurality  and  seated  him  firmly  in  the 
White  House. 

It  is  not  our  province  to  treat  of  the  administration 
of  Andrew  Jackson,  for  that  belongs  to  history,  but 
the  hold  which  that  remarkable  man  maintained  upon 
the  affections  of  the  people  was  emphasized  when,  in 
1832,  he  was  re-elected  by  an  electoral  vote  of  219 
to  49  for  Clay,  1 1 for  Floyd,  and  7 for  Wirt.  De- 
spite the  popular  prejudice  against  a third  term,  there 
is  little  doubt  that  Jackson  would  have  been  success- 
ful had  he  chosen  again  to  be  a candidate.  He 
proved  his  strength  by  selecting  his  successor,  Martin 
Van  Buren. 

The  “Log-cabin  and  Hard-cider”  Campaign  of  1840. 

The  next  notable  presidential  battle  was  the  “ log- 
cabin  and  hard-cider”  campaign  of  1840,  the  like  of 
which  was  never  before  seen  in  this  country.  Gen- 


34 


famous  presidential  campaigns. 


eral  William  Henry  Harrison  had  been  defeated 
by  Van  Buren  in  1836,  but  on  the  4th  of  December, 
1839,  the  national  Whig  Convention,  which  met 
at  Harrisburg  to  decide  the  claims  of  rival  candi- 
dates, placed  Harrison  in  nomination,  while  the 
Democrats  again  nominated  Van  Buren. 

General  Harrison  lived  at  North  Bend,  Ohio, 
in  a house  which  consisted  of  a log-cabin,  built 
many  years  before  by  a pioneer,  and  was  afterwards 
covered  with  clapboards.  The  visitors  to  the  house 
praised  the  republican  simplicity  of  the  old  soldier, 
the  hero  of  Tippecanoe,  and  the  principal  campaign 
biography  said  that  his  table,  instead  of  being  sup- 
plied with  costly  wines,  was  furnished  with  an 
abundance  of  the  best  cider. 

“ Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  Too.” 

The  canvass  had  hardly  opened,  when  the  Baltimore 
Republican  slurred  General  Harrison  by  remarking 
that,  if  some  one  would  pension  him  with  a few 
hundred  dollars  and  give  him  a barrel  of  hard  cider, 
he  would  sit  down  in  his  log-cabin  and  be  content  for 
the  rest  of  his  life.  That  sneer  furnished  the  key- 
note of  the  campaign.  Hard  cider  became  almost 
the  sole  beverage  of  the  Whigs  throughout  the 
country.  In  every  city,  town  and  village,  and  at  the 
cross-roads,  were  erected  log-cabins,  while  the 
amount  of  hard  cider  drank  would  have  floated  the 
American  Navy.  The  nights  were  rent  with  the 
shouts  of  “Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too,”  and  scores 
of  campaign  songs  were  sung  by  tens  of  thousands 


FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 


35 

of  exultant,  even  if  not  always  musical  voices.  We 
recall  that  one  of  the  most  popular  songs  began  : 

“ Oh  where,  tell  me  where,  was  the  log-cabin  made  ? 

’Twas  made  by  the  boys  that  wield  the  plough  and  the  spade.” 

There  was  no  end  to  the  songs,  which  were  set  to 
the  most  popular  airs  and  sung  over  and  over  again. 
You  would  hear  them  in  the  middle  of  the  night  on 
some  distant  mountain-top,  where  the  twinkling 
camp-fire  showed  that  a party  of  Whigs  were  drink- 
ing hard  cider  and  whooping  it  up  for  Harrison  ; 
some  singer  with  a strong,  pleasing  voice  would  start 
one  of  the  songs  from  the  platform,  at  the  close 
of  the  orator’s  appeal,  and  hardly  had  his  lips  parted, 
when  the  thousands  of  Whigs,  old  and  young,  and 
including  wives  and  daughters,  would  join  in  the 
words,  while  the  enthusiasm  quickly  grew  to  a white 
heat.  The  horsemen  riding  home  late  at  night 
awoke  the  echoed  among  the  woods  and  hills  with 
their  musical  praises  of  “ Old  Tippecanoe.”,  The 
story  is  told  that  in  one  of  the  backwoods  dis- 
tricts of  Ohio,  after  the  preacher  had  announced  the 
hymn,  the  leader  of  the  singing,  a staid  old  deacon, 
struck  in  with  a Harrison  campaign  song,  in  which 
the  whole  congregation,  after  the  first  moment’s 
shock,  heartily  joined,  while  the  aghast  preacher  had 
all  he  could  do  to  restrain  himself  from  “ coming  in 
on  the  chorus.”  There  was  some  truth  in  the  decla- 
ration of  a disgusted  Democrat  that,  from  the  opening 
of  the  canvass,  the  whole  Whig  population  of  the 
United  States  went  upon  a colossal  spree  on  hard 


FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 


36 

cider,  which  continued  without  intermission  until 
Harrison  was  installed  in  the  White  House. 

And  what  did  November  tell  ? The  electoral  vote 
cast  for  Martin  Van  Buren,  60;  for  General  Harri- 
son, 234.  No  wonder  that  the  supply  of  hard  cider 
was  almost  exhausted  within  the  next  three  days. 

Peculiar  Feature  of  the  Harrison  Campaign. 

As  we  have  noted,  the  method  of  nominating 
presidential  candidates  by  means  of  popular  conven- 
tions was  fully  established  in  1840,  and  has  continued 
uninterruptedly  ever  since.  One  peculiar  feature 
marked  the  Harrison  campaign  of  1840.  The  con- 
vention which  nominated  Martin  Van  Buren  met  in 
Baltimore  in  May  of  that  year.  On  the  same  day, 
the  young  Whigs  of  the  country  held  a mass  meeting 
in  Baltimore,  at  which  fully  twenty  thousand  persons 
were  present.  They  came  from  every  part  of  the 
Union,  Massachusetts  sending  fully  a thousand. 
When  the  adjournment  took  place,  it  was  to  meet 
again  in  Washington  at  the  inauguration  of  Harri- 
son. The  railway  was  then  coming  into  general  use, 
and  this  greatly  favored  the  meeting  of  mass  con- 
ventions. % 

“ Rough  and  Ready.” 

The  Democrats  swung  back  to  power  in  1844, 
when  James  K.  Polk  defeated  Henry  Clay,  nominated 
for  the  third  time.  During  his  administration  occurred 
the  war  with  Mexico,  of  which  General  Zachary  Taylor 
was  the  popular  hero.  His  bluff  manner  won  for  him 
the  title  of  “ Rough  and  Ready.”  He  was  a patriot, 


FA  MO  US  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 


37 


well  informed  and  well  educated,  though  he  took  so 
little  interest  in  politics  that  he  had  not  cast  a vote 
for  forty  years.  He  had  no  special  yearning  for  an 
election  to  the  Presidency,  but  what  man  can  refuse 
the  honor  when  it  comes  to  him  ? He  chose  an  able 
Cabinet,  and  would  have  made  an  excellent  record 
but  for  his  untimely  death  during  the  second  year  of 
his  term.  His  nomination  and  election  were  attended 
by  no  very  noteworthy  features. 

Democratic  Convention  in  Baltimore,  1852. 

When  the  time  came  for  other  presidential  nomi- 
nations, the  Democratic  convention  met  in  Baltimore, 
June  12,  1852.  The  most  prominent  candidates  were 
James  Buchanan,  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  Lewis  Cass, 
and  William  L.  Marcy.  Ballot  after  ballot  was  taken 
without  any  one  of  these  men  developing  sufficient 
strength  to  bring  success.  On  the  thirty-sixth  ballot, 
the  Virginia  delegation  presented  the  name  of  Frank- 
lin Pierce  of  New  Hampshire.  Many  members  of 
the  convention  had  never  heard  of  him,  and  the  public 
at  large  were  no  better  informed,  but  on  the  forty- 
ninth  ballot  he  received  282  votes  to  11  for  all  the 
the  others. 

“ Old  Fuss  and  Feathers.” 

Pierce’s  opponent  was  General  Winfield  Scott,  the 
commander-in-chief  of  the  Mexican  war,  and  under 
whom  Pierce  served.  Scott  was  not  popular  either 
in  the  North  or  South.  He  was.a  martinet,  over- 
bearing in  his  manner  and  with  no  power  to  make 
friends.  It  seemed  presumptuous  to  him  for  any  one 


•38  FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 

to  think  of  opposing  his  nomination  or  election  to 
the  Presidency.  During  the  campaign,  the  war  with 
Mexico  was  fought  over  again,  times  without  number, 
and  every  incident  of  the  old  soldier’s  life  was  lauded 
to  the  skies,  until  it  seemed  that  no  greater  hero  or 
military  genius  had  ever  lived. 

But  November  told  an  astounding  story.  The  only 
States  carried  by  Scott  were  Massachusetts,  Vermont, 
Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  with  their  42  electoral 
votes;  while  all  the  rest,  comprehending  254  votes, 
went  to  Pierce.  If  “Old  Fuss  and  Feathers”  ever 
met  his  Waterloo,  it  was  when  he  confronted  one  of 
his  brigadier-generals  at  the  polls. 

A Tragic  Period. 

The  presidential  campaigns,  which  hitherto  had  been 
fought  out  philosophically  and  with  abundance  of 
humor  and  absurd  incident,  now  approach  the  tragic 
period.  The  baleful  shadow  of  slavery,  which  had 
hovered  over  the  political  sky,  broadened  and  deep- 
ened until  the  light  of  the  sun,  moon  and  stars  was 
blotted  out.  That  cloud,  at  first  no  bigger  than  a 
man’s  hand,  now  darkened  the  heavens  with  its  awful 
pall,  through  which  flashed  the  red  lightning  tongues 
of  civil  war.  Fremont,  the  first  Republican  candi- 
date, had  shown  so  much  strength  in  1856,  that  the 
South  was  startled.  Her  people  had  held  the  reins 
of  government  for  many  years,  but  they  now  saw  that 
a sentiment  was  growing  so  fast  against  the  aggres- 
siveness of  slavery  that  it  was  likely  at  any  time  to 
turn  the  scales  against  them,  The  Southern  leaders 


ABRAHAM  I.INCOIvN. 


FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 


41 


loved  slavery  more  than  the  Union  ; they  believed 
the  North  was  making  unconstitutional  invasions  of 
their  rights  ; they  were  sure  that  if  they  stayed  in 
the  Union,  their  pet  institution  would  be  destroyed; 
therefore  they  prepared  to  withdraw  upon  the  first 
election  of  a candidate  on  the  platform  of  opposition 
to  the  extension  of  slavery. 

That  candidate  was  Abraham  Lincoln  of  Illinois. 
Jefferson  Davis  saw  that  the  only  possible  method  of 
defeating  him  was  by  a fusing  of  all  th-e  elements  of 
the  opposition,  and  he  urged  such  fusion.  But,  as 
was  said  of  slavery,  it  split  everything  with  which  it 
had  to  do.  It  split  most  of  the  churches,  and  now, 
before  splitting  the  country,  split  the  Democratic  party 
into  three  factions  or  wings. 

The  Democratic  Party  Divided. 

The  Democratic  convention  assembled  in  Charles- 
ton in  April,  i860.  They  had  hardly  come  together 
when  they  began  quarreling  over  the  slavery  ques- 
tion. Among  the  members  were  some  so  violent  that 
they  favored  the  reopening  of  the  slave  trade.  The 
North  had  refused  to  obey  the  Dred  Scott  decision 
of  1857,  and,  instead  of  surrendering  fugitive  slaves, 
helped  to  conceal  or  help  them  on  their  way  to 
Canada.  Until  the  Northerners  would  retrace  their 
steps  and  allow  the  slave-owner  to  take  his  “ prop- 
erty”  wherever  he  chose  within  the  United  States, 
without  losing  ownership,  these  extremists  insisted 
upon  seceding  from  the  Union. 

3 


42 


FA  MO  US  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS . 


Stephen  A.  Douglas. 

But  there  were  others  in  the  convention  that  were 
less  radical,  that  still  loved  the  Union  and  were  willing 
to  make  concessions  and  accept  compromises.  The 
inevitable  consequence  was  another  split.  Stephen 
A.  Douglas  was  the  choice  of  these  men.  He  was 
the  champion  of  popular  or  squatter  sovereignty — 
which  means  that  he  favored  leaving  the  question  of 
slavery  to  be  settled  by  the  residents  of  each  Terri- 
tory for  themselves.  This  did  not  suit  the  extremists, 
who,  determined  to  prevent  the  nomination  of  Douglas, 
withdrew  from  the  convention.  Those  who  remained, 
after  balloting  for  a while  without  result,  adjourned 
on  the  3d  of  May  to  Baltimore,  where,  on  the  1 8th 
of  June,  they  placed  Douglas  in  nomination,  with 
Herschel  V.  Johnson,  of  Georgia,  as  the  candidate  for 
Vice-President. 

The  platform  of  this  party  was  the  declaration  that 
the  people  of  each  Territory  should  control  slavery 
in  that  Territory,  but  they  were  willing  to  abide  by 
the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court. 


John  C.  Breckinridge. 

The  seceding  delegates  adjourned  to  Richmond 
and  thence  to  Baltimore,  where,  on  the  28th  of  June, 
they  nominated  John  C.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky, 
and  Joseph  Lane,  of  Oregon.  Their  platform  de- 
clared it  the  right  and  duty  of  Congress  to  protect 
slavery  in  the  Territories  whenever  the  owner  chose 
to  take  his  slaves  thither. 


FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 


43 


The  Constitutional  Unionists. 

The  American  party,  or,  as  they  were  called,  the 
Constitutional  Unionists,  had  already  met  in  Baltimore, 
where  they  nominated  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  and 
Edward  Everett,  of  Massachusetts.  They  favored 
the  “Constitution,  the  Union  and  the  enforcement  of 
the  laws.”  This  was  vague  and  hazy,  and  the  party 
might  well  be  termed  the  milk  and  water  one,  for  it 
sought  to  do  that  which  was  now  impossible — drop 
the  question  of  slavery  from  politics.  It  may  be  said 
that  the  accursed  thing  had  become  the  sole  question 
before  the  country,  and  rivers  of  blood  would  be  re- 
quired to  extinguish  the  flames  that  were  already 
kindling-. 

Who  that  took  part  in  those  lurid  days  can  ever  forget 
them  ? The  country  heaved  and  swayed  as  if  with 
an  earthquake.  The  most  passionate  appeals  were 
made  to  voters,  but  it  may  be  said  that  not  one  person 
in  a thousand  really  believed  that  a terrible  civil  war 
was  at  hand.  It  was  thought  that  the  flurry  would 
soon  blow  over,  and  even  Jefferson  Davis,  after  the 
Southern  Confederacy  was  organized,  declared  that 
he  would  be  able  to  hold  all  the  blood  that  would  be 
spilled  in  the  hollow  of  his  hand. 

Woful  Misunderstandings. 

The  two  sections  w-ofully  misunderstood  each  other. 
The  North  boasted  that  if  the  South  dared  raise  its 
arm*  against  the  Union,  the  Seventh  Regiment,  of 
New  York,  or,  indeed,  any  similar  organization,  would 
march  from  the  Potomac  to  the  Rio  Grande  and  sub- 


44 


FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 


due  the  rebels.  Secretary  Seward  thought  the  trouble 
would  be  over  in  ninety  days,  and  commerce,  manu- 
factures and  trade  kept  right  on,  until  the  thunder  of 
Sumter’s  cannon  echoed  through  the  land  and  the 
people  awoke. 

The  hideous  blunder  of  the  South  was  their  belief 
that  they  had  so  many  friends  in  the  North  that  they 
would  not  permit  the  national  government  to  make 
war  upon  the  secessionists  in  the  effort  to  bring  them 
back  into  the  Union.  If  war  should  be  waged  never- 
theless, they  were  sure  that  thousands  of  Northerners 
would  hasten  to  enlist  on  their  side.  It  was  a woful 
blunder  we  repeat,  for  while  the  North  was  ready  to 
go  to  the  utmost  length  that  honor  would  permit,  its 
love  for  the  Union  transcended  everything  else,  and, 
as  her  sons  proved,  they  were  ready  to  fight  to  the 
death  to  maintain  it. 

The  Result  of  the  Election  of  i860. 

Since  the  election  of  i860  was  unprecedented*  it  is 
well  to  recall  the  figures.  On  the  popular  vote 
Abraham  Lincoln  received  1,866,352  votes;  Stephen 
A.  Douglas,  1,375,157  ; John  C.  Breckinridge,  845,763 ; 
and  John  Bell,  589,581.  The  electoral  votes  in  the 
same  order  were  180,  12,  72  and  39. 

All  know  what  followed.  There  were  four  years 
of  fearful  civil  war,  and  then  the  Union  was  restored, 
purified  of  slavery,  and  stronger,  firmer  and  more 
enduring  than  ever  before.  In  the  furnace-blast. she 
had  gone  through  the  pangs  of  transformation,  and 


FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 


45 

who  can  doubt  that  the  Union  is  destined  to  last  as 
long  as  the  starry  firmament  itself? 

Ulysses  S.  Grant  and  Horatio  Seymour. 

The  American  nation  dearly  loves  a military  idol, 
and  General  Grant  was  the  idol  of  the  North.  He 
was  the  great  military  genius  developed  by  the  civil 
war,  and  he  had  accomplished  that  which  others  had 
tried  in  vain  to  do : he  had  conquered  General  Lee, 
and  compelled  the  surrender  of  the  armed  hosts  of 
the  Rebellion.  Sp  nothing  was  more  natural  than  that 
he  should  be  put  forward  as  the  candidate  for  the 
Presidency  when  the  term  of  Andrew  Johnson  drew 
to  a close. 

It  is  not  to  be  imagined  that,  so  sagacious  a politician 
as  Horatio  Seymour  believed  there  was  an  earthly 
possibility  of  his  success  when  he  entered  the  race 
against  General  Grant.  If  he  held  such  a hope,  it 
was  most  startlingly  dissipated  in  1868,  when  he 
carried  but  eight  States,  while  twenty-six  voted  for 
Grant. 

Unique  Campaign  of  1872. 

The  presidential  campaign  of  1872  was  unique  in 
its  way.  There  is  something  grotesque  in  the  thought 
of  Horace  Greeley  becoming  the  Democratic  candidate 
in  opposition  to  Grant,  the  Republican  nominee.  No 
one  had  delivered  more  telling  blows  against  the 
Democracy  than  the  vigorous  and  talented  editor  of 
the  Tribune.  He  had  fought  them  mercilessly  for 
more  than  a generation  and  none  was  his  equal. 
Naturally  an  element  of  dissatisfaction  grew  up  under 


FA  MO  US  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 


4 6 

Grant  as  his  term  went  on,  and  the  malcontents 
coalesced  under  the  name  of  Liberal  Republicans, 
made  Greeley  their  candidate,  and  he  was  afterwards 
“ endorsed  ” by  the  regulars.  The  dose  was  too 
bitter  for  thousands  to  swallow,  and  on  election  day 
they  “ went  a-fishing,”  with  the  result  that  Grant 
carried  31  States,  while  only  6 supported  Greeley. 
The  pathetic  element  was  not  lacking,  for  the  gifted 
and  honest  man  succumbed  to  the  humiliation  and 
was  in  his  grave  when  the  electoral  vote  was  counted. 

The  Most  Critical  Period  in  the  History  of  Our  Country. 

Perhaps  few  will  believe  what  is  unquestionably  the 
fact,  that  the  most  critical  period  in  the  history  of  our 
country  was  not  in  the  Revolution,  nor  yet  in  the 
civil  war,  but  in  the  autumn  of  1876,  or  more 
properly,  the  opening  weeks  of  1877.  The  peril  was 
an  appalling  one,  and  the  most  thoughtful  patriots 
trembled  for  the  safety  of  their  beloved  land. 

There  was  nothing  specially  noteworthy  in  the 
political  campaign  of  1876.  The  Democratic  candi- 
date was  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  of  New  York,  one  of  the 
ablest  men  in  the  Democratic  party,  and  against 
whose  character  nothing  could  be  said.  His  opponent 
was  General  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  of  Ohio,  who  had 
made  a creditable  record  in  the  war.  Both  had 
served  their  States  as  governors,  and  both  were  men 
of  unquestioned  ability.  The  campaign  was  not  ex- 
traordinarily exciting  and  was  marked  by  no  more 
than  the  usual  violence  of  expression.  When  the 
vote  came  to  be  counted,  however,  it  was  found  that, 


FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 


47 

outside  of  several  disputed  States,  each  candidate 
had  received  about  the  same  number  of  electoral 
votes. 

Charge  of  Fraud. 

Naturally  each  party  charged  the  other  with  fraud. 
In  Louisiana  the  returning  board  gave  the  Republican 
ticket  a majority  of  several  thousand  by  throwing  out 
the  returns  from  several  parishes,  on  the  ground  of 
intimidation  of.  voters.  The  Democrats  insisted  that 
these  returns  should  be  counted,  and  had  that  been 
done,  Tilden  would  have  carried  the  State. 

In  South  Carolina  there  were  two  bodies  claiming 
to  be  the  legal  Legislature.  One  gave  a plurality  to 
the  Republican  and  the  other  to  the  Democratic  ticket. 
The  same  state  of  affairs  prevailed  in  Florida,  where 
each  claimed  a slight  majority.  Another  complica- 
tion resulted  in  Oregon,  where  one  of  the  Republican 
electors  was  declared  ineligible,  because  he  held  the 
office  of  postmaster  when  appointed  elector.  The 
critical  delicacy  of  the  situation  will  be  understood 
when  it  is  remembered  that  if  the  Republicans  secured 
every  point  claimed  they  would  have  only  185  electoral 
votes  to  184  of  the  Democrats. 

The  counter-charges  of  fraud  were  repeated  with 
increasing  bitterness,  and  many  partisans  began  talk- 
ing loudly  of  seating  their  candidate  by  force  of 
arms.  Had  a collision  taken  place,  it  would  have 
been  not  a war  of  the  North  against  the  South,  but 
of  neighbor  against  neighbor,  and  heaven  only  knows 
what  the  end  would  have  been. 


48 


FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 


More  Trouble. 

As  if  no  element  of  trouble  was  to  be  lacking,  the 
Senate  was  Republican  and  the  House  Democratic. 
The  law  requires  that  the  electoral  vote  shall  be 
counted  at  a joint  session  of  the  two  Houses,  and  since 
double  sets  of  returns  were  sure  to  come  from  four 
States,  the  dispute  would  never  end. 

The  situation  was  unparalleled.  The  peril  was  of 
the  gravest  nature.  Some  plan  must  be  devised  or 
civil  war  and  anarchy  were  certain.  Thoughtful  men 
were  alarmed  and  began  to  discuss  a way  out  of  the 
danger.  Finally  Congress  passed  the  bill  creating  an 
electoral  commission,  to  whom  all  questions  in  dispute 
were  to  be  referred,  and  to  whose  decision  each  party 
would  submit. 

A Way  Out  of  the  Danger. 

This  tribunal  consisted  of  five  Senators,  appointed 
by  the  Vice-President  (three  Republicans  and  two 
Democrats),  five  Representatives,  appointed  by'  the 
Speaker  (three  Democrats  and  two  Republicans),  and 
five  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  (three  Republicans 
and  two  Democrats).  The  expectation  was  that 
Judge  David  Davis  would  act  as  one  of  the  members 
of  the  Commission.  He  was  appointed  such  member, 
and  the  body  could  not  have  been  divided  more 
evenlv,  for  it  had  seven  Democrats,  seven  Republicans 
and  one  Independent  in  the  person  of  Judge  Davis. 
He  was  elected  United  States  Senator,  however,  and 
judge  Bradley,  of  New  Jersey,  took  his  place  on  the 
Commission.  Thus  constituted,  eight  Republicans 
to  seven.  Democrats,  every  disputed  question  was  de- 


Composed  of  three  Republican  and  two  Democratic  Senators,  three  Democratic  and  two  Republican  Representatives,  two  Republican  and 
two  Democratic  Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court,  with  Justice  Bradley  chosen  by  the  commission  as  a fifth. 


FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 


51 


cided  by  that  vote  in  favor  of  the  Republicans,  and 
consequently  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  became  the  nine- 
teenth President  of  the  United  States. 

The  Republican  National  Convention  of  1880,  ih  Chicago. 

Probably  no  “unwritten  law”  has  so  tenacious  a 
hold  upon  the  American  people  as  the  one  which 
forbids  a President  to  hold  his  office  more  than  two 
terms.  Undoubtedly  it  is  the  same  feeling  which 
caused  Blumer,  of  New  Hampshire,  to  vote  for  John 
Quincy  Adams,  in  order  to  prevent  the  unanimous 
election  of  Monroe.  The  only  determined  effort  to 
break  this  tradition  was  made  in  June,  1880,  at  the 
Republican  national  convention  in  Chicago,  when  the 
imperial  Roscoe  Conkling  led  the  movement  to  re- 
nominate Grant.  He  nominated  him  in  a powerful 
speech,  and  for  thirty-six  ballots  Grant  received  a 
support  varying  from  302  to  3 1 3,  but  it  was  impossible 
to  rally  enough  strength  to  bring  the  nomination  to 
the  foremost  Union  leader.  On  the  thirty-sixth 
ballot  a rush  to  Garfield  gave  him  a majority,  and  his 
nomination  was  made  unanimous. 

The  Most  Peculiar  Political  Campaign  of  Later  Years. 

The  political  campaign  which  followed  (1884)  was 
the  most  peculiar  of  those  of  later  years.  The  bril- 
liant, able  and  magnetic  James  G.  Blaine  of  Maine 
was  nominated  on  the  fourth  ballot,  in  June,  1884,  for 
the  Presidency,  his  opponent  being  Grover  Cleve- 
land, whose  prodigious  majority  when  elected  Gov- 


U.  OF  JkL  kia 


$2 


FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 


ernor  of  New  York,  attracted  national  attention  and 
led  to  his  nomination  for  the  Presidency. 

It  was  said  of  Von  Moltke,  the  great  Prussian  gen- 
eral, that  he  knew  how  to  be  silent,  and  consequently 
wise,  in  eight  languages.  Henry  Clay  would  have 
been  President  had  he  refrained  from  writing  a cer- 
tain letter.  The  same  is  probably  tru'e  of  General 
Hancock  but  for  his  off-hand  declaration  that  the 
“tariff  is  a local  issue,”  and  it  is  conceded  that  Blaine 
would  have  been  successful  in  1884,  but  for  an  in- 
judicious expression  made,  not  by  himself,  but  by  one 
of  his  friends. 


“ Rum,  Romanism  and  Rebellion.” 

At  the  height  of  the  political  campaign  a “min- 
isters’ meeting  ” was  called  by  the  Republican 
party  managers  in  New  York  city,  at  which  the 
Rev.  Samuel  D.  Burchard  made  a speech.  Aiming 
to  give  a neat  alliterative  turn  to  a sentence,  he 
referred  to  the  Democratic  party  as  that  of  “Rum, 
Romanism  and  Rebellion.”  At  the  moment  he 
uttered  the  words  Mr.  Blaine’s  attention  was  drawn 
away  and  he  did  not  notice  the  expression,  or,  as  he 
afterward  stated,  he  would  have  reproved  it.  But  it 
was  caught  up  by  the  ‘‘Plumed  Knight’s”  opponents 
and  the  press  made  the  utmost  use  of  it.  The  injury 
done  by  the  unhappy  expression  could  not  be  re- 
called. It  alienated  just  enough  Roman  Catholic 
votes  to  swing  the  State  of  New  York  over  to  Cleve- 
land. There  were  1 ,100,000  votes  cast.  Had  524*  of 
those  who  voted  for  Cleveland  voted  for  Blaine,  he 


FAMOUS  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGNS. 


53 

would  have  been  chosen  President,  whereas  the 
electoral  vote  by  which  he  was  defeated  was  219  to 
182,  because  by  a plurality  of  1,047  the  vote  of  the 
Empire  State  was  added  to  the  Democratic  column. 

But  the  background  of  all  this  comedy  has  been 
tragedy,  for  where  one  is  successful,  others  must 
drink  of  the  bitterness  of  defeat.  At  the  last  moment, 
the  “dark  horse”  has  bounded  ahead  of  all  competi- 
tors and  carried  off  the  prize,  and  not  always  has 
human  nature  been  equal  to  the  task  of  accepting 
disappointment  with  philosophy  and  good  grace. 

Henry  Clay  was  filled  with  wrath,  for  there  was 
justice  in  his  claim  that  when  the  success  of  his  party 
was  certain,  some  one  else  was  nominated,  while  when 
failure  was  almost  inevitable,  he  was  chosen  as  the 
victim.  Webster  yearned  with  pathetic  longing  for 
the  Presidency  and  died  disappointed.  He  scornfully 
refused  the  nomination  for  the  Vice-Presidency  under 
Harrison,  and  again  under  Taylor,  when,  had  he  ac- 
cepted either,  he  would  have  become  President,  since 
Harrison  and  Taylor  died  in  office.  Seward  grace- 
fully bowed  to  defeat  by  Lincoln,  whom  he  profoundly 
admired  and  became  the  mainstay  of  his  administra- 
tion. Blaine  was  equally  chivalrous  until  the  crown- 
ing disaster  of  1892,  when,  walking  in  the  shadow  of 
death,  his  proud  spirit  rebelled.  John  Sherman,  con- 
vinced that  he  had  been  betrayed  in  the  house  of 
his  friends,  does  not  hesitate  to  declare  the  fact,  in 
scorching  sentences,  years  after  his  overthrow.  After 
all,  presidential  candidates  are  like  the  majority  of 
mankind. 


Questions  for  the  Next  Administration 
to  Consider. 

There  is  no  fear  that  any  administration  of  this 
country  will  ever  lack  for  important  questions  to  en- 
gage its  attention.  Time  will  never  hang  heavy  on 
its  hands,  and  a country  with  such  vast  and  varying 
interests  will  always  appeal  to  the  ablest  and  most 
thoughtful  statesmen,  who  will  be  confronted  by 
problems  that  will  require  all  their  ability  to  solve. 

The  Hawaiian  Tangle. 

We  have  referred  in  another  place  to  the  most  im- 
portant international  questions  that  are  sure  to  come 
up  for  consideration.  The  Hawaiian  tangle  of  a few 
years  ago  is  quiescent  at  present,  but,  sooner  or  later, 
it  will  be  before  the  American  people  for  final  dis- 
posal. The  ultimate  result,  as  has  been  stated,  will 
undoubtedly  be  the  annexation  of  the  valuable  and 
interesting  islands  to  the  great  Republic.  President 
Cleveland  is  opposed  to  such  a course,  and  his  policy 
has  been  directed  against  its  consummation,  but  his 
successor  may  hold  different  views,  and,  if  so,  he  is 
sure  to  give  them  expression  and  effect. 

The  Venezuela  Dispute. 

The  Venezuela  dispute  will  be  settled  with  Eng- 

(54) 


THE  NEXT  ADMINISTRATION.  55 

land  widiout  war  between  that  country  and  our  own. 
The  “ sober  second  thought,”  to  which  reference  has 
been  made,  has  already  made  itself  felt  on  both  sides 
of  the  Atlantic,  and  it  is  impossible  to  believe  that 
any  contingency  can  ever  arise  which  will  cause  the 
millions  of  the  two  greatest  English-speaking  peoples 
to  fly  at  each  others  throats,  and  to  turn  back  the 
hands  on  the  dial  of  human  progress  lor  a thousand 
years. 

The  “ Queen  of  the  Antilles.” 

As  for  Cuba,  the  future  is  less  clearly  outlined. 
Spain  may  be  weak,  but  she  is  proud  and  a stickler 
for  so-called  honor.  She  has  already  made  immense 
sacrifices  in  life  and  treasure  to  prevent  the  loosening 
of  her  grip  upon  the  “ Queen  of  the  Antilles,”  and 
she  will  never  yield  until  iron  necessity  compels  her 
to  do  so.  She  would  not  hesitate  to  go  to  war  with 
the  United  States  if  sufficient  provocation  were  given, 
and  when  her  presumption  carries  her  that  far,  there 
can  be  but  one  result.  She  will  receive  the  most 
complete  and  overwhelming  trouncing  that  one  nation 
ever  inflicted  upon  another,  and  Cuba  will  become 
independent,  to  be  followed  at  no  distant  day  by  her 
absorption  into  the  great  American  Union. 

The  Armenian  Massacres. 

There  is  one  phase  of  our  foreign  relations  which 
is  not  clear  to  many  citizens.  No  one  with  a feeling 
of  human  sympathy  in  his  heart  has  failed  to  be 
touched  by  the  horrible  massacres  in  Armenia  dur- 
ing the  past  months,  and  had  the  United  States  de- 


THE  NEXT  ADMINISTRATION. 


56 

cided  to  intervene  forcibly  and  stop  the  wholesale 
murders  by  the  “unspeakable  Turk,”  the  action 
would  have  been  applauded  to  the  echo;  but  our 
government  has  no  more  right  to  take  such  action, 
inspired  though  it  might  be  by  the  highest  motives 
that  can  actuate  a nation,  than  it  would  have  to  un- 
seat a member  elected  to  the  English  Parliament, 
because  of  some  irregularity  in  the  vote.  To  inter- 
fere in  foreign  quarrels  would  be  the  suicide  of  our 
country.  We  would  inevitably  become  involved  in 
wars  with  the  leading  nations  of  Europe.  The  ca- 
tastrophe which  we  attempted  to  avert  would  be  sur- 
passed a thousand  fold  in  horror  by  that  which  would 
be  precipitated. 

Washington  was  not  only  a great  soldier,  but  a 
wise  and  far-seeing  statesman.  To  his  sagacity  was 
due  the  resolution  of  our  country  to  hold  itself  im- 
movably aloof  from  all  entangling  foreign  alliances. 
Hardly  was  the  Revolution  finished,  when  the  most 
appalling  revolution  in  human  history  broke  out  in 
France  and  drenched  that  fair  land  with  blood.  She 
had  given  us  great  help  in  the  achievement  of  our 
independence,  and  naturally  we  were  deeply  grateful 
and  sympathetic  with  her  in  her  struggle  against 
tyranny.  When  the  democracy  of  France  appealed 
to  us  for  help,  the  clamor  was  loud  that  we  should 
give  that  help.  Genet,  the  French  minister  sent  to 
this  country,  began  enlisting  men  and  sending  out 
privateers  before  going  through  the  formality  of  pre- 
senting his  credentials  to  the  President.  He  was 
cheered  and  encouraged  by  many  officers  and  leaders 


THE  NEXT  ADMINISTRATION. 


57 


of  our  own  Revolution.  No  action  by  our  govern- 
ment would  have  been  more  popular  than  its  assist- 
ance of  the  vast  mob  of  madmen  that  were  desolat- 
ing France. 

But  Washington  was  not  deceived  for  a moment. 
He  compelled  the  recall  of  the  blatant  Genet  and 
would  not  permit  so  much  as  the  raising  of  a finger 
in  behalf  of  the  revolutionists  in  France.  He  was 
wise,  and  ere  long  the  most  impulsive  of  partisans 
saw  and  appreciated  his  wisdom. 

Our  Quarrel  with  Chili. 

It  is  the  duty  of  every  government  to  protect  the 
rights  of  its  citizen  or  people  wherever  such  rights 
are  invaded.  In  1835,  during  the  administration  of 
Andrew  Jackson,  the  natives  of  an  island  in  the  South 
Sea  massacred  the  crew  of  an  American  trading 
vessel.  A war  ship  was  sent  thither,  and  satisfaction 
being  refused,  the  vessel  proceeded  to  bombard  the 
town,  and  when  the  bombardment  ceased,  there  was 
no  town  there,  the  murderers  of  the  Americans  being 
among  those  that  were  slain. 

Coming  to  a later  date,  all  remember  our  quarrel 
with  Chili,  because  of  the  attack  upon  a party  of 
American  sailors  in  the  harbor  of  Valparaiso.  Satis- 
faction was  demanded,  and  when  Chili  dallied,  prep- 
arations were  made  for  forcing  her  to  the  wall,  and 
beyond  all  doubt,  she  would  have  been  compelled  to 
pay  dear  for  the  outrage  Thereupon  she  apologized, 
paid  an  indemnity  and  the  account  was  closed. 

This  illustrates  the  nature  of  the  protection  which 


58  THE  next  administration. 

all  civilized  governments  are  bound  to  extend  to  their 
people.  One  of  the  most  creditable  facts  regarding 
Great  Britain  is  that  she  is  always  resolute  in  this  re- 
spect. An  outrage  upon  an  Englishman  in  any  part 
of  the  world  is  sure  of  redress  by  his  government. 
England  will  go  to  war  at  any  time  to  right  the 
wrongs  of  one  of  its  humblest  citizens.  ' 

The  Necessity  of  The  “Sick  Man.” 

During  the  atrocious  massacres  in  Armenia  we 
were  represented  by  a vigilant  and  faithful  minister, 
who  devoted  every  energy  to  the  protection  of  Amer- 
icans. That  he  did  not  always  succeed  was  no  fault 
of  his,  for  other  nationalities  nearer  the  scene  suffered. 
It  would  be  a blessing  to  the  world  if  Turkey  were 
blotted  out  of  existence,  but  it  so  happens  that  she  is 
necessary  for  maintaining  the  political  equilibrium  of 
Europe.  The  slightest  interference  by  one  nation 
arouses  the  instant  jealousy  of  all  the  rest,  lest  some 
of  their  territorial  or  political  rights  may  be  injured. 
And  so  it  is  that  the  “sick  man  ” is  propped  up  and 
allowed  to  curse  Christianity  and  civilization. 

Should  the  United  States  attempt  intervention,  she 
would  precipitate  one  of  the  most  destructive  of 
wars,  with  the  horrors  beyond  estimate.  The  wail 
of  Armenia  is  not  the  first  one  that  has  reached  our 
shuddering  ears.  The  struggle  of  the  Greeks 
against  Turkey,  the  battling  of  the  South  American 
republics  for  independence,  the  appeal  of  Hungary, 
bleeding  under  the  iron  heel  of  Austria, the  cry  of  down- 
trodden Ireland — these  are  only  a few  of  the  prayers 


A HORRIBLE  SPECTACLE  IN  AN  ARMENIAN  CEMETERY 


THE  NEXT  ADMINISTRATION.  6 1 

which  have  stirred  our  pity  and  made  us  yearn  to 
strike  vigorous  blows  in  behalf  of  the  suppliants. 
But  no  nation  does  anything  for  the  sake  of  human- 
ity alone,  and  the  rigid  law  of  self-preservation  com- 
pels the  United  States  to  keep  clear  of  all  foreign 
quarrels  and  entanglements.  We  may  help  men 
struggling  for  liberty  with  money,  arms,  ammunition 
and  volunteers,  but  it  must  be  “ unofficial  ” ; the  gov- 
ernment, as  such,  can  take  no  part  in  it. 

There  are  two  domestic  questions  that  will  engage 
the  attention  of  the  next  administration  and  probably 
of  many  that  are  to  follow : they  are  the  tariff  and 
the  money  problem. 

The  Tariff  Question. 

The  tariff  question  is  older  than  the  government 
itself.  Before  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  the 
States  occasionally  levied  tariffs  on  imports  and  more 
than  once  they  were  of  a protective  nature.  Their 
disjointed  character  and  their  consequent  hindrance 
to  commerce  constituted  a powerful  cause  of  the 
closer  union  which  came  in  1787. 

When  the  national  government  was  finally  organ- 
ized the  most  pressing  question  was  that  of  finance. 
The  country  was  as  poor  as  it  could  be.  The  peo- 
ple in  more  than  one  section  rebelled  against  the 
imposition  of  taxes,  for  the  all-sufficient  reason  that 
they  were  too  poor  to  pay  them.  Yet  the  govern- 
ment could  not  live  without  money,  and  it  had  de- 
cided that  every  penny  incurred  by  the  long,  exhaust- 
ing struggle  for  independence  should  be  paid. 

How  was  the  money  to  be  obtained? 

4 


62 


THE  NEXT  ADMINISTRATION. 


Manifestly  from  one  source : the  imposition  of 
duties  upon  goods  brought  into  this  country.  Such 
imposition  constitutes  the  tariff. 

The  “American  System.” 

Since  the  new  Constitution  gave  Congress  the 
power  of  regulating  commerce,  the  first  Congress  of 
1 789  passed  a tariff  act  which  imposed  a duty  of 
about  eight  per  cent,  ad  valorem  on  imports.  These 
rates  were  slightly  increased  in  1 790  and  again  in 
1792,  an  attempt  being  made  to  protect  American 
industries,  of  which  policy  Hamilton  and  the  Federal- 
ists were  advocates.  A stimulus  was  given  to 
American  manufactures  by  the  war  of  1812,  which 
was  continued  by  the  tariff  of  1816.  This  imposed  a 
duty  of  some  twenty-five  per  cent,  on  leading  manu- 
factures, commercial  New  England  and  the  agricul- 
tural South  protesting.  A new  tariff  act  was  passed 
in  1824  which  increased  duties  on  metals  and  agri- 
cultural products.  Henry  Clay  now  stood  forward 
as  the  champion  of  the  “ American  System,”  which 
was  a combination  of  a higher  protective  tariff  with 
governmental  expenditures  for  internal  improvements. 

The  “Tariff  of  Abominations.” 

In  1828  Congress  passed  the  “tariff  of  abomina- 
tions,” as  it  was  called  by  its  enemies,  which  im- 
posed duties  upon  raw  materials.  It  roused  the 
South  to  anger,  for  that  section  was  the  chief  suf- 
ferer. Indignant  protests  followed,  and,  though  the 
tariff  of  1832  was  about  the  same  as  that  of  1824,  it 


THE  NEXT  ADMINISTRATION.  63 

retained  the  principle  of  protection.  History  has 
told  how  South  Carolina  declared  the  act  unconsti- 
tutional and  void  and  proceeded  to  nullify  it,  making 
preparations  for  a forcible  resistance  to  its  collection. 
To  qifell  the  storm  he  had  raised,  Clay  introduced 
and  Congress  passed  the  act  of  1833,  which  pro- 
vided for  a gradual  reduction  of  duties  to  a uniform 
rate  which  was  to  be  reached  in  1842. 

Later  Tariffs. 

In  1846  a tariff  was  enacted  which  was  mainly  “for 
revenue  only,”  followed  by  a still  lower  tariff  in  1857, 
which  remained  in  force  until  the  breaking  out  of  the 
civil  war.  In  1861,  the  Morrill  Tariff  became  law. 
It  was  a Republican  measure  and  in  the  line  of  high 
protection.  The  enormous  drain  upon  the  national 
resources  caused  an  increase  of  the  rates,  which  con- 
tinued long  after  the  last  gun  of  the  war  was  fired. 
Through  the  recommendations  of  the  Tariff  Com- 
mission of  1882,  a few  unimportant  reductions  were 
made  in  the  tariff.  This,  too,  was  a Republican 
measure,  but  since  then,  the  Republican  party  has 
become  that  of  high  protection,  while  the  Democrats, 
as  a party,  have  favored  a reduction  of  rates.  The 
McKinley  Act  of  1890  was  a tremendous  step  in  the 
direction  of  protection,  while  the  Wilson  Bill,  follow- 
ing a few  years  later,  was  a move  toward  a tariff  for 
revenue  only. 

Such,  in  brief,  is  a history  of  the  most  important 
tariff  legislation.  It  should  be  remembered  that 
among  the  Democrats  are  many  who  favor  a protec- 


64  THE  next  administration. 

tive  tariff  (such,  for  instance,  as  the  late  Samuel  J. 
Randall,  of  Pennsylvania),  and  the  Republicans  in- 
clude some  who  favor  a tariff  for  revenue  only,  while 
the  country  itself  has  a considerable  number  who  con- 
tend that  absolute  free  trade  is  the  true  policy/ 

How  to  adjust  these  principles  so  as  to  bring  the 
greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number  is  one  of  the 
ever-present  problems.  It  is  not  our  province  to  dis- 
cuss the  important  question,  but  rather  to  present 
the  views  of  the  ablest  exponents  of  the  respective 
policies,  which  we  do  in  the  pages  that  follow. 


The  Money  Problem. 

A question  hardly  second  in  importance  is  that 
respecting  our  currency.  How  shall  the  gold,  silver 
and  paper  currency  be  so  adjusted  that  all  three  will 
remain  at  par  and  fully  meet  the  demands  of  the 
country?  The  man  who  can  answer  this  question 
will  be  one  of  the  greatest  benefactors  of  mankind. 
Not  only  has  each  leading  political  party  made  the 
attempt,  but  the  task  has  been  undertaken  by  the 
Greenbackers,  the  Populists  and  by  those  who  would 
form  a party  of  their  own,  or  be  independent  of  all 
parties.  And  still  the  question  confronts  us. 

Coin,  because  of  its  intrinsic  value,  must  be  the 
basis  of  all  monetary  systems.  We  accept  a debtor’s 
note  when  we  know  of  a certainty  that  it  will  be  paid 
at  maturity.  So  we  accept  the  paper  promises  of  the 
government,  when  we  believe  the  government  can 
and  will  pay  them  without  discount.  Paper  money  is 
more  convenient  to  handle  than  metal  money,  and  so 


THE  NEXT  ADMINISTRATION 


65 

long  as  it  is  worth  its  face  value,  so  long  will  it  circu- 
late to  the  partial  or  total  exclusion  of  gold  and  silver. 
It  is  when  a doubt  of  the  solvency  of  the  government 
creeps  into  the  mind  of  the  public,  that  the  people 
demand  the  money  upon  which  there  is  never  a dis- 
count. 

A Substitute  Must  Be  Provided. 

But  there  is  not  enough  gold  in  the  country  or  in 
the  world  to  meet  the  requirements  of  trade  and 
business.  Therefore,  a substitute  must  be  provided. 

The  vast  product  of  the  silver  mines  of  the  West 
has  made  that  metal  so  abundant  that  its  representa- 
tives in  Congress  demand  legislation  in  its  favor. 

o o 

The  cry  is  that  the  coinage  of  silver  and  gold  shall  be 
in  the  ratio  of  16  to  1.  If  this  proportion  will  main- 
tain the  parity  of  the  two  metals,  so  that  a dollar  of 
one  is  worth  a dollar  of  the  other,  we  shall  have  a 
bimetallic  standard.  When  the  United  States  began 
coining  silver  and  gold  at  the  ratio  of  1 5 to  1,  the 
ratio  of  France  was  15^  to  1.  Following  the  law  of 
trade,  gold  went  where  it  could  get  the  most  for 
itself ; it  went  to  France  and  left  the  silver  with  us 
and  gold  disappeared  from  the  currency.  In  1834, 
our  forefathers  changed  the  ratio  to  16  to  1 and  gold 
flowed  back  to  the  United  States. 

“ Bimetallism.” 

The  free  silverites  claim  that  the  United  States  can 
maintain  what  they  call  “ bimetallism  ” by  free  silver 
coinage  at  16  to  1.  An  examination  of  the  platforms 
of  the  respective  political  parties  will  show  our  read- 


66 


THE  NEXT  ADMINISTRATION 


ers  the  conflicting  views  upon  this  great  question, 
while  the  following  exposition  by  the  foremost  ex- 
perts and  authorities  will  make  clear  many  points 
upon  the  subject  to  which  our  words  are  intended  to 
serve  as  an  introduction. 

While  the  system  of  government  in  the  United 
States  is  the  best  in  the  world,  it  would  not  be  human 
if  it  did  not  contain  some  defects,  all  of  which  can  be 
eliminated  by  careful  and  wise  legislation.  There  are 
so  many  radical  differences  in  some  of  the  laws  that 
it  would  seem  that  national  legislation  is  demanded 
in  the  interests  of  uniformity. 

National  Bankruptcy  and  Divorce  Laws. 

To  illustrate,  there  has  been  a crying  need  for 
years  of  a national  bankruptcy  law.  It  would  be  in 
the  line  of  justice,  for  it  must  be  conceded  that  the 
law  which  is  the  nearest  approach  to  justice  in  one 
State,  should  prevail  in  all.  At  present  the  bankrupt 
laws  at  one  point  may  be  radically  different  from  those 
a few  rods  away,  simply  because  a State  boundary 
crosses  the  intervening  space.  The  demand  for  a 
national  bankrupt  law  has  become  such  a necessity 
that  it  may  be  looked  upon  as  one  of  the  certainties 
of  the  near  future. 

Another  need  is  for  a national  divorce  law.  At 
present,  we  have  one  State — South  Carolina — which 
grants  divorce  for  no  cause  whatever,  while  in 
South  Dakota  and  Oklahoma  divorces  are  given  for 
such  trifling  pretexts  and  at  such  wholesale  rates  that 
it  amounts  to  a national  scandal.  In  the  interests  of 


THE  NEXT  ADMINISTRATION.  67 

public  morality,  this  outrageous  state  of  affairs  should 
be  brought  to  an  end  by  national  legislation. 

The  Temperance  Problem. 

Another  question  which  has  long  engaged  the 
thoughts  of  good  men  and  women  is  as  to  the  extent 
to  which  State  and  National  legislation  shall  go  in  the 
direction  of  temperance.  The  evils  of  intemperance 
are  one  of  the  most  frightful  afflictions  that  has  ever 
fallen  upon  humanity.  How  to  lessen,  if  not  to  ex- 
tinguish these  evils,  is  a problem  worthy  the  thought 
of  all  who  have  the  good  of  their  kind  at  heart.  In 
1851  Maine  adopted  a law  which  forbade  the  selling 
of  intoxicating  liquors  as  a beverage,  and  prohibition 
laws  have  been  passed  since  then  in  other  States. 
How  far  these  laws  have  been  effective  it  is  not  for 
us  to  attempt  to  say.  There  are  those  who  contend 
that  prohibition  is  the  surest  preventive  of  drunken- 
ness, while  others  maintain  that  it  wholly  fails  of  its 
purpose. 

The  latter  look  upon  moral  suasion,  or  an  appeal 
to  a man’s  common  sense  and  conscience,  as  the  only 
method  that  can  bring  good  results.  Still  others 
consider  high  license  as  the  true  panacea.  State  Leg- 
islatures are  continually  engaging  in  temperance  leg- 
islation. Local  option  seems  to  have  been  effective 
in  many  places,  while  in  the- city  of  New  York,  the 
strict  enforcement  of  existing  laws,  which  have  long 
been  a dead  letter,  has  unquestionably  been  a severe 
blow  to  the  liquor  men. 

How  far  it  is  wise  to  go  in  the  direction  of  legisla- 


68 


THE  NEXT  ADMINISTRATION. 


tion,  what  rights  should  be  invaded  for  the  sake  of 
benefiting  humanity,  what  in  short  is  the  best  method 
of  lessening  if  not  extirpating  the  evils  of  intemper- 
ance, are  subjects  tp  which  every  thoughtful  person 
should  give  his  earnest  attention. 

“ Paternalism  in  Government.” 

Another  question  that  has  attracted  interest  may 
be  termed  “paternalism  in  government.”  There  are 
those  who  think  that  the  government  should  run 
our  railroad  and  telegraph  lines  and  that  post-offices 
should  become  banking  institutions.  Bearing  upon 
the  question  of  the  govermental  control  of  the  rail- 
roads, there  is  no  better  authority  than  Chauncey  M. 
Depew,  President  of  the  New  York  Central.  While 
making  a tour  through  California  a short  time  ago, 
he  said,  referring  to  the  scheme  of  the  government 
taking  control  of  the  Central  Pacific  in  that  State: 

I do  not  believe  in  government  ownership.  A 
government  road  would  be  badly  run,  for  politicians 
would  run  it  and  it  would  be  run  at  a loss.  Congress 
would  have  to  make  up  the  deficit,  and  then  the  New 
England  States,  in  fact  all  the  States  of  the  East  and 
South,  would  raise  a protest  because  like  sums  were 
not  spent  to  aid  transportation  enterprises  in  them. 
Eastern  Congressmen  would  refuse  to  vote  appro- 
priations to  pay  Pacific  roads’  debts,  and  the  result 
can  be  easily  imagined.  Owing  to  the  poor  service 
which  a government  road  would  give,  places  reached 
by  competing  lines  would  give  their  trade  to  them,  and 
places  served  only  by  a government  road  would  find 
their  trade  paralyzed.  In  South  America  govern- 


A GOI,D  PROSPECTING  PARTY  ON  DEBATABLE  UND  IN  BRITISH  GUIANA. 


THE  NEXT  ADMINISTRATION. 


7 1 


ment  ownership  was  tried  and  found  wanting.  As  to 
the  excellent  railway  system  of  Germany  under  gov- 
ernment control,  the  result  was  higher  freight  rates 
than  this  country  could  stand.  If  the  same  rates  pre- 
vailed in  California,  not  an  orange  or  a pound  of  fruit 
or  grain  could  be  shipped  to  the  Missouri  river  at  a 
profit.  Under  the  German  system  of  railroad  manage- 
ment the  great  prolific  West  would  still  be  a desert 
waste. 


THE  SPEEDWELL  IRON  WORKS,  MORRISTOWN,  N.  J. 


Here  was  forged  the  shaft  for  the  “ Savannah,”  the  first  steamship  which  crossed  the 
Atlantic.  Here  were  manufactured  the  tires,  axles  and  cranks  of  the  first  American  locomo- 
tive. Shop  in  which  Vail  and  Baxter  constructed  the  first  telegraph  apparatus,  invented  by 
Morse,  for  exhibition  before  Congress. 


A Protective  Tariff. 


BY  THOMAS  B.  REED, 

Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

If  anything  seems  to  have  been  discussed  until 
human  nature  can  bear  it  no  more,  it  is  the  tariff. 
Nevertheless  the  fact  that  the  subject  is  still  before 
the  people  shows  that  the  last  word  has  not  yet  been 
said,  and  that  the  subject  has  not  yet  been  exhausted 
or  understood. 

The  History  of  Protection. 

The  history  of  protection  has  been  most  remark- 
able. Fifty  years  ago  the  question  seemed  to  be 
closed.  Great  Britain  had  adopted  free  trade,  the 
United  States  had  started  in  the  same  direction,  and 
the  whole  world  seemed  about  to  follow.  To-day 
the  entire  situation  seems  to  be  reversed.  The 
whole  civilized  world  except  Great  Britain  has  be- 
come protectionist,  and  the  very  year  last  passed  has 
witnessed  the  desertion  of  English  principles  by  the 
last  English  colony  which  held  out.  This  has  been 
done  in  defiance  of  the  opinions  of  every  political 
economist  in  England  who  wrote  prior  to  1850,  and 
of  most  of  those  who  have  written  since. 

When  you  add  to  this  that  the  arguments  against 
it  have  seemed  so  clear  and  simple  that  every  school 
(72) 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


73 


boy  can  comprehend  them  and  every  patriot  with 
suitable  lungs  could  fill  the  atmosphere  with  the 
catchwords,  the  wonder  increases  that  in  every  coun- 
try it  should  still  flourish  and  maintain  its  vigor. 
Ten  years  ago  it  was  equally  true  at  one  and  the 
same  time  that  every  boy  who  graduated  from  col- 
lege graduated  a free  trader,  and  that  every  one  of 
them  who  afterwards  became  a producer  or  distrib- 
utor of  our  goods  became  also  a protectionist. 

“The  Whole  Race  Wiser  Than  Any  Man.” 

The  arguments  of  the  political  economist,  clear  as 
crystal,  do  not  seem  to  have  convinced  the  world, 
nor,  what  is  much  worse,  do  they  seem  to  have  made 
any  substantial  progress.  On  the  contrary,  these 
economists  have  taken  up  the  task  of  tearing  each 
other  to  pieces,  so  that  to-day  there  is  hardly  a name- 
able  important  proposition  on  which  they  agree,  and 
the  more  the  facts  of  the  universe  are  developed,  the 
more  confusion  seems  to  reign  among  them.  Mean- 
while the  world  has  proceeded  in  its  own  way  with- 
out much  regard  for  their  theories  and  their  wisdom. 
I do  not  mean  that  studious  men  have  not  discovered 
great  truths  and  had  glimpses  of  still  greater,  but  in 
the  main  they  have  only  passed  from  one  inaccuracy 
to  another,  because  they  have  forgotten  that  the 
whole  race  is  wiser  than  any  man. 

We  cannot  hope  to  do  much  better  than  these  fa- 
mous men,  except  so  far  as  we  view  with  tolerance 
what  great  masses  of  our  fellow-men  are  doing  and 
assume  that  they  are  probably  right  instead  of  as- 


7 4 


A PROTECTIVE  TAR/EE. 


suming  that  they  are  probably  wrong  in  matters 
which  so  deeply  concern  them. 

The  Truth  the  Simplest  When  Understood. 

It  is  often  said  that  the  truth  is  the  simplest.  That 
is  so,  after  you  understand  the  truth,  but  when  you 
do  not,  a lie  is  far  simpler.  When  Copernicus  dis- 
covered the  theory  of  the  universe,  it  took  centuries 
for  men  to  believe  it.  The  Ptolemaic  system  was  so 
simple  that  anybody  by  using  his  eyes  could  see  that 
the  sun  rose  in  the  East  and  set  in  the  West,  just 
like  the  moon,  and  both  in  the  same  way  revolved 
around  the  earth,  and  to-day  most  men  accept  the 
Copernican  theory,  not  on  their  own  understanding, 
but  on  the  general  belief  of  mankind. 

I shall  not  therefore,  in  what  I have  to  say,  be  able 
— being,  as  I hope  on  the  side  of  truth — to  rival  the 
charming  simplicity  of  the  gentlemen  opposite,  or 
like  them,  to  compress  the  universe  into  the  nutshell 
of  a speech.  I regret  this  the  less  because  I know 
that  many  a philosopher  has  put  the  world  into  a 
nutshell  only  to  find  that  the  nutshell  contained  a 
world  in  which  nobody  ever  lived,  or  moved,  or  had 
his  being,  and  consequently  a world  which  was  of  no 
human  account. 

Large  Facts. 

I shall  not  attempt  to  deal  much  with  the  meta- 
physics of  this  discussion  or  to  cite  statistics  which 
have  no  meaning  except  to  the  student,  and  so  often 
mislead  even  him.  I shall  for  the  most  part  confine 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


75 


myself  to  large  facts  which  are  known  of  all,  or  can 
be  ascertained  in  the  simplest  possible  way. 

Whether  the  universal  sentiment  in  favor  of  pro- 
tection as  applied  to  every  country  is  sound  or  not, 
I do  not  stop  to  discuss.  Whether  it  is  best  for  the 
United  States  of  America  alone  concerns  me  now,  and 
the  first  thing  I have  to  say  is,  that  after  thirty  years 
of  protection,  undisturbed  by  any  serious  menace  of 
free  trade,  this  country  was  the  greatest  and  most 
flourishing1  nation  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  More- 
over,  with  the  shadow  of  this  unjustifiable  bill  resting 
cold  upon  it,  with  mills  closed,  with  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  men  unemployed,  industry  at  a standstill, 
and  prospects  before  it  more  gloomy  than  ever 
marked  its  history — except  one — this  country  is  still 
the  greatest  and  the  richest  that  the  sun  shines  on, 
or  ever  did  shine  on. 

Trying  Ordeals. 

During  that  period  of  growth  which  lifted  us  from 
a position  so  low  that  we  actually  had  human  slavery 
within  our  borders  to  our  present  condition  of  free- 
dom and  prosperity,  we  struggled  through  a dreadful 
war  which  desolated  one-half  of  the  country  and  so 
strained  the  resources  of  the  other  half,  both  in  money 
and  in  men,  that  its  impress  to-day  is  visible  every 
year  on  our  tremendous  pension  roll,  although  al- 
most obliterated  from  our  public  debt.  After  the 
war  ceased,  our  prosperity  was  clouded  with  a six 
years’  struggle  with  a disordered  currency  and  the 
reconstruction  of  labor  and  industry  in  the  South. 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


76 

No  nation  in  the  world’s  history  ever  passed  through 
in  so  short  a time  two  ordeals  so  trying  and  so 
severe. 

In  spite  of  both  these  misfortunes,  not  only  have 
we  studded  the  country  east  of  the  Mississippi  all 
over  with  mills  and  workshops,  factories  and  furnaces, 
covered  it  with  railroads,  exploited  the  oil  and  gas 
fields  of  Pennsylvania,  Indiana  and  Ohio,  and  turned 
into  light,  heat  and  production  the  fierce,  imprisoned 
energy  of  a thousand  mines  of  coal,  but  beyond  the 
Mississippi,  that  mighty  country,  which  some  day  will 
astonish  the  world  with  its  exceeding  riches,  we  have 
built  four  great  trans-continental  lines  across  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  and  have  driven  the  great  Ameri- 
can desert  off  the  maps  and  off  the  face  of  the  earth. 

The  Future  Not  Exhausted 

Nor  have  we  in  any  way  exhausted  the  future. 
This  country  is  ten  times  more  capable  to-day  of 
further  development  than  it  was  in  i860.  Let  me 
state  one  little  item — sample  of  a thousand.  Only 
last  year,  at  Rumford,  in  my  own  State,  were  brought 
under  harness  waterfalls  which  will  give  to  the  pro- 
ductive energies  of  this  country  40,000  horse  power 
for  every  day  in  the  year.  Three  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  just  such  horse  power  runs  to  waste  every 
day  in  New  England  alone.  Whenever  our  citizens 
are  rich  enough  to  employ  these  great  resources,  my 
hope  is  that  they  will  be  rich  enough  to  consume  their 
products  themselves. 

So  utterly  undisputed  and  so  distinctly  visible  to 


A PROTECTIVE  TAR/EE. 


77 


every  human  being  in  this  country  has  been  our 
growth  and  progress,  that  this  hasty  outline  is  all  that 
is  needed  to  remind  you  of  one  great  fact,  that  what- 
ever the  future  industrial  system  of  this  country  may 
be,  the  past  system  is  a splendid  monument  to  that 
series  of  successfuUstatesmen  who  found  the  country 
bankrupt  and  distracted,  and  left  it  first  on  the  list 
of  nations. 

Other  Testimony. 

But  we  must  not  leave  this  matter  to  our  own 
praises.  Let  others  speak,  and  above  all  the  citizens 
of  that  land  which  is  our  great  rival. 

I have  here  an  article  in  the  Fortnightly  Review , 
wherein  Mr.  J.  Stephen  Jeans,  a British  free-trade 
writer,  in  December,  1882,  declares  that — 

America  has  for  years  enjoyed  an  amazing  degree 
of  prosperity,  so  much  so  indeed,  that,  to  use  the  elo- 
quent words  of  Edmund  Burke,  “generalities  which 
in  all  other  cases  are  apt  to  heighten  and  raise  the 
subject  have  here  a tendency  to  sink  it.  Fiction  lags 
after  truth,  invention  is  unfruitful,  and  imagination 
cold  and  barren.” 

When  I read  these  words  I said,  How  differently 
men  look  at  the  same  things ! 

Here  is  a cold-blooded  Englishman  who,  in  talking 

o 7 o 

of  the  “ not  unreasonable  hopes  ” — I use  his  very 
words — which  his  countrymen  entertain  “ that  the 
greatest  market  in  the  world  and  probably  in  the 
world’s  history  is  once  again  to  be  found  lying  at  the 
feet  of  British  industry  and  commerce,”  declares  that 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


7 3 

“ America  has  for  many  years  enjoyed  an  amazing 
degree  of  prosperity,  so  much  so,  indeed,”  that  he 
has  to  use  the  words  of  Burke  to  say  that  he  cannot 
even  describe  it.  ' And  yet,  a member  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means,  himself  a countryman  of 
Edmund  Burke,  and  whose  wonderful  eloquence 
moved  the  House  of  Representatives  as  I 
never  saw  it  moved  before,  allowed  himself,  amid 
“ laughter  and  applause  on  the  Democratic  side,”  to 
compare  this  amazing  prosperity  to  a “ prolonged 
debauch,”  from  which  the  country  could  rescue  itself 
only  by  the  free  use  of  the  committee’s  dilution  of 
the  original  beverage.  It  seems,  almost  a desecra- 
tion to  put  the  facts  over  against  the  figure  of  speech. 

“ Phenomenal  Prosperity.” 

Here  is  a little  book  of  letters  of  an  editor,  Mr. 
Carr,  of  the  Cardiff  Mail , to  his  wife.  It  is  full  of 
expressions  of  surprise  over  this  “ wonderful  country,” 
“phenomenal  prosperity,”  “extent  and  strength  of 
the  enormous  interests  created  by  the  American  policy 
of  protection.” 

Only  last  November,  Mr.  W.  H.  Mitchell,  an 
English  lecturer,  fresh  from  a three  months’  visit  to 
our  country,  addressed  the  Textile  Society  of  Brad- 
ford, England.  He  was  here  in  the  interest  of  trade. 
Hence  what  he  had  to  say  smacks  of  trade. 

The  importance  [says  he]  of  America  as  a trade 
outlet  was  very  obvious.  It  had  65,000,000  people 
who  spent  more  money  on  dress  than  any  other 
people  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  Again,  in 


THOMAS  B.  REED. 
Speaker  of  the  House. 


A PROTECTIVE  TAR /EE. 


81 


spite  of  the  wonderful  development  which  has 
taken  place,  the  possibilities,  he  might  say  the 
certainties,  of  future  progress  were  marvelously 
illimitable. 

“Marvelously  Illimitable.” 

These  were  his  very  -words.  How  the  mouths  of 
the  Textile  Society  of  Bradford  must  have  watered  as 
he  detailed  to  them  the  hopes  he  had  that  such  fruit- 
age would  be  lifted  to  their  very  lips.  But  of  that, 
by  and  by. 

Without  further  quotation,  unnecessary  for  this  au- 
dience, for  whom  all  that  a foreigner  can  say  is  but  a 
reminder,  it  only  remains  to  ask  if  all  this  prosperity 
has  been  at  the  expense  of  the  laboring  man,  of  those 
who  furnish  service,  whether  of  br^in  or  muscle.  If 
it  has  been  at  their  expense,  for  one,  I say,  Down  with 
it.  The  lowest  depths  of  the  Wilson  Bill  are  not 
half  low  enough  for  such  a civilization. 

That,  however,  can  hardly  be  so,  from  the  testimony 
itself.  “ Sixty-five  millions  of  people,  who  spend 
more  money  on  dress  than  any  other  people  ” on 
earth,  and  whose  “ certainties  ” of  progress  in  that 
direction  are  “ marvelously  illimitable,”  have  evidently 
not  been  sacrificed  to  the  Moloch  of  accumulated 
wealth. 

Editor  Carr,  already  quoted,  says  this  country  “is 
the  paradise  of  the  workingman.”  All  the  bigotry 
of  free  trade  cannot  wipe  that  out. 

“ The  Richest  Country  in  the  World.” 

The  further  my  inquiries  extend  [says  he],  the 


82 


A PROTECTIVE  TAR  ZEE. 


more  convinced  I become  that  the  real  truth  of 
the  matter  is,  that  in  this  country  a workman  earns 
twice  as  much  as  he  would  in  England,  and  the  cost 
of  his  living,  except  in  the  matter  of  rent  and  clothing, 
is  about  the  same.  Even  in  the  matter  of  clothing 
the  difference  is  not  great,  except  as  it  is  brought 
about  by  the  general  use  of  much  better  clothing. 

Says  Mr.  Francis  Walker  in  substance,  for  I quote 
only  from  memory,  and  from  a newspaper  at  that, 
“ If  the  workman  of  America  would  be  content  with 
the  meager  life  beyond  seas  he  could  save  two-thirds 
of  his  entire  wages.” 

The  accuracy  of  the  figures  of  the  Aldrich  report, 
which  comes  to  me  with  the  approval  of  the  distin- 
guished Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  which  ema- 
nates from  a Democratic  Bureau  of  Statistics,  has 
never  been  impugned  ; and  it  shows  that  never  in 
the  history  of  human  civilization  have  wages  been 
so  high,  measured  by  gold. 

Lest  there  should  be  any  doubt  as  to  the  applica- 
tion of  all  this  to  our  own  workingmen,  1 cite  again: 

Through  long  strikes  and  suffering  and  woe,  labor 
has  improved  its  condition  in  this  country  until  by 
the  figures  of  this  Aldrich  committee,  we  find  that  it 
enjoys  to-day  the  largest  proportion  of  that  which  it 
produces  that  it  has  ever  enjoyed  in  the  history  of 
the  world. 

“A  Paradise  for  Laboring  Men.” 

We  may  safely  assume,  then,  that  a country  which 
has  become  in  the  last  thirty  years  the  “ richest 


A PROTECTIVE  'TAR/EE. 


83 

country  in  the  world,”  to  quote  Mr.  jeans  again,  a 
country  which  during  all  that  period  was  a “ paradise 
for  laboring  men,”  does  not  need  to  try  any  dubious 
experiments.  A good  thing  in  this  world  of  disap- 
pointments is  not  to  be  lightly  left.  A better  thing 
we  should  desert  with  still  more  reluctance,  and  no- 
body but  a misguided  man  would  leave  the  best  thing 
ever  known  in  the  history  of  the  universe,  unless  he 
had  such  a glimpse  of  the  future  as  would  place  him 
securely  among  the  prophets  and  not  land  him  among 
those  unhappy  martyrs  whose  blood  is  the  seed  of 
no  church. 

What  are  the  reasons  why  any  change  of  principle 
should  be  had  ? 

Of  course,  we  are  not  to  change  the  history  of  the 
last  thirty  years  and  the  principles  of  a hundred  years 
because  some  gentlemen  specially  gifted  with  sono- 
rous voices  have  distributed  epithets.  We  are  not 
going  to  risk  our  all  upon  fragments  of  ancient  plat- 
form speeches,  upon  loud  outcries  and  abusive 
language. 

Solid  Arguments. 

There  must  be  addressed  to  us  some  solid  argu- 
ments, or  at  least  the  opinions  of  wise  men  who  have 
proved  their  wisdom  by  the  actual  test  of  human  life. 
Surely  we  are  not  going  to  ventiire  into  the  unknown 
because  political  economists  bid  us  do  so,  while  they 
still  leave  unproved  every  principle  upon  which  they 
found  their  advice.  So  long  as  they  cannot  agree 
among  themselves  on  any  of  their  propositions,  they 
cannot  be  cited  as  a body  to  force  our  conclusions. 


84  A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 

On  no  trackless  future  will  we  venture  unless  the 
prospect  of  increased  happiness  is  large  enough  to 
justify  risk  and  exposure. 

Is  there  any  example  in  the  history  of  the  world 
of  any  nation  situated  like  ours  who  has  taken  the 
step  to  which  we  are  invited  ? 

Some  gentlemen,  perhaps,  are  hastening  to  say 
that  England  affords  us  the  needed  example ; that  we 
have  but  to  turn  to  her  history  and  find  all  that  we 
need  by  way  of  examples,  just  as  in  the  statements  of 
her  political  economists  we  shall  find  all  that  is  nec- 
essary for  advice,  for  guidance  and  instruction.  I 
have  looked  there,  and  I am  amazed  to  find  how  little 
the  example  of  England  can  teach. 

What  Can  the  Example  of  England  Teach? 

According  to  the  usual  story  that  is  told,  England 
had  been  engaged  in  a long  and  vain  struggle  with 
the  demon  of  protection,  and  had  been  year  after  year 
sinking  further  into  the  depths,  until,  at  a moment 
when  she  was  in  her  deepest  distress  and  saddest 
plight,  her  manufacturing  system  broken  down,  “ pro- 
tection having  destroyed  home  trade  by  reducing,” 
as  Mr.  Atkinson  says,  “ the  entire  population  to  beg- 
gary, destitution,  and  want,”  Mr.  Cobden  and  his 
friends  providentially  appeared,  and,  after  a hard  strug- 
gle, established  a principle  for  all  time  and  for  all  the 
world,  and  straightway  England  enjoyed  the  sum  of 
human  happiness.  Hence  all  good  nations  should 
do  as  England,  has  done  and  be  happy  ever  after. 

This  fairy  tale  has  not  the  slightest  resemblance  to 


A PROTECTIVE  TAR  IFF. 


85 

history.  England,  after  three  centuries  of  stationary 
life,  during  which  the  wages  of  its  laborers  remained 
without  change,  at  the  beginning  of  this  century  be- 
gan to  feel  the  pulses  of  a new  life.  Wages  then 
commenced  to  rise,  and  in  1840  were  80  per  cent, 
higher  in  money  than  in  1800,  and,  measured  by  pur- 
chasing power,  were  90  per  cent,  higher  than  ever 
before.  Coming,  as  this  did,  right  after  three  cen- 
turies of  stagnation,  it  showed  the  great  power  of  two 
things,  protection  and  the  establishment  of  the  fac- 
tory system.  For  England  was  enormously  pro- 
tected, not  only  by  duties  such  as  we  have,  but  by  the 
laws  which  forbade  the  exportation  of  machinery, 
whereby  she  obtained  or  sought  to  obtain  a mo- 
nopoly of  steam-driven  methods. 


England’s  Development. 

It  had  so  happened  that  England’s  development, 
owing  to  her  insular  position  and  her  early  efforts  to 
obtain  the  results  of  skill  which  caused  her  to  import 
Flemish  weavers,  to  receive  the  Huguenots  driven 
out  of  France,  to  welcome  workers  from  everywhere, 
and  in  every  way  to  encourage  manufactures,  had 
reached  such  a point  that  the  invention  of  the  steam 
engine  was  in  her  grasp  and  possible  to  her  alone. 
Whoever  has  examined,  even  in  the  most  cursory 
way,  the  history  of  the  long  line  of  inventions  which 
culminated  in  the  steam  engine  of  James  Watt,  can- 
not fail  to  be  satisfied  that  tbe  condition  of  England 
at  that  period  led  to  that  line  of  invention,  and  that 
nothing  else  could.  With  the  steam  engine  and  the 


86 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


factory  system  England  could  so  utilize  human  labor 
that  no  nation  in  the  world  could  compete  with  her, 
no  matter  what  the  wages  were,  until  the  invention 
passed  her  borders. 

Unfortunately,  England  at  that  time  and  for  years 
afterward  had  no  conception  of  its  duty  to  its  work- 
ingmen. The  only  limit  of  work  was  human 
strength.  It  took  the  fiercest  struggle  to  get  slight 
remission  of  labor  even  for  children.  Shorter  hours 
of  labor  were  scorned  not  only  by  Cobden  and  Bright, 
but  by  every  political  economist  of  England,  even 
down  to  1883,  when  Bonamy  Price  denounced  shorter 
hours  of  labor  as  a “ repudiation  of  the  great  doctrine 
of  free  trade.”  The  sole  idea  of  the  political  econo- 
mist of  that  class  has  always  been  as  low  wages  as 
possible,  as  long  hours  as  could  be,  and  a product  at 
as  cheap  a price  as  possible. 

Raw  Materials  Scanty  in  England. 

England  also  was  a country  where  in  the  main  the 
raw  materials  were  scanty  and  few  in  number.  Even 
the  raw  material  of  labor,  wheat  and  other  bread- 
stuffs,  could  not  be  produced  within  her  borders  in 
sufficient  amount  for  the  consumption  of  her  workers. 
Naturally  enough  her  theory  of  low  prices  for  labor 
prevented  a reasonable  division  of  the  tremendous 
increase  of  production  caused  by  the  steam  engine, 
and  restricted  her  own  market,  and  in  1840  she  found 
herself  in  manufactures  entirely  ahead  of  her  conT 
sumption.  Her  manufactures  had  grown  out  of  pro- 
portion and  could  no  longer  subsist  on  English  pat- 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


%7 

ronage  alone.  The  workmen  were  pressing  them 
for  that  regular  increase  of  wages  which  I shall  bv 
and  by  show  to  be  the  natural  progress  of  civiliza- 
tion, and  therefore  manufacturers  commenced  their 
agitation  against  the  corn  laws  which  resulted  in 
their  repeal. 

Was  that  crusade  the  same  as  is  waged  here  to- 
day ? Not  the  least  in  the  world.  That  was  a 
fight  by  the  manufacturers.  This  is  a fight  against 
the  manufacturers.  The  manufacturers  then  de- 
sired no  protection  whatever.  Turn  over  this  big 
volume  of  Cobden’s  Speeches  until  you  come  to 
the  twentieth  speech,  seven  years  after  he  began  ; 
you  will  find  hardly  one  allusion  to  protective 
duties' to  manufacturers,  and  even  in  the  twentieth 
speech  they  are  only  alluded  to  to  reiterate  the  dec- 
laration made  in  1838,  when  the  Corn  Law  League 
began,  that  all  duties  were  to  be  abolished  so  as  to 
make  food  cheaper.  What  Cobden  was  fighting  was 
an  odious  law  enacted  to  enhance  the  price  of  bread, 
not  for  the  benefit  of  the  farmer,  but  of  the  aristo- 
cratic owner  of  land.  Workingmen  were  clamoring 
for  increase  of  pay.  The  manufacturers  knew  that 
decrease  of  the  price  of  wheat  was  the  equivalent  of 
higher  pay.  Men  do  not  work  for  money  ; they  work 
for  money’s  worth. 

The  Workings  of  the  Corn  Law. 

I have  said  that  the  corn  law  was  an  odious  law. 
It  was  more  than  that.  In  its  workings  it  deprived 
the  po.or  of  food  and  put  the  enhanced  price  into  the 


88 


A PROTECTIVE  TAR/EE. 


pockets  of  those  who  toiled  not  nor  spun.  Had  that 
enhanced  price  gone  to  the  farmers  and  farm  labor- 
ers, it  might  have  been  defended  to-day  on  the 
ground  that  it  was'  a fair  means  of  distribution  among 
the  farmers  of  their  share  of  the  wonderful  gains  of 
the  earlier  manufacturing.  But  as  it  was,  no  more 
unjust  law  was  ever  attacked.  Meantime  what  was 
the  attitude  of  the  manufacturers  as  to  their  own 
protective  duties  ? Why,  by  the  aid  of  these  protec- 
tive duties  and  the  inventions  they  led  to,  they  had 
grown  so  powerful,  had  machinery  so  superior,  and 
the  factory  system  so  firmly  established,  they  could 
hold  their  own  markets,  beyond  clamor  or  dispute, 
with  duties  or  without.  No  nation  with  capital  as 
great  and  machinery  as  useful  and  productive,  and 
wages  of  skilled  workmen  lower  by  more  than  one- 
third,  hung  threatening  over  her  border.  Her  ma- 
chinery was  so  superior  that  even  the  low  wages  of 
other  countries  could  not  affect  her. 

Not  only  were  these  manufacturers  in  condition  to 
permit  the  duties  to  be  taken  off,  but  they  knew  it 
themselves.  Not  only  did  they  know  it,  but  they 
avowed  it;  not  in  a corner,  but  to  Parliament  itself. 

I have  here  Hansard  for  February  8,  1842  (vollime 
60,  page  133),  where  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne  pre- 
sents the  petition  of  the  woolen  manufacturers  of 
England,  asking  that  all  duties  be  abolished,  includ- 
ing their  own,  but  especially  the  corn  laws.  On  page 
137,  of  the  same  volume,  Lord  Brougham  declared 
that  prior  to  that  time  he  had  “laid  upon  the  table  a 
petition  from  persons  authorized  by  all  the  great 


JAMBS  G.  BBAINB. 


A PROTECTIVE  TAR/EE. 


91 


manufacturing  bodies  of  the  Kingdom.  They  prayed 
for  the  repeal  of  every  duty  levied  under  the  pretense 
of  protection.”  I am  using  the  very  language  ol 
Lord  Brougham.  This,  then,  was  a fight  made  by 
the  manufacturers  for  the  manufacturers  against  the 
aristocratic  land-owners  over  the  question  of  cheap 
food  in  an  island  that  could  not  produce  a supply  for 
its  workingmen. 

“As  Wages  Fall,  Profits  Rise.” 

The  men  wrho  made  the  fight  were  not  philanthro- 
pists or  saints.  They  were  good,  honest,  selfish 
men,  struororlinor  for  their  own  interests  and  never 
lost  sight  of  them.  Down  to  their  latest  day  they 
resisted  lesser  hours  of  labor,  and  were  deaf  to  all 
improvements  which  led  to  the  elevation  of  the 
working  classes.  They  held  firmly  to  the  doctrine 
that  “as  wages  fall,  profits  rise.” 

To  sum  this  all  up,  England,  when  she  became  free 
trade,  was  a workshop  wherein  was  manufactured  the 
raw  material  of  the  rest  of  the  world.  Of  raw  ma- 
terial she  herself  had  none.  Her  coal  and  iron  and 
the  invention  of  the  steam  engine  had  developed  her 
manufactures  so  out  of  proportion  to  the  wages  of 
the  workmen  that  she  must  have  a larger  market. 
At  that  time  the  only  idea  of  a larger  market 
was  one  that  had  more  consumers.  The  notion  that 
the  market  could  be  enlarged  by  those  who  were 
already  consumers  had  not  entered  into  the  popular 
thought,  yet  her  workmen  were  clamoring  for 
more  pay.  Tariff  had  really  ceased  to  be  a pro- 


92 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


tection  except  on  corn,  and  not  on  that  in  any  true 
protective  sense.  It  was  only  a tax  like  that  on 
sugar.  It  made  food  dear.  Repeal  of  the  corn  laws 
meant  an  increase' of  real  wages.  Repeal  of  tariff 
on  manufactures  meant  nothing.  The  whole  crusade 
of  1840  was  for  free  food,  and  Cobden  nowhere  says 
anything  else.  Protection  in  our  modern  sense,  is 
never  mentioned  in  any  one  of  his  free-trade  speeches. 

After  this  review  ol  the  story  of  England’s  change, 
will  any  man  dare  to  say  that  he  finds  therein  any 
justification  for  the  deed  of  violence  which  is  called 
the  Wilson  Bill  ? 

Suppose  England,  instead  of  being  a little  island  in 
the  sea,  had  been  the  half  of  a great  continent  full  of 
raw  material,  capable  of  an  internal  commerce  which 
would  rival  the  commerce  of  all  the  rest  of  the  world. 

Suppose  every  year  new  millions  were  flocking  to 
her  shores,  and  every  one  of  those  new  millions  in  a 
few  years,  as  soon  as  they  tasted  the  delights  of  a 
broader  life,  would  become  as  great  a consumer  as 
any  one  of  her  own  people. 

Suppose  that  these  millions  and  the  70,000,000  al- 
ready gathered  under  the  folds  of  her  flag  were  every 
year  demanding  and  receiving  a higher  wage  and 
therefore  broadening  her  market  as  fast  as  her  ma- 
chinery could  furnish  production.  Suppose  she  had 
produced  cheap  food  beyond  all  her  wants,  and  that 
her  laborers  had  spent  so  much  money  that  whether 
wheat  was  ninety  cents  a bushel  or  twice  that  sum 
hardly  entered  the  thoughts  of  one  of  them,  except 


A PROTECTIVE  TAR/EE. 


93 

when  some  Democratic  tariff  bill  was  paralyzing  his 
business. 

England  Credited  for  Great  Sense. 

Suppose  that  she  was  not  only  but  a cannon’s  shot 
from  France,  but  that  every  country  in  Europe  had 
been  brought  as  near  to  her  as  Baltimore  is  to  Wash- 
ington, for  that  is  what  cheap  ocean  freights  mean 
between  us  and  the  European  producers.  Suppose 
all  those  countries  had  her  machinery,  her  skilled 
workmen,  her  industrial  system,  and  labor  forty  per 
cent,  cheaper.  Suppose  under  that  state  of  facts, 
with  all  her  manufacturers  proclaiming  against  it, 
frantic  in  their  disapproval,  England  had  been  called 
upon  by  Cobden  to  make  the  plunge  into  free  trade, 
would  she  have  done  it?  Not  if  Cobden  had  been 
backed  by  the  angelic  host.  History  gives  England 
credit  for  great  sense. 

While  our  wiseacres  are  reading  British  books  of 
forty  years  ago  with  the  emotions  of  great  discoverers, 
what  do  the  English  themselves  say  about  the  actual 
facts?  They  come  here  in  shoals.  Naturally  they 
do  not  like  our  system  ; but  for  it  they  could  do  our 
manufacturing  for  us.  Nevertheless,  prejudiced  and 
prepossessed  as  they  are,  they  are  startled  into  some 
incautious  truths.  Says  Mr.  Jeans,  whom  I have  al- 
ready quoted  about  the  “amazing  prosperity”  of  the 
United  States : 

It  requires,  I think,  unusual  temerity  to  allege  that 
the  tariff  system  of  the  United  States  has  been  a fail- 
ure for  that  country. 


94 


A PROTECTIVE  TAR  IFF. 


“Unusual  Temerity.” 

What  a prejudiced  English  free  trader  regards 
as  “unusual  temerity,”  and  which  he  might  have 
called  unexampled  rashness,  is  exhibited  by  every 
gentleman  who  can  recite  Sidney  Smith’s  dis- 
course on  the  taxed  Englishman  under  the  impres- 
sion that  he  is  delivering  an  original  speech.  Mr. 
Carr,  too,  remarks  the  strange  phenomena : 

I am  [says  he]  a convinced  free  trader.  Protec- 
tion is  to  me  an  economical  heresy,  the  fraud  and 
folly  of  which  [how  like  one  of  our  own  dear 
Southern  Statesmen  he  sounds]  the  fraud  and  folly 
of  which  are  capable  of  mathematical  demonstration. 
* * * And  yet  throughout  the  length  and  breadth 

of  this  vast  continent,  one  is  almost  daily  brought 
face  to  face  with  solid,  indisputable  facts  that  seem  to 
give  the  lie  to  the  soundest  and  most  universally  ac- 
cepted axioms  of  political  economy. 

Yes,  not  only  do  “solid,  indisputable  facts  seem  to 
give  the  lie  to  the  soundest  and  most  universally  ac- 
cepted axioms  of  political  economy,”  but  they  do 
give  it,  and  so  does  the  whole  history  of  this  country. 
If  what  he  calls  “the  soundest  and  most  universally 
accepted  axioms”  had  been  axioms  at  all,  this  coun- 
try ought  to  have  been  permanently  for  thirty  years 
in  the  situation  which  it  is  now  in  temporarily,  after 
months  of  this  free-trade  nightmare.  We  ought  to 
have  been  halting  in  every  branch  of  manufactures; 
we  ought  to  have  stopped  progress  and  faltered  to 
the  rear,  for  we  were  wasting  both  capital  and  labor 
in  unprofitable  employment. 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


95 


Our  workmen,  penned  up  in  our  little  country, 
while  Englishmen  reveled  in  the  markets  of  the 
world,  ought  to  be  impoverished  beyond  all  the  ex- 
perience of  history.  Instead  of  that  the  Aldrich  re- 
port, which  deserves  the  high  encomium  of  the  gen- 
tleman from  N^ew  York  [Mr.  Cockran],  “with  the 
approval  of  the  distinguished  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury/’ even  if  it  does  “emanate  from  a Democratic 
Bureau  of  Statistics,”  shows  that  since  i860  money 
wages  have  risen  68  per  cent.  Or  if  you  say,  and 
you  would  be  right  in  so  saying,  that  wages  should 
be  measured  by  what  they  will  buy,  the  result  is  still 
more  striking. 

A Striking  Result. 

The  same  report  shows  that,  measured  by  prices 
of  things  bought,  wages  have  risen,  real  wages,  79 
per  cent.  By  which  I mean  to  say,  that  where  our 
people  in  i860  received  a dollar,  our  people  have 
now  one  dollar  and  sixty-eight  cents  and  six  mills  in 
money,  and  a dollar  and  seventy-nine  cents  and  one 
mill  in  consumable  wealth.  During  the  same  period 
the  hours  of  labor,  by  average  in  all  the  occupations 
calculated,  have  fallen  from  eleven  to  ten.  If  you 
count  that  and  reckon  the  man’s  hour  saved  to 
be  worth  as  much  to  him  as  it  used  to  be  to  his  em- 
ployer— and  it  is — you  have  real  wages  raised  97  per 
cent,  and  you  find  the  wage-earner  to-day,  after 
thirty-three  years  of  protection,  with  $1.97,  where  in 
i860  he  had  but  a single  dollar.  The  history  of  the 
world  shows  nothing  like  it.  The  Aldrich  report  de- 
clares that  there  exists  no  thorough  digest  of  facts 

o o 


A PROJECTIVE  TARIFF. 


96 

relating  to  European  wages,  but  if  you  will  show  me 
any  figures  of  increase  at  all  approximating  what 
I have  just  described,  in  free-trade  England,  you  will 
discover  what  my  search  has  not  been  able  to  find. 

With  wages  rising,  prices  of  manufactured  goods 
falling,  with  lessening  hours  of  labor,  what  more  do 
you  want,  except  more  of  the  same  sort? 

. The  Vital  Question. 

The  truth  is,  that  this  very  question  of  rising  wages 
is  what  makes  a good  many  men  free  traders.  Peo- 
ple with  fixed  incomes  think  that  anything  which 
raises  wages  is  inimical  to  them.  Manufacturers  who 
have  foreign  markets  are  naturally  anxious  to  have 
wages  on  the  foreign  standard,  and  when  a great 
cocoa  manufacturer  in  Boston  and  a great  agricul- 
tural tool-maker  in  Philadelphia  proclaim  themselves 
on  the  side  of  free  trade,  we  find  in  both  cases  a 
large  foreign  trade  and  along  with  it  a desire  for 
foreign  wages  for  their  workingmen. 

I confess  to  you  that  this  question  of  wages  is  to 
me  the  vital  question.  To  insure  our  growth  in 
civilization  and  wealth,  we  must  not  only  have  wages 
'as  high  as  they  are  now,  but  constantly  and  steadily 
increasing.  This  desire  of  mine  for  constantly  in- 
creasing wages  does  not  have  its  origin  in  love  for 
the  individual,  but  in  love  for  the  whole  nation  in 
that  enlightened  selfishness  which  recognizes  the 
great  truth  that  your  fate  and  mine,  and  the  fate  of 
your  descendants  and  mine,  are  so  wrapped  up  in  the 
fate  of  all  others  that  whatever  contributes  to  their 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


97 


progress  gives  to  us  all  a nobler  future  and  a higher 
hope. 

Influence  of  Wages. 

I do  not  mean  to  use  the  word  “contribute”  as 
adequate  to  describe  the  influence  of  wages  on  human 
progress.  That  would  be  to  belittle  the  subject.  In 
my  judgment,  upon  wages  and  the  consequent  dis- 
tribution of  consumable  wealth  are  based  all  our  hopes 
of  the  future  and  all  the  possible  increase  of  our 
civilization.  The  progress  of  this  nation  is  dependent 
upon  the,  progress  of  all.  This  is  no  new  thought 
with  me.  Our  civilization  is  not  the  civilization  of 
Rome,  a civilization  of  nobles  and  slaves,  but  a civil- 
ization which  tends  to  destroy  distinction  of  classes 
and  to  lift  all  to  a common  and  higher  level. 

There  are  some  men  in  this  world  and  in  this 
nation  who  do  not  like  that.  When  I talk  about 
wages,  I use  the  word  in  its  broadest  sense  as  the 
price  and  value  of  service,  whether  of  brain  or 
muscle.  When  I speak  of  constant  and  continuous 
increase  of  wages,  I do  not  mean  the  caprices  of 
benevolence  or  of  charity,  or  the  fantasy  of  a mind 
longing  for  the  impossible. 

Where  Will  the  Increase  Come  From  ? 

The  increase  of  wages  which  the  service-seller 
ought  to  have,  and  the  only  useful  increase  he  can 
ever  .get,  will  be  by  the  operation  of  natural  laws 
working  upon  the  opportunities  which  legislation 
may  aid  in  furnishing.  The  increase  will  never  come 
from  the  outside,  will  never  be  the  gift  of  any  em- 


A PROTECTIVE  TAR/EE. 


98 

ployer.  It  must  come  from  the  improvement  in  the 
man  himself.  Can  you  get  a carpenter  or  bricklayer 
to  work  for  25  cents  a day?  He  did  it  in  England 
in  1725.  To-day  in  the  United  States  it  is  a poor 
place  where  he  can  not  get  ten  times  that  sum.  Why 
does  he  have  to  have  ten  times  as  much?  Because 
the  carpenter  of  to-day  could  no  more  live  as  did  the 
carpenter  of  1725  than  he  could  live  in  a cave  and 
hunt  snakes  for  food.  The  difference  in  wages 
means  the  difference  in  living,  and  the  $2.50  is  as 
much  a necessity  to-day  as  the  25  cents  was  a hun- 
dred and  fifty  years  ago. 

Man  is  not  a mere  muscular  engine,  to  be  fed  with 
meat  and  ^ive  forth  effort.  Man  is  a social  beine. 
He  must  have  whatever  his  neighbor  has.  He  can- 
not grow  unless  he  has.  Every  growth  implies  a 
larger  consumption  of  consumable  wealth,  and  by 
consumable  wealth  I mean  whatever  is  made  by  man 
and  contributes  to  his  enjoyment,  whether  it  be  a loaf 
of  bread,  a novel,  or  a concert.  The  more  a man 
wants  of  consumable  wealth  the  more  his  wages  are 
likely  to  be.  But  by  wants  I do  not  mean  any  wild 
longing  for  what  is  beyond  reach,  but  such  wants  as 
are  in  sight  and  to  supply  which  he  has  such  longing 
as  will  make  him  work. 

The  Measure  of  Wages. 

What  is  the  rule  and  measure  of  wages?  There 
has  never  been  a subject  on  which  so  much  ingenuity 
has  been  wasted  and  where  the  political  economist 
has  so  befogged  the  world.  He  had  a fund  set  apart 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 


A PROTECTIVE  TAP  IFF. 


IOI 


in  his  mind  which  he  called  the  wage  fund.  Divide 
the  wage  fund  by  the  number  of  service-sellers, 
having  due  regard  to  difference  of  service,  and  there 
it  was,  plain  as  mathematics.  True,  nobody  could 
calculate  the  wage  fund,  nobody  had  ever  seen  it.  It 
was  in  nobody’s  bookkeeping,  but  it  was  a compre- 
hensive answer,  and  that  was  what  he  was  after. 
Others  of  his  disciples  to-day  dispose  of  it  by  the 
catchwords  “ supply  ” and  “ demand,”  and  though  the 
listener  had  acquired  some  words,  he  had  acquired 
very  little  knowledge. 

“ Supply  and  Demand.” 

In  thus  speaking  slightingly  of  “ supply  and 
demand,”  I do  not  mean  to  say  that  the  relation 
between  the  worker  and  the  work  has  no  influence  on 
wages.  What  I say  is,  that  it  in  no  sense  solves  the 
problem.  Not  long  ago,  in  this  very  city,  the  build- 
ers, and  material  men,  and  the  workers  met  together 
to  see  if,  in  response  to  oversupply  compared  with 
demand,  concessions  could  be  made.  The  material 
men  were  ready  to  yield,  but  the  workmen,  whose 
labor  was  the  only  perishable  article  involved,  utterly 
refused.  According  to  supply  and  demand  they 
ought  to  have  been  hustling  each  other  to  see  who 
could  get  into  the  job.  Instead  of  that  they  are  ready 
to  struggle  and  to  endure  privations  rather  than  give 
up  what  have  become  to  them  necessaries  of  life. 
No  nation  can  endure  in  peace  any  cut  which  goes 
into  the' quick.  Necessities  born  of  social  life  and 
advancing  civilization  are  the  real  measure  of  wages. 


102 


A PROTECTIVE  TAR/EE. 


This  question  of  wages  is  all-important  as  bearing 
upon  the  question  of  consumption.  All  production 
depends  upon  consumption.  Who  are  the  consumers  ? 
In  the  old  days  when  the  products  of  manufacturers 
were  luxuries,  the  lord  and  his  retainers,  the  lady  and 
her  maids  were  the  consumers,  a class  apart  by  them- 
selves ; but  to-day  the  consumers  are  the  producers. 
Long  ago  the  laborer  consumed  only  what  would 
keep  him  alive.  To-day  he  and  his  wife  and  their 
children  are  so  immeasurably  the  most  valuable  cus- 
tomers, that  if  the  shop  had  to  give  up  the  wealthy  or 
those  whom  it  is  the  custom  to  call  poor,  there  would 
not  be  a moment’s  hesitation  or  a moment’s  doubt. 

Producers  and  Consumers. 

Unfortunately  our  Democratic  friends  have  per- 
sistently retained  the  old  idea  that  the  producers  are 
one  class  and  the  consumers  are  another,  and  hence 
we  hear  on  all  hands  such  stupidities  of  speech  as 
those  which  sum  up  the  workers  in  each  branch  and 
compare  them  with  the  whole  people.  One  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  workers  in  woolens — you  ask, 
what  are  they  compared  with  70,000,000  of  con- 
sumers ; 200,000  workers  in  steel,  what  are  they  com- 
pared with  70,000,000  of  consumers  ; 200,000  work- 
ers in  cotton,  what  are  they  compared  with  70,000,000 
of  consumers,  and  so  on  all  through  the  long  list,  for- 
getting that  all  these  people  added  together  make 
the  whole  70,000,000  themselves. 

It  so  happens  that  America  is  filled  with  workers. 
There  are  idle  people,  but  they  are  fewer  here  than 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


103 


elsewhere — except  now,  when  we  are  living  under  the 
Wilson  Bill.  If  those  workers  are  all  getting  good 
wages  they  are  themselves  the  market,  and  if  the 
wages  are  increasing  the  market  is  also  increasing. 
The  fact  that  in  this  country  all  the  workers  have 
been  getting  better  wages  than  elsewhere  is  the  very 
reason  why  our  market  is  the  best  in  the  world  and 
why  all  the  nations  of  the  world  are  trying  to  break 
into  it.  We  do  not  appreciate  the  nature  of  our 
market  ourselves. 

Cold  Mathematics. 

I have  given  you  already  the  glowing  testimony  of 
Englishmen  who  have  seen  us  with  their  own  eyes. 
“ Amazing  prosperity,”  “ Greatest  market  in  the 
world,”  “ Paradise  of  the  workingman.”  These  are 
strong  words ; but  let  us  see  if  cold  mathematics  do 
not  put  to  shame  the  fervor  of  adjectives. 

We  are  nominally  70,000,000  people.  That  is  what 
we  are  in  mere  numbers.  But  as  a market  for  manu- 
factures and  choice  foods  we  are  potentially  175,000,- 
000  as  compared  with  the  next  best  nation  on  the 
globe.  Nor  is  this  difficult  to  prove.  Whenever  an 
Englishman  earns  one  dollar,  an  American  earns  a 
dollar  and  sixty  cents.  I speak  within  bounds.  Both 
can  get  the  food  that  keeps  body  and  soul  together 
and  the  shelter  which  the  body  must  have  for  sixty 
cents.  Take  sixty  cents  from  a dollar  and  you  have 
forty  cents  left.  Take  that  same  sixty  cents  from 
the  dollar  and  sixty  and  you  have  a dollar  left,  just 
two  and  a half  times  as  much.  That  surplus  can  be 
spent  in  choice  foods,  in  house  furnishings,  in  fine 


104 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


clothes  and  all  the  comforts  of  life- — in  a word,  in  the 
products  of  our  manufacturers.  That  makes  our 
population,  as  consumers  of  products,  as  compared 
with  the  English  population,  175,000,000.  Their 
population  is  37,000,000  as  consumers  of  products 
which  one  century  ago  were  pure  luxuries,  while  our 
population  is  equivalent  to  175,000,000. 

If  this  is  our  comparison  with  England,  what  is  the 
comparison  with  the  rest  of  the  world  ? Mullhall 
gives  certain  statistics  which  will  serve  to  make  the 
comparison  clear.  On  page  365  of  his  Dictionary 
of  Statistics  he  says  the  total  yearly  products  of  the 
manufactures  of  the  world  are  ^4,474,000,000,  of 
which  the  United  States  produces  ^1,443,000,000. 

I do  not  vouch,  nor  can  anybody  vouch  for  these 
figures,  but  the  proportion  of  one-third  to  two-thirds 
nobody  can  fairly  dispute.  We  produce  one-third, 
and  the  rest  of  the  world,  England  included,  two- 
thirds. 

More  Figures. 

The  population  of  the  world  is  1,500,000,000,  of 
which  we  have  70,000,000,  which  leaves  1,430,000,000 
for  the  rest  of  mankind.  We  use  all  our  manufact- 
ures, or  the  equivalent  of  them.  Hence  we  are 
equal  to  one-half  the  whole  globe  outside  of  our- 
selves, England  included,  and  compared  as  a market 
with  the  rest  of  the  world,  our  population  is  equal  to 
about  700,000,000. 

I repeat,  as  compared  with  England  herself  as  a 
market,  our  people  are  equivalent  to  175,000,000. 
As  compared  with  the  rest  of  the  world,  England  in- 


A PROTECTIVE  TAR/EE. 


105 


eluded,  we  are  equal  as  a market  to  700,000,000. 
These  figures  more  than  justify  the  adjectives  of  the 
Englishman,  and  the  cold  facts  of  mathematics  sur- 
pass the  spasms  of  rhetoric. 

Instead  of  increasing  this  market  by  leaving  it  to 
the  steady  increase  of  wages  which  the  figures  of  the 
Aldrich  report  so  conclusively  show,  and  which  have 
not  only  received  the  sanction  of  the  member  from 
New  York,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  the 
Democratic  Bureau  of  Statistics,  but  the  sanction  of 
Congress,  it  is  proposed  to  lower  wages  and  so 
lessen  the  market  and  then  divide  that  market  with 
somebody  else,  and  all  on  the  chance  of  getting  the 
markets  of  the  world. 

Who  Have  the  Markets  of  the  World  ? 

Who  have  these  markets  of  the  world  now  ? There 
is  hardly  a spot  on  the  globe  where  three  generations 
of  Englishmen,  Frenchmen  or  Germans  have  not 
been  camped  in  possession  of  every  avenue  of  trade. 
Do  you  suppose  that  with  machinery  nearly  as  good 
as  ours  and  wages  at  one-half,  these  men  are  going 
to  surrender  to  us  the  markets  of  the  world?  Why, 
the  very  duties  you  keep  on  show  that  you  do  not 
believe  it.  If  we  can  not  without  duties  hold  our 
own  markets,  how  shall  we  pay  freight,  the  expense 
of  introducing  goods,  and  meet  the  foreigner  where 
he  lives  ? 

To  add  to  the  interesting  impossibilities  of  this  con- 
tention, the  orators  on  the  other  side  say  they  are 
going  to  maintain  wages.  How  can  that  be  possible  ? 


io6  A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 

All  things  sell  at  the  cost  of  production.  If  the  differ- 
ence between  cost  of  production  here  and  cost  of 
production  in  England  be  not  equalized  by  the  duty, 
then  our  cost  of  prpduction  must  go  down,  or  we  must 
go  out.  Therefore,  our  labor,  the  great  component 
part  of  cost  of  production,  must  go  down  also.  If  you 
say  this  will  come  out  of  profits,  then  profits  will  be 
lessened  in  every  occupation,  for  your  own  political 
economists  teach  you  that  the  profits  in  protected  indus- 
tries can  never  be  greater  than  in  other  occupations, 
and  will  not  lono-  consent  to  be  less.  Let  it  be  noised 

o 

abroad  that  any  occupation  is  making  big  profits  and 
straightway  it  will  be  swamped  with  competitors,  so 
that  overprofit  is  the  sure  precursor  of  no  profits  at 
all. 

“ Survival  of  the  Superior.” 

But  all  these  questions  of  wages  are  to  be  met, 
says  the  gentleman  from  New  York  [Mr.  Cockran], 
by  our  superior  civilization,  and  he  accuses  me  of  con- 
fessing that  civilization  at  the  highest  level  is  inca- 
pable of  meeting  the  competition  of  civilization  at  its 
lowest  level. 

Now,  it  is  a great  truth  that  civilization  can  suc- 
cessfully meet  barbarism,  but  it  must  do  it  with  brains 
and  not  with  rhetoric.  How  often  have  I heard  this 
and  similar  eloquent  outbursts  about  our  superiority, 
and  therefore  inevitable  conquest  of  the  interior. 
Survival  of  the  superior ! That  is  not  the  way  that 
the  great  naturalist  put  it.  “ Survival  of  the  fittest” 
was  his  expression  ; survival  of  the  fittest  to  sur- 
vive ; not  the  superior,  not  the  loveliest,  not  the 


A PROTECTIVE  TAP/EE. 


10  7 


most  intellectual,  but  the  one  who  fitted  best  into 
the  surroundings.  Compare  the  strong  bull  of 
Bashan  with  a salt-water  smelt.  Who  doubts  the 
superiority  of  the  bull?  Yet,  if  you  drop  them  both 
into  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  I will  take  my  chances  with 
the  smelt.  A little  tomtit,  insignificant  as  a bit  of 
dust  in  the  balance,  can  not  compare  with  the  do- 
mestic swan  either  in  grace,  beauty  or  power.  Yet, 
if  both  were  dropped  from  a balloon  hung  high  in  air, 
I would  rather  be  the  insignificant  tomtit  than  the 
graceful  swan.  If  I had  a job  to  dig  on  the  railway, 
the  competitor  for  that  job  whom  I should  fear  would 
not  be  my  friend  from  New  York  [Mr.  Cockran], 
but  some  child  of  sunny  Italy,  so  newly  imported  that 
he  had  not  grown  up  to  the  wages  of  this  adopted 
country. 

Broader  Illustrations. 

But  let  us  make  these  illustrations  a little  broader 
and  take  in  a bit  of  history.  Shortly  after  I entered 
Congress  one  Dennis  Kearney  began  on  the  sand 
lots  to  address  the  world  on  the  Chinese.  He  said 
these  people  were  of  a lower  civilization  ; in  fact,  to 
use  the  very  expression  of  the  gentleman  from  New 
York  [Mr.  Cockran],  he  said  it  was  “civilization  at 
its  lowest  level/'  Indeed,  to  be  strictly  accurate,  he 
used  stronger  expression.  He  denounced  the  Chi- 
nese, and  instead  of  relying  on  superior  civilization, 
on  the  flag  of  freedom  in  the  air  above  us,  the  em- 
blem of  freedom  on  the  earth  beneath  us,  he  actually 
wanted  protection  by  law,  and  in  spite  of  the  jeers 


io8  A protective  tar  iff. 

and  flouts  of  us  in  the  East  he  has  got  it  at  last  and 
with  our  consent. 

I know  that  when  the  gentleman  learns  these  facts 
he  will  be  so  sorry  that  he  was  not  here  to  tell  these 
misguided  men  that,  having  seized  the  lightnings  and 
beat  the  miracles  of  Moses  without  being  guilty  of 
his  mistakes,  we  must  be  able  to  beat  the  Chinese 
without  law  because  of  their  lower  level  of  civilization. 
What  Mr.  Kearney  would  have  said  to  the  gentleman 
from  New  York  I do  not  dare  to  record. 

The  Chinaman  Must  Keep  Out. 

Why  did  the  working  people  of  California  object 
to  the  Chinese?  Because  they  knew  that  if  they 
swarmed  here  in  sufficient  numbers  the  law  of  wages 
would  make  our  own  wages  impossible.  Had  the 
Chinese  had  the  same  wants,  and  been  therefore 
forced  to  demand  the  same  wages,  they  could  have 
worshiped  their  ancestors  here  without  let  or  hin- 
drance. It  was  just  because  the  higher  civilization 
could  not  contend  on  a free  field  with  the  lower  that 
the  higher  civilization  had  to  put  brains  into  the  scale 
and  protect  itself.  If  then  we  protect  ourselves 
against  Chinese  labor  here,  why  should  we  not  pro- 
tect ourselves  from  a lower  level  of  labor  as  repre- 
sented by  imported  goods  ? Lower-priced  labor  can 
compete  with  our  labor,  whether  it  take  the  form  of 
goods  or  of  imported  Chinamen. 

“ Labor  is  on  the  Free  List.” 

But,  says  some  gentleman,  having  heard  some 


henry  ceay. 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


1 1 1 


other  gentleman  say  it,  and  having  been  struck  by  its 
epigrammatic  point — but  “labor  is  on  the  free  list.” 
Well,  that  sounds  conclusive,  does  it  not  ? Yet  what 
utter  nonsense  it  really  is  when  you  come  to  look  at 
it.  Does  the  Englishman,  when  he  comes  here, 
bring  his  rate  of  wages  with  him  ? I should  like  to 
see  any  immigrant  who  has  been  here  long  enough 
to  know  his  bearings  who  does  not  demand  as  good 
wages  as  the  rest.  That  is  what  they  come  here  for. 

Why  did  we  forbid  the  importation  of  contract 
labor?  Because  the  price  o-f  it  was  tainted  by  the 
wage  scales  of  a land  on  a lower  level  of  wages. 

Let  me  restate  this : Men  in  America  demand  high 
and  higher  wages  because  their  surroundings  erect 
what  used  to  be  luxuries  into  necessities.  Men  who 
come  here  are  soon  affected  by  these  same  surround- 
ings and  are  soon  under  the  same  necessities.  But 
Chinamen,  because  they  sequester  themselves  from 
these  surroundings,  and  bales  of  goods,  because  they 
cannot  have  the  labor  in  them  subjected  to  our  in- 
fluences, ought  to  be  under  the  restriction  of  law.  I 
do  not  mean  to  make  the  comparison  go  on  all  fours 
and  have  the  goods  prohibited  like  the  Chinese.  I 
only  meant  to  convey  an  idea. 

But  is  it  not  a dreadful  business  to  tax  people? 
Not  necessarily.  Taxes  raised  for  a good  purpose- 
like  a schoolhouse,  a road,  an  army,  for  payment  of 
pensions,  for  the  public  debt,  and  indeed  for  all  the 
purposes  of  a free  people — are  not  only  not  bad,  but 
very  good.  Taxes  to  build  a palace  for  the  king’s 
mistress  or  to  place  a barbarian  queen  on  a deserted 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


I 12 

throne  would  be  dreadful ; but  we  are  not  likely, 
owing  to  a series  of  fortunate  accidents,  to  be  called 
upon  to  do  even  the  last. 

But  can  you  accomplish  anything  but  oppression 
by  taxes  ? Oh,  yes ; the  gentleman  from  Missouri 
[Mr.  Hatch]  will  tell  you  that  taxation  has  regulated 
oleomargarine  and  can  regulate  stock  sales.  At 
least,  so  he  thinks.  It  has  destroyed  wildcat  banks. 

Constitutionality  of  Tariff  Taxation. 

On  the  question  of  the  constitutionality  of  tariff 
taxation  I shall  spend  no  time.  I have  not  been  in 
Congress  as  long  as  I have  without  learning  that 
“ constitutionality  ” and  “ unconstitutionality  ” on  the 
other  side  of  the  Chamber  are  mere  phrases,  and  that 
when  a gentleman  of  the  other  side,  with  swelling 
voice,  denounces  the  tariff  as  unconstitutional,  he 
merely  means  that  he  does  not  like  it. 

Inasmuch  as  nobody  in  a hundred  years  has  even 
asked  the  Supreme  Court  to  pass  on  that  question, 
it  seems  hardly  worth  while  to  discuss  it.  If  the 
Father  of  his  Country,  fresh  from  the  convention,  in 
signing  the  first  tariff-tax  bill,  signed  an  unconstitu- 
tional act,  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  [Mr.  Turner] 
and  the  whole  Democratic  party  are  better  than 
George  Washington — a thing  not  hitherto  charged 
upon  them. 

Who  Pays  the  Tax  ? 

But  do  not  the  people  pay  the  tariff  taxes,  and  do 
they  not  go  into  the  pockets  of  monopolists?  Do 
you  believe  the  consumer  pays  the  tax,  or  the  for- 


A PROTECTIVE  TAP/EE. 


113 

eigner?  Well,  I am  going  to  be  perfectly  frank 
about  that,  and  answer,  sometimes  one  and  some- 
times the  other,  and  sometimes  both.  The  first 
thing  a foreigner  does  when  a tariff  tax  is  laid,  is  to 
see  if  he  can  get  into  our  market  without  paying  any- 
thing. If  so,  then  he  will  not  reduce  his  prices.  If 
he  cannot,  he  looks  over  his  margin  of  profit  and  sees 
if  he  can,  by  abating  some  part  of  these  profits,  get 
his  goods  in.  So  far  as  he  does  abate  them  he  pays 
the  tax.  So  far  as  he  does  not,  the  rest  of  the  tax  is 
paid  by  the  consumer. 

If  the  foreigner  pays  all  the  tax,  then  within  the 
limit  where  his  goods  can  circulate  there  may  be  pro- 
tection or  there  may  not.  If,  after  paying  the  whole 
tax,  he  still  has  a margin  of  profit  to  sacrifice  in  the 
industrial  war,  there  will  be  no  protection,  or  very 
limited  protection.  But  if  there  be  only  a slight 
margin  which  he  cannot  sacrifice  without  rendering 
the  market  worthless,  then  there  will  be  competition 
the  same  as  if  he  manufactured  here.  In  the  latter 
case  he  at  least  cannot  shut  up  our  factories. 

In  these  cases  the  prices  will  not  be  raised.  But 
where  the  consumer  pays  any  part  of  the  tax,  by  so 
much  is  the  price  raised.  This  is  the  general  rule, 
but  often  it  does  not  work  so.  After  the  act  of  1890 
large  importations  in  anticipation  of  large  profits, 
anticipations  frustrated  by  the  Baring  failure  panic, 
made  great  changes  in  the  case.  Many  prices  did 
not  rise  at  all,  and  yet  manufacturers,  knowing  that 
there  would  be  a certainty  at  least  that  they  could 
not  be  badly  undersold,  began  work. 


A PROTECTIVE  TAR/EE. 


1 14 

It  often  happens  that  men  will  begin  manufactur- 
ing under  a tariff  that  does  not  raise  prices  because 
they  know  that  such  a tariff  will  prevent  them  from 
going  down. 

A Fighting  Chance. 

It  is  not  enough  to  have  goods  in  the  natural  mar- 
ket at  a price  which  will  bring  a profit.  The  manu- 
facturer must  know  that  the  industrial  enemy  cannot 
force  the  price  below  the  range  of  profit.  Then, 
without  any  increase,  he  may  put  up  a plant.  This 
operation  of  a tariff  which  does  not  raise  the  price  is 
because  industrial  warfare  sometimes  assumes  this 
shape.  A rival  maker  may  sacrifice  his  goods  in 
order  to  sacrifice  another  man's  factory,  or  to  pre- 
vent the  establishment  of  a competitor.  If  there  be 
a tariff,  then,  which  will  not  raise  prices,  but  which 
will  maintain  them,  then  the  native  manufacturers 
risk  in  building  a factory  is  limited.  He  may  be  put 
to  hard  struggle,  but  he  cannot  be  beaten  out  of 
hand.  He  will  have  a fighting  chance. 

There  are,  however,  so  many  instances  where  the 
foreigner  pays  the  tax  that  there  is  no  wonder  that 
the  assertion  has  been  made  broadcast.  The  Ber- 
muda vegetable  men  appeared  before  this  very  com- 
mittee to  urge  this  very  fact.  Canada,  both  under 
the  present  law  and  just  after  the  repeal  of  the  reci- 
procity act,  is  a multitudinous  witness  all  along  our 
borders  that  the  foreigner  pays  the  tax.  I venture 
to  say  that  the  lumber  tax,  lowered  by  the  act  of 
1890,  has  all  of  it  gone  out  of  our  Treasury  into 
Canadian  pockets. 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF.  IIt; 

It  would  be  an  interesting  chapter  in  economic 
history  if  we  could  have  in  figures  the  abatement  of 
foreign  prices  which  has  followed  every  increase  of 
the  tariff,  for  it  would  show  what  enormous  profits 
have  been  made  out  of  us  by  these  people  when  no 
protection  existed. 

Having  thus  shown  that  even  where  tariff  taxes 
are  paid  by  the  foreigner  and  the  price  not  raised 
there  may  be  some  protection,  let  us  face  the  ques- 
tion whether,  where  the  price  is  raised  and  the  con- 
sumer pays  the  whole  tax  or  a part  of  it,  there  is  any 
benefit  to  our  country  thereby.  Does  not  the  public 
suffer  for  the  benefit  of  the  few  ? Not  for  the  bene- 
fit of  the  capitalist,  for  in  the  long  run  your  own  po- 
litical economy  will  show  you  that  protected  indus- 
tries will  not  obtain  any  greater  remuneration  than 
the  unprotected.  The  same  is  all  they  ask  for  and 
more  than  they  often  get. 

Statistics  in  Massachusetts. 

In  Massachusetts  they  have  statistics  so  well  col- 
lected that  they  mean  something,  and  those  statistics 
show  that  Massachusetts’  manufacturing  stocks  pay 
3.87  per  cent.,  Boston  bank  stocks  4.53  per  cent., 
and  in  New  England  Railroad  stocks  4.29  per  cent. 

Let  me  put  the  assertion  in  another  form.  If  you 
will  give  me  all  that  capital  has  made  on  railroads, 
an  unprotected  industry,  I will  give  you  all  that  capi- 
tal has  made  on  factories,  and  agree  to  feed  the  hun- 
gry crowds  caused  by  the  Wilson  Bill  and  not  claim 
any  virtue  for  my  charity. 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


1 16 

The  public  again  do  not  suffer  for  the  sake  of  the 
employees  of  the  protected  industries,  for  they  get 
no  higher  wages  than  the  unprotected.  In  fact  the 
increase  goes  to  one  as  much  as  the  other.  Who 
built  the  mills  at  Fall  River?  Who  made  the  ma- 
chinery ? Who  furnished  the  provisions  and  other  con- 
sumable wealth  which  Fall  River  and  its  mills  demand  ? 
The  answer  must  be,  the  whole  United  States.  “ But,” 
says  my  questioner,  “if  you  only  distribute  among 
all  of  us,  who  paid  it,  this  money  which  was  taken 
from  us  for  the  extra  price,  what  is  the  good  ? ” If 
that  were  all  there  was  to  it,  I could  still  answer  that 
at  least  there  was  no  loss.  But  beyond  a question 
this  system  establishes  diversified  industries.  No- 
body can  doubt  that.  Diversified  industries  call  out 
all  the  working  powers  of  the  world.  Some  men  are 
fitted  for  one  thing,  some  for  another. 


Diversification  of  Industries. 

The  only  way  to  utilize  all  the  powers  of  body 
and  mind  in  a nation  is  to  have  something  which 
suits  all.  By  this  means  the  great  army  of  the 
unemployed  can  be  diminished.  A nation  which 
keeps  its  people  employed  is  in  the  end  sure  to  show 
the  largest  gains  even  of  wealth.  Diversified  indus- 
tries educate  the  people  and  give  them  a broader 
education  than  books  can  give,  and  so  help  them  on 
the  road  to  greater  civilization.  We  have  already 
seen  that  greater  civilization  leads  to  higher  wa^es, 
to  greater  production.  In  a country  of  high  wages 
there  are  greater  inducements  for  inventors,  for  they 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


ii  7 

can  save  more  by  their  inventions,  which  are  there- 
fore more  readily  adopted. 

We  were  talking  awhile  ago  about  higher  wages. 
The  question  naturally  comes  up,  how  can  these 
higher  wages  be  got?  There  must  be  something  for 
them  to  come  from.  Just  think  a moment  what 
wages  are.  They  are  the  devourers  of  consumable 
wealth.  In  order  to  have  more  consumable  wealth 
you  must  have  an  incentive  for  its  creation.  Wealth 
will  never  be  made  unless  a consumer  stands  ready. 
More  consumable  wealth,  therefore,  depends  upon  a 
broadening  market.  This  I have  already  shown  does 
not  mean  more  purchasers,  but  purchasers  with 
better  purses,  though  for  that  matter  in  this  country 
we  have  both. 

But  how  can  you  make  more  wealth  with  the  same 
number  of  workers?  By  using  the  forces  of  nature 
and  by  utilizing  human  brains.  How  can  you  do 
that?  By  incentives.  The  brain  no  more  works 
without  incentive  than  the  body  does. 

Invention  Born  of  Necessity. 

To  hear  the  discussion  in  Congress  you  would 
suppose  that  invention  dropped  from  heaven  like 
manna  to  the  Jews.  You  would  suppose  that  James 
Watt  reached  out  into  the  darkness  and  pulled  back 
a steam  engine.  It  was  not  so.  All  invention  is  the 
product  of  necessities  and  of  pressure.  When  the 
boy  who  wanted  to  go  off  to  play,  and  so  rigged  the 
stopcocks  that  the  engine  went  itself,  he  was  not  only 
a true  inventor,  but  he  had  the  same  motive — his 


! X 3 A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 

personal  advantage — that  all  inventors  have,  and  like 
them  was  urged  on  by  business  necessities. 

What  originated  Bessemer  steel  ? Sir  Henry 
Bessemer?  No ; but  the  necessities  of  railroads, 
under  public  pressure  for  lower  rates  of  traffic, which 
would,  every  one  of  them,  have  been  bankrupt  with- 
out steel  rails.  If  Sir  Henry  had  not  invented  the 
process  somebody  else  would.  It  detracts  not  one 
iota  from  the  fame  of  Alexander  Bell  that  a dozen 
men  were  close  on  his  track.  It  has  been  so  in 
every  great  invention.  I say,  therefore,  that  it  was 
the  diversification  of  our  industries  that  has  stimu- 
lated inventions.  Otherwise  all  the  inventive  power 
of  America  would  have  run  to  waste ; and  when  a 
man  calculates  the  wonders  of  American  inventive 
genius  he  knows  where  some  of  our  wealth  comes 
from. 

As  a further  proof  that  invention  is  born  of  neces- 
sity, tell  me  why  great  inventions  never  come  until 
the  world  is  in  such  shape  as  to  enjoy  them  ? What 
would  the  Crusaders  have  done  with  railroads  ? 
There  was  not  money  enough  in  the  world,  travel  or 
merchandise  to  keep  them  going  a week. 

Another  Fact. 

And  this  brings  to  me  another  fact.  No  invention 
is  worth  its  salt  which  does  not  have  increased  con- 
sumption behind  it.  Take  the  very  case  of  the  rail- 
roads; are  railroads  economical?  “Certainly,”  you 
reply.  “ They  can  carry  passengers  for  half  a cent  a 
mile,  for  a quarter  of  a cent,  and  a New  York  hack 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 


J 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


1 2 1 


will  cost  you  $2,  and  even  a lumbering  coach  may  cost 
you  io  cents.  Of  course  it  is  economical.”  But 
suppose  you  had  only  a stage-load  to  carry  every 
day,  would  it  pay  you  to  build  a railroad,  and  would 
that  conveyance  be  cheap?  Hardly.  You  can  make 
an  ax  handle  with  a machine  in  two  seconds ; with- 
out, in  three  hours.  It  would  pay  to  build  a machine 
to  make  a million  of  ax  handles,  but  not  to  make  one. 

Large  Consumption  at  the  Basis. 

Therefore  I say  that  the  great  forces  of  nature 
and  the  wisest  inventions  are  alike  unprofitable  ex- 
cept for  a large  consumption.  Hence,  large  con- 
sumption is  at  the  basis  of  saving  in  manufacture, 
and  hence  high  wages  contribute  their  share  to 
progress.  If  you  once  accept  the  idea  that  necessity 
is  mother  of  invention,  instead  of  regarding  inven- 
tion as  coming  from  heaven  knows  where,  you  can 
see  how  high  wages  stimulate  it. 

I saw  at  a machine-shop  not  long  ago  a great 
machine  which  could  work  only  in  one  direction,  and 
naturally  consumed,  in  going  back  to  place,  as  much 
time  as  in  coming  forward.  It  took  three  men  at  $3 
a day  to  run  it.  Half  their  time  was  lost.  Could 
the  speed  of  the  return  have  been  doubled,  more 
than  $2  a day  would  have  been  saved.  That  inven- 
tion was  made  because,  being  applicable  to  many 
machines,  it  meant  much  money,  Had  they  been 
worked  by  men  who  were  paid  50  cents  a day,  it 
is  doubtful  if  it  would  have  been  demanded.  Where 
wages  are  low,  invention  is  rare.  It  does  not  pay. 

7 


122 


A PROTECTIVE  TAR/EE. 


The  Hope  of  Agriculturists. 

But  what  do  you  say  about  the  farmer?  Well,  on 
that  subject  I do  not  profess  any  special  learning,  but 
there  is  one  simple  statement  I wish  to  make  and 
leave  the  question  there. 

If,  with  cities  growing  up  like  magic,  manufactur- 
ing villages  dotting  every  eligible  site,  each  and  all 
swarming  with  mouths  to  be  filled,  the  producers 
of  food  are  worse  off  than  when  half  this  country 
was  a desert,  I abandon  sense  in  favor  of  political 
economy. 

If  the  hope  of  agriculturists  is  in  English  free 
trade,  they  had  better  ponder  on  the  fact  that  while 
the  wages  of  artisans  have  increased  in  England 
$2.43  per  week  since  1850,  the  wages  of  agricultural 
laborers  have  only  increased  72  cents,  and  while 
the  Lancashire  operatives  in  the  factories  live  as  well 
as  anybody  except  Americans,  the  agricultural  labor- 
ers are  hardly  better  off  than  the  continental  peasan- 
try. England’s  example  will  do  for  agriculture. 

Here  let  me  meet  one  other  question,  and  let  me 
meet  it  fairly.  We  are  charged  with  having  claimed 
that  the  tariff  alone  will  raise  wages,  and  we  are 
pointed  triumphantly  to  the  fact  that  the  wages  of 
France  and  Germany,  protected  by  a tariff,  are  lower 
than  England,  free  of  all  tariff,  and  to  America  with 
a tariff  and  still  higher  wages.  We  have  never  made 
such  a claim  in  any  such  form.  Free  traders  have 
set  up  that  claim  for  us  in  order  to  triumphantly 
knock  it  over.  What  we  do  say  is,  that  where  two 
nations  have  equal  skill  and  equal  appliances  and  a 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


123 


market  of  nearly  equal  size,  and  one  of  them  can 
hire  labor  at  one-half  less,  nothing  but  a tariff  can 
maintain  the  higher  wages,  and  that  we  can  prove. 

Cheaper  Labor. 

If  there  be  two  bales  of  goods  side  by  side,  made 
by  the  same  kind  of  machinery  and  with  the  labor  of 
the  human  being  in  both  of  the  same  degree  of  skill, 
and  if  the  labor  of  one  bale  cost  one-half,  for  example, 
as  much  as  the  other,  that  other  bale  can  never  be 
sold  until  the  extra  cost  of  the  costlier  labor  is 
squeezed  out  of  it,  provided  there  is  an  abundant 
supply  of  the  product  of  the  cheaper  labor.  If  the 
bale  with  the  cheaper  labor  of  England  in  it  meets 
the  bale  with  the  dearer  labor  of  America  in  it,  which 
will  be  bought  at  the  cost  of  production  ? I leave 
that  problem  just  there.  The  sale  of  the  English 
bale  will  be  only  limited  by  England’s  production. 

Now  as  to  France  and  Germany.  England  had 
centuries  of  peace  or  distant  war,  while  both  France 
and  Germany  were  the  battlefields  of  Europe.  Until 
Bismarck  made  Germany  a nation  she  was  not  even 
big  enough  to  enter  successfully  modern  industrial 
warfare.  To  compare  either  of  those  nations  in 
machinery  or  wealth  to  England,  a hundred  years  in 
advance  of  them  both  by  reason  of  her  history  be- 
fore 1850  and  her  tributary  provinces,  is  absolutely 
farcical. 

Let  Germany  and  France  get  thoroughly  estab- 
lished within  themselves  as  good  machinery  as  Eng- 
land now  has,  together  with  her  factory  system,  and 


124 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


nothing  but  higher  wages  in  those  countries  or  a 
tariff  in  their  own  will  ever  save  the  English  people 
from  ruin.  Lord  Armstrong  knew  what  he  was  doing 
when  he  established  an  English  iron  manufactory  in 
Italy  with  English  appliances  and  Italian  labor  at  half 
price. 

No,  no;  tariff  does  not  make  the  blind  see,  the 
lame  walk,  nor  does  it  raise  the  dead  to  life,  but  it 
is  a good,  sound,  sensible  policy  for  the  United  States 
for  its  growth  in  riches  and  civilization,  and  if  it  is 
stricken  down,  the  people  who  in  their  secret  hearts 
will  think  us  the  most  shortsighted  will  be  the  for- 
eigners who  profit  by  our  folly. 

What  Has  Made  England  Rich  ? 

There  is  still  another  argument  which  I desire  to 
present  out  of  the  large  number  yet  unused.  What 
has  made  England  rich  ? It  is  the  immense  profits 
which  come  of  converting  raw  material  into  manu- 
factured goods.  She  is  the  huge  workshop,  doing 
the  most  profitable  work  of  the  world  ; changing  ma- 
terial to  finished  product.  So  long  as  she  can  per- 
suade the  rest  of  the  world  to  engage  in  the  work 
which  is  the  least  profitable  and  leave  her  the  most 
enriching,  she  can  well  be  content. 

Let  me  give  one  item,  and  the  figures  shall  be  fur- 
nished by  the  gentleman  from  Alabama  [Mr. 
Wheeler],  who  told  me  in  your  presence  that  the 
value  of  all  the  cotton  raised  in  the  United  States 
was  only  $300,000,000,  while  the  finished  product  of 
that  cotton  was  $1,750,000,000.  When  cotton  leaves 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


125 


the  field  it  is  worth  $3 00,000,000 ; when  it  leaves  the 
mill  it  is  worth  six  times  as  much.  On  our  own  cotton 
crop  alone  we  might  in  time  make  the  profits  on  a 
billion  and  a half  of  manufactured  goods.  Nor  is 
there  anything  to  prevent  such  a result  in  a protective 
tariff. 

Some  men  think,  indeed,  this  bill  and  its  author’s 
speeches  proceed  upon  the  supposition  that  the  first 
step  towards  gaining  the  markets  of  the  world  is  to 
give  up  our  own,  just  as  if  a forfeited  army,  with 
enemies  on  all  flanks,  should  overturn  its  own  breast- 
works as  the  first-preliminary  to  a march  into  the 
open.  Even  the  foolish  chivalry  of  the  Marquis  de 
Montcalm  which  led  him  to  his  death  on  the  Heights 
of  Abraham  had  not  that  crowning  folly.  Such  is 
not  the  history  of  the  world ; such  is  not  even  the 
example  of  England.  Tariff  duties,  whether  levied 
for  that  purpose  or  for  revenue,  become  a dead  letter 
when  we  are  able  to  compete  with  the  outside  world. 

We  are  the  only  rival  that  England  fears,  for  we 
alone  have  in  our  borders  the  population  and  the 
wages,  the  raw  material,  and  within  ourselves  the 
great  market  which  insures  to  us  the  most  improved 
machinery.  Our  constant  power  to  increase  our 
wages  insures  us  also  continuous  progress.  If  you 
wish  us  to  follow  the  example  of  England,  I say  yes, 
with  all  my  heart ; but  her  real  example  and  nothing 
less.  Let  us  keep  protection,  .as  she  did,  until  no 
rival  dares  to  invade  our  territory,  and  then  we  may 
take  our  chances  for  a future  which  by  that  time  will 
not  be  unknown. 


126 


A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF. 


Nobody  knows  so  well  as  I do  how  much  even  of 
my  own  comprehension  of  the  great  argument  which 
should  decide  this  question  I have  failed  to  present. 
I have  said  not  a word  of  the  great  fall  of  prices 
which  has  always  come  from  the  competition  of  the 
whole  world  within  itself  rendered  possible  by  pro- 
tection and  substituted  for  the  competition  within  a 
single  island.  I have  said  not  a word  of  the  Qreat 
difference  between  the  attitude  of  employers  who 
find  their  own  workmen  their  best  customers  in  their 
own  land,  and  who  are,  therefore,  moved  by  their 
own  best  interests  to  give  their  workmen  fair  wages, 
and  those  who  sell  abroad  and  are  therefore  anxious 
for  low  wages  at  home,  and  on  whom  works,  un- 
restrictedly, that  pernicious  doctrine,  as  wages  fall, 
profits  rise.  These  and  much  more  have  I omitted. 


SILK  WINDING. 

(Fac-simile  of  a picture  in  Edward  Williams’s  “ Virginia  Truly  Valued,”  1650J 


A Tariff  for  Revenue. 


BY  HON.  WM.  L.  WILSON, 

Author  of  the  “ Wilson  Bill  ” 

The  gentleman  from  Maine,  Mr.  Reed,  has  en- 
deavored to  take  up  the  stock  arguments  of  protec- 
tion and  sickly  them  over  with  a pale  cast  of  phi- 
losophy. But,  after  all,  his  main  argument  is  that 
which  is  heard  on  every  platform  in  the  country,  that 
because  we  have  had  protection  in  the  United  States 
for  the  last  thirty  years,  we  have  drawn  all  our  pros- 
perity, our  national  greatness,  our  individual  and 
social  advancement  from  a law  of  Congress,  and  not 
from  the  character  and  enterprise  of  our  people,  the 
resources  of  our  country,  the  freedom  of  our  institu- 
tions, and  the  blessing  of  Almighty  God. 

Human  Progress  Cannot  Be  Impeded. 

The  gentleman  from  Maine  will  not  go  farther  than 
I will  in  singing  the  praises  of  our  common  country. 
He  will  not  glory  more  than  I will  in  every  forward 
step  that  it  takes  in  prosperity,  in  freedom,  in  great- 
ness, and  in  moral  stature  ; but  I must  remind  him  that 
we  have  grown  great  and  prosperous,  that  we  have 
increased  in  numbers  and  wealth,  not  because  of  pro- 
tection, but  because  no  law  of  Congress  can  stand  in 
the  pathway  of  human  progress.  You  may  frame 

(127) 


I28  the  reform  of  the  tariff. 

your  McKinley  bills,  and  human  progress  will  trample 
them  under  its  feet.  You  can  not  deaden  science,  and 
banish  art,  and  drive  out  invention,  and  destroy  en- 
terprise, and  prevent  every  man  in  this  great,  free 
country  from  seeking,  in  all  possible  ways,  to  better 
his  condition,  and  to  advance  his  own  personal  wel- 
fare ; and  out  of  this  effort  of  all  men  to  advance,  out 
of  this  constant  and  persistent  struggle  of  every  indi- 
vidual to  rise  in  the  scale  of  civilization,  to  improve 
his  own  condition,  and  to  gather  to  himself  more 
of  the  comforts  and  possessions  of  life,  comes  that 
glorious  progress  that  no  law  of  Congress  can  im- 
pede, and  no  McKinley  bills  or  other  bills  can  seri- 
ously thwart  or  affect. 

What  the  Laws  Have  Done. 

But  I will  tell  you  what  your  laws  can  do  and 
what  your  laws  have  done.  You  can  not  prevent  the 
accumulation  of  wealth  in  such  a land  as  this,  but 
you  can  reach  out  the  strong  arm  of  government  and 
take  that  wealth  from  the  man  who  made  it  and  be- 
stow it  upon  the  man  who  did  not  make  it.  You  can 
not  deal  out  prosperity  to  all  the  people,  but  you  can 
deal  out  wealth  to  a part  of  them,  and  poverty  to  all 
the  rest. 

In  his  7th  of  March  speech,  in  1850,  Daniel  Webster 
declared  that  five-sixths  of  the  property  of  the  North 
belonged  to  the  workingmen  of  the  North. 

Can  any  Representative  of  the  Commonwealth  of 
Massachusetts  make  such  a boast  to-day?  Gentle- 
men upon  the  other  side,  and  notably  the  gentleman 


THE  REFORM  OF  THE  TARIFF. 


131 

from  Maine,  have  justified  the  protective  system  on 
the  ground  that  it  makes  equal  and  extensive  distri- 
bution of  its  benefits. 

A Lesson  in  the  Last  Census. 

There  is  a lesson  in  the  last  census  that  calls 
upon  every  citizen  to  pause  and  ponder  whether  it  be 
a sign  of  growing  prosperity,  or  a' sign  of  growing 
and  dangerous  decadence.  It  appears  by  that  census 
that  of  all  the  men  occupying  farms  in  this  country, 
one-third  are  tenants  who  live  on  farms  owned  by 
others.  It  appears  by  that  census  that  of  all  the 
people  occupying  homes  other  than  farms  in  this 
country,  two-thirds  live  in  rented  homes.  If  that  is  a 
sign  of  general  prosperity,  if  that  is  a proof  of  dif- 
fused welfare,  then  the  protective  system  is  entitled 
to  the  credit  of  it,  because  it  is,  in  a large  share,  I be- 
lieve, due  to  that  system. 

If  great  reforms  could  be  pierced  and  destroyed  by 
shafts  of  ridicule,  if  great  causes  could  be  laughed 
off  the  field,  we  to-day  would  be  slaves  of  England 
instead  of  being  free,  self-governing  citizens.  The 
clowns  who  in  England,  under  Oliver  Cromwell, 
saved  representative  government,  and  transmitted  it 
to  us  as  a heritage,  were  the  objects  of  unending 
sarcasm,  jeers  and  ridicule  to  the  pampered  courtiers 
of  the  Stuarts.  The  Virginia  riflemen  who  met  in 
my  own  county  in  their  hunting  shirts,  and  from  the 
right  bank  of  the  Potomac  marched,  one  hundred 
strong,  under  an  ignorant  wagoner,  Daniel  Morgan, 
to  the  relief  of  Boston,  cut  but  a sorry  figure  by  the 


I32 


THE  REFORM  OF  THE  TAR/EE. 


side  of  the  splendid  troops  that  held  that  city.  Men 
are  not  judged  by  the  clumsiness  of  their  movements 
or  by  their  ability  to  make  the  best  presentation  of 
their  cause.  They  are  ennobled  by  that  for  which 
they  fight;  and  the  tattered  Continentals  of  Wash- 
ington and  the  huntsmen  of  Daniel  Morgan  may 
have  been  rustic  in  dress  and  awkward  in  their  ma- 
noeuvers,  but  they  bore  upon  their  standards  the 
freedom  we  now  enjoy. 

The  Goal  of  Perfect  Freedom. 

This  is  a very  old  world,  but  long  before  human 
history  began  to  be  written,  the  fatal  secret  was 
disclosed  that  there  is  no  easier,  no  quicker,  no 
more  abundant  way  of  gathering  wealth  and  gather- 
ing power,  than  by  exercising  the  privilege  of 
taxing  the  masses  of  the  people.  That  secret  dis- 
closed, and  eagerly  seized  upon  before  the  dawn 
of  human  history,  is  yet  the  dominant  force  in  all  the 
world.  It  is  but  two  hundred  years  since  men  were 
willing  to  fight  for  the  idea  that  governments  are 
made  for  the  governed  and  not  for  the  exclusive 
benefit  of  those  who  govern,  and  not  yet  in  all  the 
world  is  there  a single  nation  whose  Government  [ s 
administered  exclusively  and  evenly  in  the  interest 
of  all  the  governed.  That  is  the  goal  of  perfect 
freedom.  That  is  the  achievement  of  perfect  equality. 
That  is  the  goal  toward  which  the  Democratic  party 
is  courageously  and  honestly  moving  in  this  struggle 
for  tariff  reform.  Whenever  that  party,  and  when- 
ever the  members  of  it  are  able  to  cut  loose  from 


THE  REFORM  OF  THE  TARIFF. 


133 

local  or  selfish  interest  and  keep  the  general  welfare 
alone  in  their  eyes,  we  shall  attain  our  full  freedom, 
and  bring  to  the  people  of  this  country  blessings  that 
no  other  people  in  the  world  have  ever  enjoyed. 

When  Sir  Robert  Peel  was  just  entering  upon  his 
work  of  tariff  reform  in  England,  he  read  to  the 
House  of  Commons  a letter  that  had  been  sent  him 
by  a canny  Scotch  fisherman.  The  writer  protested 
against  lowering  the  duties  on  herrings,  for  fear,  as 
he  said,  that  the  Norwegian  fisherman  might  under- 
sell him,  but  he  assured  Sir  Robert,  in  closing  the 
letter,  that  in  every  respect  except  herrings  he  was  a 
thoroughgoing  free  trader.  I trust  that  no  Democrat 
to-day  will  be  thinking  more  about  his  herrings  than 
the  cause  of  the  people.  I trust  that  no  man’s  particu- 
lar herrings  will  come  up  to-day  and  stand  between 
him  and  the  honest,  enthusiastic  performance  of  his 
duty,  and  his  whole  duty,  to  the  American  people. 

Two  Arguments. 

I have  said  that  I do  not  feel  called  upon  to  con- 
sider the  well-worn  arguments  which  have  pro- 
ceeded from  the  other  side.  I should  like  to  take  up 
two  arguments  which  seem  to  have  found  some 
lodgment  among  our  own  friends.  The  first  is,  that 
this  reform  will  create  a deficit,  and,  therefore,  ought 
not  to  pass.  In  the  name  of  common  sense,  how  can 
you  ever  pass  a tariff-reform  bill  if  you  do  not  reduce 
the  taxation  imposed  by  the  law  that  you  seek  to  reform. 
And  could  not  protectionists  thwart  and  forever  pre- 
vent any  movement  toward  tariff-reform  by  ex- 


134 


THE  REFORM  OF  THE  TARIFF. 


travagant  expenditures  and  other  means  of  keeping 
down  the  revenue  to  the  expenses  of  the  govern- 
ment ? Have  gentlemen  forgotten  that  there  may  be 
a system  of  high-tariff  taxation  under  which  the 
government  receives  little  and  the  protected  in- 
dustries receive  much,  and  that  there  may  be  a 
* system  of  low-tariff  taxation  under  which  the  govern- 
ment receives  a great  deal  and  the  protected  in- 
dustries receive  but  little  ? The  McKinley  Tariff  is 
framed  on  the  first  idea,  and  the  Wilson  Tariff  is 
framed  on  the  idea  of  revenue. 

If  you  will  take  up  the  history  of  the  free-trade 
movement  in  England  you  will  find  that  nothing  so 
surprised  tariff  reformers  as  the  fact  that  the  more 
they  cut  down,  and  the  more  they  transferred  to  the 
free  list,  the  larger  revenues  accrued  to  the  govern- 
ment. So  that  Mr.  Gladstone  was  able  to  say,  when 
they  had  finally  reduced  their  schedules  from  twelve 
hundred  taxed  articles  to  about  seven,  that  the 
revenue  was  still  as  great  from  the  seven  as  it  had 
been  from  the  twelve  hundred. 

Increasing  Revenues. 

I have  here  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  for  1847,  which  Mr.  Walker  declared 
that  in  the  very  first  year  under  the  operation  of  the 
tariff  of  1846  the  revenues  had  gone  up  from 
$23,500,000  to  $31,500,000,  an  increase  of  more  than 
one-third  in  a single  year. 

Another  argument  which  gentlemen  upon  this  side 
are  using  to  excuse  themselves  for  hesitating,  at 


THE  REFORM  OF  THE  TARIFF 


135 

least,  to  vote  for  this  bill,  is  that  the  income  tax  has 
been  added  to  it.  I need  not  say  to  them  that  I did 
not  concur  in  the  policy  of  attaching  an  income  tax 
bill  to  the  tariff  bill.  I have  had  some  doubt  as  to  the 
expediency  of  a personal  income  tax  at  the  present 
time,  but  when  the  committee  decided  otherwise,  I 
threw  in  my  fortunes  earnestly  and  loyally  with  them 
because  I had  never  been  hostile  to  the  idea  of  an 
income  tax.  Those  were  strong  words  which  the 
gentleman  from  Georgia  quoted  in  defense  of  it, 
from  Senator  Sherman.  It  has  been  opposed  as 
class  legislation ; it  is  nothing  of  the  kind ; it  is 
simply  an  effort,  an  honest  first  effort,  to  balance  the 
weight  of  taxation  on  the  poor  consumers  of  the 
country  who  have  heretofore  borne  it  all.  Gentle- 
men who  complain  of  it  as  class  legislation  forget 
that  during  the  fifty  years  of  its  existence  in  Eng- 
land it  has  been  the  strongest  force  in  preventing 
or  allaying  those  class  distinctions  that  have  harassed 
the  other  governments  of  the  Old  World. 

The  Income  Tax  Is  No  Sectional  Legislation. 

It  has  also  been  opposed  in  this  debate  as  sectional 
legislation.  Gentlemen  have  gone  so  far  as  to  de- 
clare that  it  is  aimed  at  New  England  or  New  York 
in  no  just  or  friendly  spirit  by  representatives  of  the 
South  and  of  the  West.  Why,  when  for  a gen- 
eration New  England  has  been  sending  out  from  her 
colleges  men  imbued  with  the  doctrine  that  an  income 
tax  is  a wise  and  equal  system  of  taxation  ; when 
through  the  text-books  of  her  great  economists,  her 


THE  REFORM  OF  THE  TARIFF. 


136 

Sumner,  and  Walker,  and  Perry,  she  has  taught  that 
doctrine  in  the  colleges  of  the  South  and  West,  she 
can  not  justly  complain  that  her  own  teachings  are 
used  as  a sectional  weapon  against  her.  No,  I 
am  in  close  touch  with  the  men  of  the  North — I am 
in  close  touch  with  the  men  of  the  West — I am  bone 
of  the  bone  of  the  men  of  the  South.  And  to-day  I 
can  affirm  that  in  all  my  conferences  with  them  I 
have  heard  no  man  suggest  as  'the  motive  for  this 
scheme  of  taxation  that  he  supported  it  in  any  sec- 
tional spirit  or  with  any  feeling  of  resentment  or  hos- 
tility to  any  part  of  the  country. 

The  Meaning  of  Tariff  Reform. 

I agree  with  the  gentleman  from  Maine  that  the 
question  of  the  wages  and  welfare  of  the  American 
workingman  is  the  vital  point  in  this  controversy.  We 
are  trying  in  this  country  the  experiment  whether,  un- 
der God’s  favor,  with  the  blessings  of  religion  and  ed- 
ucation and  free  government  and  unbounded  re- 
sources, we  can  have  a country  where  every  man  will 
be  born  to  the  possibility  that  he  can  rise  to  a life  of 
culture  and  not  be  condemned  from  his  birth  to  a life 
of  unending  mechanical  toil  or  hopeless  drudgery,  for 
the  mere  comforts  and  necessities  of  existence.  That 
is  the  meaning  of  tariff  reform.  That  is  the  feeling 
which  animates  those  who,  through  victory  and  defeat, 
have  stood  loyally  by  its  cause.  We  want  to  make  this 
a country  where  no  man  shall  be  taxed  for  the  private 
benefit  of  another  man,  but  where  all  the  blessings  of 
free  government,  all  the  influences  of  church  and 


THE  REFORM  OF  THE  TARIFF. 


13; 

school,  all  our  resources,  with  the  skill  and  science 
and  invention  applied  to  their  development,  shall  be 
the  common  untaxed  heritage  of  all  the  people,  add- 
ing to  the  comforts  of  all,  adding  to  the  culture  of 
all,  adding  to  the  happiness  of  all. 

If  I knew  that  when  the  roll  is  called  every  Demo- 
cratic name  would  respond  in  the  spirit  of  that  larger 
patriotism  which  I have  tried  to  suggest,  I should  be 
proud  and  light-hearted  to-day.  Let  me  say  to  my 
brethren  who  are  doubting  as  to  what  they  shall  do, 
that  this  roll  call  will  be  entered,  not  only  upon  the 
Journals  of  this  House,  it  will  be  written  in  the  his- 
tory of  this  country ; it  will  be  entered  in  the  annals 
of  freedom  throughout  all  time. 

A Battle  for  Human  Freedom. 

This  is  not  a battle  over  percentages,  over  this  or 
that  tariff  schedule— it  is  a battle  for  human  freedom. 
As  Mr.  Burke  truly  said,  every  great  battle  for  human 
freedom  is  waged  around  the  question  of  taxation. 
You  may  think  to-day  that  some  peculiar  feeling 
or  view  of  your  own  will  excuse  you  for  not 
supporting  this  great  movement;  you  may  think 
to-day  that  some  excuse  which  seems  to  cover 
you  as  a garment  will  be  sufficient  in  the  future ; 
that  some  reason  which  seems  strong  and  satisfac- 
tory to  you,  some  desire  to  oblige  a great  interest 
behind  you,  may  justify  a negative  vote  when  the 
roll  is  called,  but  the  scorching  gaze  of  a liberty- 
loving  posterity  will  shrivel  them  away  from  you  for- 
ever. The  men  who  had  the  opportunity  to  sign  the 


THE  REFORM  OF  THE  TARIFF. 


138 

Declaration  of  Independence  and  refused  or  neglected 
because  there  was  something  in  it  which  they  did  not 
like — thank  God  there  were  none  such,  but  if  there 
had  been,  what  would  be  their  standing  in  history 
to-day?  If  men  on  the  battlefield  at  Lexington  or 
at  Bunker  Hill,  from  some  ground  of  personal  or 
local  dissatisfaction,  had  thrown  away  their  weapons, 
what  think  you  would  have  been  their  feelings  in  all 
the  remaining  years  of  their  lives  when  the  Liberty 
Bell  rang  out  on  every  recurring  anniversary  of 
American  independence  ? This  is  a roll  of  honor. 
This  is  a roll  of  freedom,  and  in  the  name  of  honor, 
and  in  the  name  of  freedom,  I summon  every  Demo- 
cratic member  of  this  House  to  inscribe  his  name 
upon  it. 


SAMUEL  J.  TILDEN. 


Gold  and  Silver 


AND 

The  Problem  of  Our  National  Currency. 


ITS  HISTORY  AND  EVOLUTION. 

BY  HON.  J.  K.  UPTON, 

First  Assistant  Secretary  of  Treasury  under  Sherman , 
Windom  and  Folger . An  Impartial  Authority. 

Money,  as  used  to  effect  the  exchange  of  com- 
modities, is  the  greatest  labor-saving  machine  ever 
invented  by  man.  Without  money,  wealth  might 
exist,  but  it  would  bring  to  the  possessor  but  few 
comforts. 

Money  of  No  Recent  Origin. 

This  commercial  contrivance  is,  however,  of  no 
recent  origin,  for  we  read  that  in  the  days  of  the 
Patriarchs  Abraham  used  money  to  pay  for  the. cave 
of  Machpelah,  in  which  to  bury  his  dead.  The  story 
of  that  transaction  is  a significant  one,  showing  at 
what  an  early  date  mankind  adopted  the  use  of 
money.  Abraham  was  at  the  head  of  a nomadic 
tribe  encamped  among  the  simple  people  of  Hebron, 
who  looked  upon  him  as  a mighty  prince.  Upon  the 
death  of  his  wife  he  naturally  desired  to  give  her  a 
8 (Hi) 


142 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


sepulture  worthy  of  his  rank  and  position.  Word 
was  therefore  sent  out  that  he  wished  to  purchase  a 
lot  of  ground  for  such  a purpose,  preferring  the  cave 
of  Machpelah,  for  which  he  would  pay  a proper 
amount  of  money.  Ephron,  the  owner  of  the  cave, 
declared  that  it  was  worth  four  hundred  shekels  of 
silver,  and  Abraham  therefore  weighed  them  out  to 
him,  as  “ current  money  among  the  merchants,”  and 
in  return  received  his  title  to  the  cave,  the  boun- 
daries and  transfer  duly  witnessed. 

In  this  transaction  are  found  in  effect  all  the  form 
and  methods  employed  for  a like  transaction  to-day, 
except  that  the  weighing  of  the  money  at  the  time  of 
the  transfer  is  obviated  by  the  metal  having  been 
previously  converted  into  disks  of  known  and  uni- 
form weight. 

Ancient  Use  of  Silver  as  Money. 

But  for  the  general  use  of  money  to  effect  such 
changes  of  property,  Ephron  could  hardly  have 
found  terms  in  which  to  express  the  value  of  his 
cave,  and  Abraham  could  hardly  have  paid  for  it  un- 
less Ephron  would  have  accepted  therefor  a portion 
of  his  flocks,  which,  though  valuable  to  Abraham, 
might  not  have  been  needed  by  Ephron,  and  he  might 
have  found  trouble  in  exchanging  them  for  what  he 
did  need,  as  only  for  “current  money”  would  the 
merchants  surely  part  with  their  goods. 

That  silver,  out  of  all  the  products  of  the  earth  and 
sea,  had  already  been  selected  for  use  as  money,  is 
especially  creditable  to  the  commercial  acuteness  of 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


143 


these  ancient  people.  A search  of  three  thousand 
years  since  made  has  found  no  better  commodity  for 
that  purpose.  In  recent  years  it  has  been  supple- 
mented by  the  use  of  gold,  a metal  possessing  for 
money  most  of  the  qualities  of  silver,  and  its  higher 
value  in  relation  to  its  weight  renders  it  more  ser- 
viceable, perhaps,  in  transactions  involving  large 
amounts.  Upon  one  or  the  other  of  these  metals  the 
commercial  exchanges  of  the  world  have  been  ef- 
fected for  centuries,  and  in  the  terms  of  their  weight 
all  values  of  property  have  come  to  be  expressed. 
When  we  say  an  article  is  worth  so  many  dollars, 
pounds,  or  francs,  we  only  mean  that  it  can  be  ex- 
changed for  so  many  pieces  of  gold  or  silver,  the 
weight  of  the  pieces  being  known,  fixed  and  uniform. 

Other  Commodities  Used  as  Money. 

The  experiment  of  using  other  commodities  for 
money  has,  however  often  been  tried.  At  different 
times  and  in  various  places,  hand-made  nails,  the 
shells  of  clams,  tail  feathers  of  birds,  skins  of  animals, 
cattle,  corn  and  tobacco,  and  nearly  all  the  products 
of  the  field  and  the  chase  have  been  used  as  money, 
but  their  tendency  to  decay  or  their  inability  to  with- 
stand the  attrition  of  circulation  have  soon  rendered 
them  worthless,  though  in  some  cases  they  served 
well  the  exigencies  which  brought  them  into  such 
use. 

Representative  Money. 

Promises  to  pay  specified  amounts  of  money  on 
demand  have  also  been  issued  in  recent  years  for 


144 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


money,  both  by  the  State  and  by  private  corpora- 
tions, and  though  only  of  paper,  have  served  a valu- 
able auxiliary  as  long  as  the  promises  were  promptly 
redeemed  in  money.  The  ancients  had  none  of  this 
so-called  paper  money,  perhaps  because  they  had  no 
paper,  but  they  closely  approximated  the  use  of  rep- 
resentative money  when  they  cut  out  from  the  skin 
of  an  animal  an  irregularly  outlined  piece  and  paid  it 
out  at  the  value  of  the  skin  itself,  with  the  under- 
standing that  the  holder  could  at  any  time  obtain  the 
skin  therefor,,  provided  that  upon  presentation  for 
that  purpose  the  piece  was  found  to  fit  the  hole  from 
which  it  was  taken. 

The  use  of  checks  in  business,  the  offsetting  of 
credits  against  each  other  through  the  agency  of 
banks  and  clearing-houses  in  the  centers  of  trade, 
have,  to  a certain  extent,  relieved  money  from  a por- 
tion of  its  duties  ; but  financial  transactions  of  every 
kind  are  based  upon  a money  standard,  and  result- 
ing balances  paid  only  by  money  itself. 

The  Functions  of  Money. 

The  natural  functions  of  money,  of  whatever  char- 
acter it  consists,  are,  therefore,  to  aid  in  the  transfer 
of  property  from  one  party  to  another,  and  to  furnish 
a common  standard  in  which  all  values  may  be  ex- 
pressed. 

The  State,  however,  not  content  with  using  money 
for  the  simple  purposes  mentioned,  has  brought  it 
into  politics  and  clothed  it  with  a new  function  by 
which  it  can  satisfy  a contract  with  less  than  the 


OUR  NAT/OJVAL  CURRENCY. 


145 


amount  called  for,  or  with  a new  kind  of  money  not 
contemplated  in  the  contract.  This  extraordinary 
endowment  is  known  as  the  legal-tender  quality,  and 
it  is  only  effective  when  backed  by  the  power  of  the 
State.  Under  this  illogical  and  unnatural  acquisition 
forced  upon  it  by  law,  money  springs  into  prominence 
as  a political  factor,  and  begins  to  have  a history,  or 
rather  to  create  one. 

The  Legal-Tender  Function. 

From  this  new  legal-tender  function  three  projects 
have  sprung  by  which  money,  heretofore  an  impartial 
factor  in  the  transfer  of  property,  becomes  an  aggres- 
sive agent  by  which  the  most  sacred  rights  of  a man 
to  his  own  accumulations  have  been  destroyed. 

These  projects  may  be  classified  as  follows: — 

1 st.  To  retain  the  name  of  the  coin,  but  to  take 
from  it  a portion  of  its  value,  the  reduced  price  to  be 
equally  available  in  payment  of  a debt,  known  as 
debasing  the  coinage. 

2d.  To  issue  paper  promises-to-pay,  of  certain 
amounts,  the  issue  to  be  a full  satisfaction  for  all 
debts  to  the  amount  of  its  face,  known  as  inflation. 

3d.  To  substitute,  at  a rate  fixed  by  law,  one  metal 
for  another,  and  to  give  the  creditor  the  option  of 
paying  his  debts  in  either,  known  as  bimetallism. 

A monetary  history  of  any  country  is  mainly  but  a 
recount  of  the  operations  of  money  as  a legal  tender, 
for  money  left  to  natural  laws  has  no  history,  no 
more  than  has  the  ceaseless- flow  of  a river  or  the 
rise  and  fall  of  the  tide. 


i46  OUR  national  currency. 

In  the  days  of  Abraham,  with  no  legal-tender 
quality,  money  did  its  work  silently  and  faithfully, 
unrestricted  by  legislation,  and  we  know  of  its  exist- 
ence only  incidentally.  To  the  laws  of  this  country 
that  have  intervened  to  check  and  misdirect  its 
operations  is  due  the  history  which  this  article  will 
relate. 

Combination  of  Two  Standards. 

The  early  settlers  of  this  country,  coming  from 
England,  were  accustomed  to  reckon  values  in 
pounds,  shillings,  and  pence,  and  to  use  the  shillings 
of  that  country  as  current  money.  These  pieces 
have  a history  worthy  to  be  related : William  I, 
the  Norman  King,  placed  in  the  Tower  a bar  of 
silver  H fine,  containing  ^ of  an  ounce  troy  more 
than  the  troy  pound  of  5760  grains,  and  declared 
it  to  be  the  standard,  both  of  weights  and  values, 
for  his  newly  acquired  realm.  As  a standard  of 
value,  this  Tower  pound  was  divided  into  240  parts 
each  part  to  be  known  as  a penny,  and  for  many 
years  only  pennies  were  coined ; but  as  trade  in- 
creased, out  of  the  pound  were  coined  twenty  pieces 
known  as  shillings,  each  necessarily  containing 
twelve  pence.  As  a standard  of  weight,  the  same 
pound  was  also  divided  into  240  parts,  each  part  to 
be  known  as  a pennyweight,  being  of  the  same 
weight  as  a penny;  but  for  some  reason  the  relation 
of  weight  and  value  was  then  abandoned,  and  the 
pound  was  divided  into  twelve  parts,  to  be  known 
as  ounces,  each  part,  of  course,  containing  twenty 
pennyweights. 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


14  7 

This  ingenious  and  admirable  conbination  of  two 

o 

standards  was  not  permitted  to  continue  long,  for 
Edward  III,  finding  his  crown  debts  pressing,  directed 
that  twenty-two  shillings  be  coined  from  a pound 
instead  of  twenty,  and  by  making  the  new  pieces  a 
legal  tender  for  the  same  purpose  as  those  previously 
issued  he  cheated  his  creditors  out  of  two  shillings 
on  every  pound  of  debt,  as  the  new  pieces  had  no 
value  in  the  mafket  except  what  their  weight  for 
bullion  gave  them. 

Debasing  the  Money. 

The  successors  of  this  monarch  repeatedly  worked 
this  silent  and  sleek  scheme  for  replenishing  their 
depleted  coffers  at  the  expense  of  their  debtors,  until 
Queen  Elizabeth  by  royal  proclamation  declared  that 
out  of  the  troy  pound,  which  Henry  VIII  had  sub- 
stituted for  the  Tower  pound,  there  should  be  coined 
sixty-two  of  these  pieces.  By  this  time  the  shilling 
contained  only  about  one-third  of  its  original  amount 
of  silver,  and  even  the  dunderheaded  Englishmen 
began  to  see  there  was  cheating  somewhere  around 
the  board,  and  that  royalty  alone  was  winning  the 
stakes.  So  a great  clamor  was  raised,  and  since 
then  no  debasement  of  the  full  legal-tender  coins  has 
taken  place  in  Merrie  England. 

The  colonists,  who  brought  these  pieces  with  them 
to  this  country,  were,  doubtless  familiar  with  this 
process  of  debasing  coins  and  the  gain  that  would 
come  therefrom  to  the  State,  for  as  early  as  1652  the 
Massachusetts  Colony  set  up  a mint  and  commenced 
the  coinage  of  shilling  pieces  avowedly  containing 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


I48 

but  ten  pence’  worth  of  silver.  The  mint  master, 
however,  took  fifteen  pence  out  of  every  twenty 
shillings  coined,  and  then  the  English  Mint  declared 
the  silver  in  the  coins  was  not  of  an  even  weight  or 
fineness,  and  so  the  pieces  circulated  at  twenty-five 
per  cent,  discount,  though,  being  a legal  tender  at 
their  face  value,  they  were  worth  par  in  payment  of 
debt.  These  shillings,  however,  became  the  standard 
by  which  values  were  reckoned  from  that  time  on, 
though  but  few  'were  coined,  and  those  were  hoarded 
or  shipped  abroad,  notwithstanding  such  shipment 
was  forbidden  by  severe  penalties,  for  there  existed 
in  the  colonies  a cheaper  way  of  paying  debts  than 
that  afforded  even  by  debased  coins.  Clam  shells, 
cattle,  corn  and  beaver  had  been  made  legal  tender, 
and  the  principle  laid  down  by  Sir  Thomas  Gresham, 
of  Queen  Elizabeth’s  time,  that  no  two  currencies  of 
unequal  value  would  circulate  together— the  poorer 
driving  out  the  better — was  the  secret  of  the  de- 
portation of  the  coin.  To  protect  the  Treasury 
against  the  operations  of  this  law,  in  1658  it  was 
ordered  that  taxes  should  not  be  paid  in  “ lank 
cattle.”  Of  clam  shells,  also,  it  was  found  that  only 
the  broken  and  lusterless  ones  remained  in  circula- 
tion—the  poorer  currency  driving  out  the  better, 
whether  of  cattle  or  of  clam  shells. 

The  Spanish  Pillar  Silver  Dollar. 

At  this  opportune  moment  the  Spanish  pillar  sil- 
ver dollar,  brought  to  this  country  mainly  by  bucca- 
neers, began  to  circulate  throughout  the  colonies,  with 


DANIEE  WEBSTER. 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


51 


its  “pieces  of  eight/’  or  reals.  This  dollar  was  a 
stranger  in  a strange  land,  and  had  nothing  to  recom- 
mend it  to  favor  except  that  it  bore  the  device  of  a 
nation  whose  commercial  integrity  had  never  been 
questioned.  But  the  colonists  reckoned  in  shillings 
and  pence,  and  the  relation  in  value  between  the 
strange  piece  and  a shilling  must  necessarily  be  fixed 
in  some  way.  The  English  Mint  declared  the  piece 
contained  four  shillings  and  six  pence  of  sterling  sil- 
ver, and  this  became  the  established  rate  in  South 
Carolina,  but  the  Massachusetts  Colony  declared  it 
contained  six  shillings,  and  of  the  shillings  of  that 
colony  this  was  about  right.  Virginia  adopted  the 
same  rating.  New  York  declared  that  the  piece  con- 
tained eight  shillings,  though  that  colony  never  had  a 
shilling  piece  of  any  kind,  and  nowhere  in  the  world 
was  there  one  of  that  value.  Pennsylvania,  for  no 
reason  stated,  said  it  contained  seven  shillings  and  six 
pence ; Maryland  adopted  the  rating  of  New  York. 
Thus  in  New  England  and  Virginia  the  real  became  a 
“nine  pence,”  in  New  York  and  Maryland  a shilling, 
and  in  Pennsylvania  it  was  called  eleven  pence,  or 
“levy ; ” and  by  these  names  it  was  known  for  nearly 
two  centuries.  The  dollar  having  taken  the  place  of 
the  pound  in  reckonings,  to  a certain  extent,  it  was 
subdivided  into  shillings  and  pence  for  purposes 
of  accounts,  those  being  the  lower  denominations  in 
use,  and  accordingly  in  Virginia  and  New  England 
accounts  were  kept  frequently  in  dollars  and  72ds; 
in  New  York  and  Maryland  in  dollars  and  96ths ; in 
Pennsylvania  in  dollars  and  qoths,  as  seen  in  the 


152 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


Treasury  books  of  the  Confederation,  while  in  South 
Carolina  they  were  kept  in  dollars  and  54ths,  for  in 
every  case  a shilling  still  contained  twelve  pence,  and 
these  fractional  divisions  of  the  dollar  represented 
the  number  of  pence  the  several  colonies  alleged  this 
piece  contained. 

Diverse  Valuation  of  the  Shilling. 

The  accounts  of  Washington  as  he  traveled  from 
Mount  Vernon  to  Boston,  filed  in  the  Treasury,  show 
the  changes  rendered  necessary  in  the  reckonings  as 
he  passed  through  the  several  States,  sometimes  the 
local  pound,  sometimes  the  dollar,  being  the  unit,  but 
in  the  end  the  distinguished  traveler  reduced  the 
currencies  to  one  standard  and  determined  how 
much  was  due  him  in  Spanish  dollars  and  reals,  a 
feat  in  computation  for  which  the  Father  of  his 
Country  has  never  received  due  credit. 

Of  course,  these  diverse  valuations  of  the  shilling 
gave  to  the  pounds  corresponding  variations  in 
values,  and  as  trade  was  mainly  with  the  mother 
country,  exchanges  were  conducted  with  endless 
confusions  in  the  reckonings.  Had  the  colonists 
kept  the  pound  sterling  for  their  unit,  used  the 
English  shillings  and  pence  for  their  coins,  as  they 
were  accustomed,  all  these  complications  would  have 
been  avoided.  But  contracts  were  out  calling  for 
shillings,  and  the  finding  of  more  shillings  in  a dollar 
by  law  than  existed  in  fact  defrauded  the  creditor  to 
that  extent  of  his  just  dues,  the  result  if  not  the  pur- 
pose of  the  legal-tender  quality  given  these  coins, 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


153 

whose  existence  even  w^as  to  a certain  extent  ficti- 
tious. The  use  of  silver  as  a circulating  medium 
was,  however,  soon  abandoned  for  paper  issues. 

Paper  Money. 

The  Massachusetts  Colony  -was  the  first  to  issue 
paper  money.  In  1690,  to  satisfy  the  claims  of 
her  soldiers  who  had  been  on  an  expedition  to 
Canada  and  came  back  without  booty,  7000  pounds 
were  issued,  but  being  made  receivable  in  payment 
of  taxes,  did  not  suffer  great  depreciation,  though, 
according  to  Sumner,  the  soldiers  disposed  of  it  at 
33  per  cent,  discount.  Other  limited  issues  followed 
in  anticipation  of  taxes,  but  in  1709,  to  pay  for  an- 
other expedition  against  Canada,  50,000  pounds 
were  issued.  Other  colonies  joined  in  the  expedi- 
tion and  all  issued  paper  to  pay  expenses.  The  is- 
sues were  made  a legal  tender  and  the  acceptance  of 
the  notes  enforced  from  time  to  time  by  stringent 
enactments.  Notwithstanding  this,  they  continued 
to  depreciate.  Industries  at  first  stimulated  lagged, 
and  a great  demand  arising  for  additional  issues  to 
make  business  brisk,  the  colonial  governments  or 
their  chartered  banks  issued  bills  upon  almost  any 
pretext — as  in  Pennsylvania  and  Rhode  Island,  upon 
real  estate  mortgages,  family  silver,  and  other  se- 
curities. In  the  latter  State  interest  was  made  pay- 
able in  flax  and  hemp,  to  encourage  those  industries, 
but  very  few  of  its  loans  wrere  ever  paid,  and  the 
titles  to  lands  fell  into  inextricable  confusion.  New 
loans  were  issued  by  the  colonies  with  which  to  pay 


154 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


off  the  old  ones,  until  the  issues  of  the  Massachusetts 
Colony  were  depreciated  to  n for  i,  at  which  rate 
the  notes  were  redeemed.  The  notes  of  other 
colonies  were  also  retired  upon  various  scales  until 
1751,  when  Parliament  prohibited,  in  most  of  the 
colonies,  the  further  issue  of  legal-tender  notes.  The 
depreciated  bills  out  of  the  way,  silver  returned,  and 
even  some  gold  appeared  in  circulation,  also  brought 
in  by  buccaneers. 

Bimetallism. 

The  colonists  tried  a great  many  commodities  for 
a standard  of  value,  but  only  twice  did  they  under- 
take to  have  two  standards  in  circulation  at  once, 
their  values  to  be  kept  equal  by  the  force  of  law. 

Exploring  parties  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony 
found  on  the  shores  of  Long  Island  a partially  civil- 
ized community  of  Indians.  Some  of  those  living 
along  the  shores  were  engaged  in  polishing  the  shells 
of  the  clam  and  of  the  periwinkle,  which  they  traded 
off  for  ornaments  at  a pretty  well  established  rate. 
The  shells  were  called  Peag,  and  they  served  every 
purpose  of  money  among  the  simple  natives.  One 
black  shell  was  about  equal  to  two  white  ones,  but  in 
the  absence  of  any  law  fixing  a parity  of  value  both 
shells  circulated,  each  for  what  it  was  worth,  the 
white  at  about  six,  the  black  about  three  for  a penny. 
The  colonists,  however,  made  Peag  a legal  tender 
for  twelve  pence,  and  immediately  their  deteriora- 
tion commenced — lusterless  and  half  polished  shells 
being  as  good  as  any  in  payment  of  debt.  Again 
the  law  came  to  its  rescue,  and,  in  1648,  provided 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


155 


that  only  such  Peag  as  was  unbroken  and  of  good 
color  should  pass  as  money.  A litde  later  it  pro- 
vided that  Peag  should  be  a legal  tender  for  forty 
shillings,  the  white  at  eight,  the  black  at  six  for  a 
penny.  Peag  was  now  not  only  a legal  tender  in  pay- 
ment of  debt  in  a modest  way,  but  a fixed  relation 
was  established  between  the  value  of  the  white  and 
the  black  shells.  The  law  did  all  it  could  to  extend 
the  circulation  of  these  shells,  but  Peag  was  perverse, 
and  just  as  great  results  were  expected  from  it,  it 
wholly  disappeared  from  circulation,  having  become 
so  utterly  worthless  nobody  would  accept  it,  doubt- 
less somewhat  to  the  surprise  of  the  “ Bi-Shellists,” 
whose  faith  in  the  efficacy  of  a double  standard 
seemed  unbounded. 

The  Experiment  of  1762. 

The  next  colonial  experiment  of  the  kind  was 
in  1762.  The  gold  which  followed  in  the  channels 
of  the  depreciated  paper,  as  above  mentioned,  circu- 
lated at  its  o^wn  value  and  was  very  useful,  but  it 
soon  attracted  the  attention  of  the  General  Court  of 
Massachusetts,  and  with  the  declared  purpose  to 
facilitate  trade,  this  court,  in  that  year,  made  gold  a 
legal  tender  at  two  and  a half  pence  silver  per  grain. 
At  this  rating  gold  was  the  cheaper  metal  for  paying 
debts,  and,  in  conformity  with  the  Gresham  law, 
silver  promptly  disappeared  from  circulation,  leaving 
gold  to  circulate  alone.  The  colonists  were  sur- 
prised at  the  result  and  were  at  a loss  to  know  what 
caused  it,  but  silver  would  not  return  to  associate 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


I56 

with  gold  on  the  terms  fixed  by  law,  and  the  colonists 
had  to  get  along  as  best  they  could  for  a few  years, 
when  the  necessities  of  war  brought  about  other 
forms  of  currency. 


THE  CRADLE — GOLD  MINING. 

In  September,  1774,  the  first  Congress  of  the  col- 
onies assembled  in  Philadelphia  with  a view  to  obtain 
a redress  of  grievances,  not  a separation  from  the 


OUR  NA  710 NAL  CURRENCY. 


57 


mother  country.  It  was  composed  of  delegates  from 
every  colony,  and  had  no  clearly  defined  powers. 
The  conflict  at  Lexington,  in  April,  1775,  while  this 
Congress  was  holding  its  second  session,  dispelled 
all  hopes  of  a pacific  settlement  of  the  difficulties, 
and  preparations  for  war  were  promptly  begun.  To 
meet  expenses  money  was  necessary,  but  this  body 
had  no  power  to  levy  a tax.  The  members,  how- 
ever, were  accustomed  to  the  issue  of  bills  as  a sub- 
stitute for  money,  and  to  such  issue  they  naturally 
turned.  On  the  10th  of  May,  1775,  an  act  was 
passed  authorizing  the  issue  of  $3,000,000  on  the 
faith  of  the  “ Continent,”  by  which  the  bills  became 
known  as  Continental  money.  They  were  in  form 
as  follows : 


CONTINENTAL  CURRENCY. 

No Dollars. 

This  bill  entitles  the  bearer  to  receive  . . Spanish 


milled  dollars,  or  the  value  thereof  in  gold  or  silver, 
according  to  the  resolutions  of  the  Congress  held  at 
Philadelphia,  on  the  10th  day  of  May,  a.  d.  1775. 

Nothing  appears  on  the  face  of  the  bill  as  to  its 
redemption,  but  the  law  imposed  upon  the  several 
colonies  the  duty  to  redeem  the  issue  within  three 
years,  at  a stated  amount  for  each,  based  upon  their 
population.  This  was  probably  as  far  as  this  Con- 
gress had  power  to  go,  but  the  several  colonies, 
instead  of  levying  a tax  to  meet  the  redemption  of 
the  notes,  set  up  their  own  printing  presses  and 
entered  into  competition  with  each  other  and  Con- 


OUR  JVAT/OJVAL  CURRENCY. 


I58 

gress  in  the  issue  of  additional  notes  of  their  own. 
Within  a year  Congress,  having  issued  $9,000,000  of 
its  notes,  and  their  value  depreciating,  took  prompt 
ahd  harsh  measures  to  force  their  circulation  and 
maintain  their  value,  imposing  severe  penalties  upon 
any  one  refusing  to  accept  them  at  par  in  exchange 
for  commodities. 


“ Not  Worth  a Continental.” 

In  1777  the  colonies,  at  the  urgent  request  of 
Congress,  stopped  their  issues,  but  not  until  they 
had  put  into  circulation  about  $210,000,000.  The 
exact  amount  was  never  known,  the  is§ue  having 
been  so  hurried  that  no  count  of  it  was  made.  How 
far  they  ever  went  in  contracting  or  redeeming  their 
issue  it  is  impossible  to  discover.  Of  the  Con- 
tinental issues  the  limit  of  $200,000,000  was  reached 
in  1779,  of  which  $65,500,000  were  issued  the  year 
previous.  This  was  the  good-sized  straw  which 
broke  the  back  of  the  patient  camel.  The  next  year 
the  notes  were  worth  only  two  cents  on  the  dollar, 
practically  disappearing  from  circulation.  In  Phila- 
delphia they  were  then  used  for  wall  .paper,  and  a 
dog  covered  with  tar,  stuck  full  of  the  bills,  was 
chased  through  the  streets  amid  the  jeers  of  the 
crowd.  The  utter  lack  of  value  in  these  notes  gave 
rise  to  the  expression,  “ Not  worth  a Continental.” 

For  the  ruinous  policy  pursued,  the  local  colonial 
governments  alone  were  responsible.  To  meet  the 
expenses  of  the  war  they  would  neither  levy  a tax 
themselves  nor  authorize  their  Congress  to  do  so. 


UlyYSSES  S.  GRANT. 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY.  l^>l 

That  in  the  end  the  bills  were  repudiated  does  not 
signify  that  the  war  to  that  extent  cost  the  colonies 
nothing.  The  amount  of  the  depreciation  was  only 
a form  of  a tax  paid  by  every  one  in  proportion  to 
the  amount  of  money  he  held  and  the  time  he  held 
it,  thus  imposing  upon  the  officers  and  soldiers  who 
fought  the  battles,  and  upon  their  families,  the  patri- 
otic and  the  helpless,  the  main  cost  of  the  war,  leaving 
to  tlie  Tories,  and  those  who  stayed  at  home,  com” 
parative  exemption  from  its  burdens.  But  the  forced 
issue  of  such  legal-tender  bills  worked  more  than 
pecuniary  hardship.  Says  a prominent  writer  of  the 
period:  “We  have  suffered  more  from  this  cause 
(paper  money)  than  from  any  other  cause  or  calamity. 
It  has  killed  more  men,  pervaded  and  corrupted  the 
choicest  interests  of  our  country  more,  and  done 
more  injustice  than  even  the  arms  and  artifices  of 
our  enemy.” 

The  Bank  of  North  America. 

This  paper  being  out  of  the  way,  specie  flowed  in 
to  take  its  place,  and  there  was  soon  no  stringency 
in  the  circulation.  But  the  itching  for  paper  money 
was  not  cured,  and  in  1781  the  Bank  of  North 
America  was  chartered  in  Philadelphia,  with  au- 
thority to  issue  notes  with  which  to  purchase  rations 
for  the  army.  The  notes  were  redeemable  at  sight 
in  the  Spanish  dollars,  and  though  their  redemption 
was  maintained,  the  people  were  cautious  and  slow 
in  taking  them.  In  Rhode  Island  100,000  pounds 
legal  tenders  were  issued  on  land  mortgages.  The 
notes  immediately  depreciated,  endless  litigation  en- 
9 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


162 

sued,  and  in  October,  1789,  the  depreciation  was  fixed 
by  law  at  eighteen  for  one,  but  at  that  rate  the  debtors 
were  allowed  to  pay  in  produce. 

Initiatory  Steps  for  a Mint. 

This  ended  paper-money  schemes  under  the  Con- 
federation. Initiatory  steps  were  meanwhile  taken 
toward  the  establishment  of  a Mint,  that  the  country 
might  have  a distinctive  coinage  of  its  own.  In  1785 
Congress  adopted  the  Spanish  dollar  as  the  unit  of 
value,  a function  it  was  then  performing  in  many  cases 
by  common  consent,  and  the  following  year  declared 
that  it  contained  of  pure  silver  375.64  grains.  The 
decimal  system  was  also  required  in  accounts.  At 
the  same  time  the  coinage  of  a ten-dollar  gold  piece, 
containing  246.268  grains,  was  authorized — making 
in  law  one  of  weight  in  gold  equal  in  value  to  15.253 
of  silver,  while  in  the  market  the  ratio  was  one  to 
14.89.  Why  silver  should  thus  have  been  under- 
valued when  its  use  was  so  generally  popular  and 
universal  does  not  appear,  but  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution  prevented  further  steps  from  being  taken 
under  this  law. 

Bimetallism. 

The  new  Constitution  was  adopted  March  4, 
1789.  One  of  its  provisions  gave  Congress  the 
power  to  coin  money  and  regulate  its  value.  Alex- 
ander Hamilton  was  called  to  the  Treasury,  and  to 
him  Congress  referred  the  subject  for  investigation 
and  report.  In  response  he  urged  that  both  silver 
and  gold  be  coined  for  depositors  in  unlimited 


(*63) 


164  OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 

amounts,  one  pound  in  weight  in  gold  to  be  equal 
to  fifteen  pounds  in  silver  for  coins.  He  urged  a 
dollar  for  the  unit  to  contain  either  371  grains  of 
pure  silver  or  24^  grains  of  pure  gold,  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  decimal  system  in  accounts,  and  the 
coinage  of  halves,  quarters,  and  dimes  in  silver  of 
proportionate  weight.  Hamilton  believed,  or  at  least 
hoped,  that  with  the  relation  established  both  metals 
would  circulate  together,  though  he  admitted  that  if 
the  relation  should  not  prove  to  be  the  market  one, 
only  the  cheaper  metal  would  remain  in  circulation. 

Jefferson  believed  the  ratio  of  one  to  fifteen  to  be 
the  proper  one,  and  urged  its  adoption.  The  recom- 
mendations of  Hamilton  were  soon  incorporated  into 
a law,  a Mint  was  established,  and  coins  struck  as 
contemplated.  In  the  market  one  of  gold  proved 
worth  nearer  15^  of  silver,  and,  following  Gresham’s 
law,  only  silver  coins  remained  in  circulation.  Gold 
coins  were  hoarded  or  shipped  abroad. 

The  New  Silver  Dollar. 

But  the  new  silver  dollars  soon  met  with  competi- 
tion. The  clipped  and  worn  Spanish  pieces,  having 
been  made  a legal  tender,  entered  into  circulation 
and  in  turn  drove  out  the  new  silver  coins,  so  that  all 
the  output  of  the  Mint  was  mainly  for  exportation. 
To  prevent  the  shipment  of  silver,  the  Mint  gave 
preference  to  coining  fractional  pieces,  thus  exhaust- 
ing its  capacity  upon  as  little  silver  in  value  as  possi- 
ble. 

In  1805  only  321  dollar  pieces  were  coined,  and  on 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY.  165 

9 

May  1,  1806,  President  Jefferson,  through  James 
Madison,  Secretary  of  State,  sent  an  order  to  Robert 
Patterson,  Director  of  the  Mint,  “ That  all  the  silver 
to  be  coined  at  the  Mint  shall  be  of  small  denomina- 
tion, so  that  the  value  of  the  largest  pieces  shall  not 
exceed  one-half  dollar/’  The  coinage  thus  entirely 
suspended  was  not  resumed  for  thirty  years. 

As  a result  the  country  had  only  bank  issues  and 
the  light-weight  foreign  coins,  and  could  not  under- 
stand why  it  had  to  put  up  with  such  a poor  currency. 
The  Mints  were  open  for  the  coinage  of  gold  and  for 
the  fractional  silver,  and  a large  number  of  pieces 
were  being  struck,  but  none  of  them  found  their  way 
into  circulation. 

Spanish  Coins  No  Longer  Legal  Tender. 

The  Democratic  party,  headed  by  Mr.  Benton,  then 
a Senator  from  Missouri,  determined  to  increase  the 
ratio  between  the  two  metals  with  the  hope  of  retain- 
ing  gold.  So  an  act  was  passed  in  1834  reducing  the 
weight  of  the  gold  coins  about  seven  per  cent.  The 
gold  dollar  now  contained  23.22  grains,  making  the 
ratio  between  the  two  metals  about  one  to  sixteen. 
It  now  turned  out  that  silver  was  the  undervalued 
metal,  and  even  had  there  been  no  cheaper  foreign 
coins  in  existence,  it  would  have  fled  the  country, 
leaving  the  gold  alone  for  circulation.  But  the  light- 
weight foreign  coins  and  depreciated  bank  bills  circu- 
lated freely,  and  little  was  seen  of  either  silver  or 
gold  coins  of  this  country. 

The  Real  pieces  became  so  worn  that  in  every 


l(S6  OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 

transaction  a dispute  arose  as  to  whether  the  pillars 
could  be  seen,  until  somebody  scratched  an  X on  the 
piece,  when  it  passed  as  a dime,  and  was  overvalued 
at  that.  To  correct  this  evil,  in  1853  Congress  di- 
rected a reduction  in  the  weight  of  the  fractional 
silver  pieces,  forbade  the  Mint  to  coin  them  for  de- 
positors, and  directed  their  coinage  to  be  made  only 
on  government  account,  and  to  be  issued  at  their 
face  value  only  in  exchange  for  gold  coins  or  silver 
dollars.  In  1857,  the  Spanish  and  Mexican  dollars 
and  the  Real  pieces  were  authorized  to  be  redeemed 
at  the  Mint  at  a little  above  their  bullion  value — they 
no  longer  to  be  legal  tender.  These  latter  pieces 
immediately  disappeared,  and  the  bright  new  dimes, 
quarters,  and  halves,  fresh  from  the  Mint,  took  their 
places. 

The  Trade  Dollar. 

The  bank  issues  being  now  well  under  control, 
gold  coin  also  began  to  circulate.  Gold  pieces 
for  larger  transactions,  silver  pieces  for  smaller 
ones,  made  a very  satisfactory  currency.  The 
government  received  and  paid  out  no  other 
money  on  public  account  until  1862,  when  coin  was 
again  largely  forced  out  of  circulation  by  the  legal- 
tender  greenbacks.  The  opening  up  of  new  silver 
mines  in  the  West,  however,  brought  considerable 
silver  to  the  Mints  for  coinage  into  dollars,  but  not 
for  circulation — the  bullion  in  a dollar  being  worth 
about  $1.05 — but  for  exportation  at  its  bullion  value. 

About  this  time  a revision  of  the  Mint  laws  was 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


1 67 

made  by  officials  of  the  Treasury  Department,  and  a 
bill  prepared  at  the  Treasury,  after  several  years  of 
delay,  passed  Congress  and  received  the  approval  of 
the  President,  February  12,  1873.  To  aid  the  pro- 
ducers of  silver  bullion  in  finding  a market  for  their 
product,  authority  was  given  to  the  Mint  for  the 
manufacture  of  silver  disks  or  bars,  to  bear  the  stamp 
of  the  government  as  a guaranty  of  their  weight  and 
fineness,  the  depositor  to  pay  the  expense  of  their 
manufacture;  and  the  coinage  of  the  former  silver 
dollars  was  no  longer  authorized.  Under  this  au- 
thority  coins  were  manufactured,  known  as  trade 
dollars,  each  one  seven  and  one-half  grains  greater 
in  weight  than  the  other  silver  dollars.  The  scheme 
proved  a success,  and  a large  number  were  manu- 
factured and  sent  abroad.  In  China  they  were  used 
as  a circulating  medium,  creating  a special  market  in 
which  there  was  little  or  no  competition. 

Germany,  however,  having  determined  to  adopt 
the  gold  standard,  redeemed  its  enormous  issues  of 
silver  pieces,  melted  them  down,  and  thus  brought 
into  the  market,  at  once,  over  7,000,000  pounds  of 
silver.  Large  discoveries  of  the  metal  were  also 
made  in  Nevada,  and  silver  became  greatly  depreci- 
ated in  the  markets  of  the  world.  Had  not  the  coin- 
age of  the  silver  dollars  been  prohibited  by  the  Act 
of  1873,  the  silver  dollar  would  again,  under  the 
Gresham  law,  have  taken  its  place  as  the  unit  in  our 
currency,  driving  gold  from  circulation,  and,  regard- 
less of  its  depreciation,  would  have  been  a legal 
tender  for  even  pre-existing  contracts. 


1 68 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


An  outcry  therefore  arose,  that  in  the  prohibition 
of  the  silver  dollar  the  debtor  class  had  been  greatly 
wronged,  although  very  few  of  that  class,  or  of  any 
other,  had  ever  seen  or  expected  to  see  a silver  dollar 
in  circulation. 

The  Bland  Bill. 

Upon  the  assembling  of  Congress  in  1877,  a de- 
termined  effort  was  made  to  restore  the  silver  dollar 
to  free  circulation,  and  a bill  to  that  effect,  known  as 
the  Bland  Bill,  passed  the  House,  but  was  so  changed 
in  the  Senate  that  the  Treasury  was  authorized  to 
purchase  not  less  than  $2, 000, 000  nor  more  than 
$4,000,000  worth  of  silver  bullion  monthly,  at  the  best 
rate  obtainable,  and  to  coin  it  into  dollars  for  which 
certificates  might  be  issued,  the  dollars  to  remain 
in  the  Treasury  untouched  to  meet  their  redemption 
upon  presentation;  and  thus  amended  the  bill  became 
a law  February  28,  1878.  The  provisions  of  this  act, 
however,  did  not  prove  satisfactory,  and  in  1890 
another  concession  was  made  to  the  advocates  of  the 
unlimited  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar  by  authorizing 
the  Government  to  purchase,  at  the  best  rates  obtain- 
able, 4,500,000  ounces  of  silver  every  month  and  to 
issue  silver  certificates  thereon  for  the  amount  of  the 
purchase,  the  metal  to  be  coined  into  silver  dollars 
only  as  needed  for  the  redemption  of  the  certificates 
issued. 

Paper  Money. 

The  Constitution  of  1789  provided  that  no  State 
should  emit  bills  of  credit,  make  anything  legal 
tender  but  gold  and  silver,  or  change  the  terms  of 


RICHARD  P.  BDAND. 
Originator  of  the  “Bland  Dollar.'’ 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


171 

a pre-existing  contract.  Consequently,  the  power 
to  issue  paper  money,  if  existing  anywhere  in  the 
country,  was  lodged  in  the  General  Government. 

As  a result,  in  1790,  Hamilton  recommended  to 
Congress  the  establishment  of  a National  Bank,  with 
authority  to  issue  $10,000,000  of  bills  legally  receiv- 
able in  payment  of  public  dues,  and  an  act  for  that 
purpose  was  promptly  approved,  but  not  without 
grave  doubts  of  the  power  of  the  Government  to 
grant  such  a charter.  The  bank  gaining  public  con- 
fidence, its  notes  circulated  at  par  and  were  accepted 
as  readily  in  private  transactions  as  though  made  a 
legal  tender  for  that  purpose. 

The  States,  stripped  of  their  power  to  emit  bills 
directly,  also  resorted  to  issues  of  banks  organized 
under  their  charters.  These  bills  were  always  re- 
deemable at  sight  by  the  bank  issuing  them.  Not 
being  a legal  tender,  the  notes  had  only  a commer- 
cial value,  but  a bank  in  good  standing  was  enabled 
to  keep  more  or  less  of  them  in  circulation  in  its  im- 
mediate vicinity,  and  usually  maintaining  but  small 
reserve,  reaped  much  profit  from  this  use  of  its  credit. 
Away  from  their  home,  however,  the  bills  were  sub- 
jected to  varying  rates  of  discount,  sometimes  as 
high  as  fifty  per  cent.,  and  speculation  in  them  kept 
business  feverish  and  unsettled. 

Wild-cat  Currency. 

The  temptation  to  profit  by  such  issues  led  to  end- 
less schemes  to  impose  upon  the  public  worthless 
bills,  and  these  issues  became  known  in  time  as  wild- 


172 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


cat  currency.  In  1809  a crash  came,  and  none  too 
soon,  for  even  in  New  England,  where  such  issues 
were  best  guarded,  one  bank  had  out  more  than 
$500,000  in  bills  with  only  $84  in  specie  to  meet  their 
redemption,  and  others  were  about  as  weak.  Great 
loss  ensued  from  the  panic,  and  more  rigorous  re- 
strictive legislation  for  future  issues  was  enacted,  at 
least  in  that  section. 

The  issues  of  the  National  Bank  were  kept  at  par, 
but  its  charter  expiring  in  1811,  the  bank  was  unable 
to  obtain  a renewal ; the  influence  of  the  bank  in  re- 
stricting the  depreciated  issues  of  the  State  banks 
had  been  too  salutary  to  suit  the  demands  of  those 
who  wanted  money  plenty,  regardless  of  its  value. 
The  National  Bank  out  of  the  way,  the  mania  for 
bank  issues  began  to  develop  in  the  Middle  and 
Western  States.  In  1814  all  the  banks  outside  of 
New  England  suspended  paying  specie  for  bills.  No 
excuse  for  the  suspension  is  apparent,  except  the  war 
then  going  on  with  England.  With  the  return  of 
peace,  however,  came  additional  issues  of  bank 
paper,  and  for  a while  apparent  prosperity  prevailed. 

The  Golden  Age  of  the  West. 

The  unequal  value  of  the  notes  in  different  sections 
of  the  country  somewhat  embarrassed  exchanges,  but 
it  was  thought  that  in  time,  when  the  people  were 
accustomed  to  such  conditions,  the  difficulties  would 
vanish.  In  1814  Pennsylvania  chartered  41  banks, 
and  in  the  year  following,  Kentucky  40  more,  their 
capital  aggregating  $27,000,000,  with  little  or  no  re- 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


173 

striction  as  to  the  issue  of  notes.  This  period  was 
considered  by  many  as  the  golden  age  of  the  West, 
but  most  of  the  banks  failed  within  a year  or  two,  and 
their  enormous  issues  became  worthless.  In  1818 
twenty  thousand  persons  in  Philadelphia  were  beg- 
ging employment.  Business  was  at  a standstill  and 
♦property  was  unsalable  at  any  price.  The  National 
Bank,  which  had  obtained  a renewal  of  its  charter  in 
1816,  for  twenty  years,  suspended  specie  payments 
with  other  banks. 

The  Famous  Specie  Order. 

The  depreciated  issues  drove  all  the  coin  from  the 
West  into  New  England,  which,  having  a compara- 
tively stable  standard  and  circulation,  soon  absorbed 
pretty  much  all  the  trade  of  the  country,  for  even 
clipped  and  light-weight  foreign  coins  were  infinitely 
preferable  to  such  bank  issues.  But  the  demand  for 
bank  issues  was  renewed  throughout  the  country, 
and  again  there  could  be  but  one  result.  In  1837 
another  crash  came.  Even  the  New  York  and  Mas- 
sachusetts country  banks,  comparatively  conserva- 
tive, were  issuing  notes  at  the  rate  of  twenty-five  to 
one  of  specie  reserve.  After  this  explosion  came  the 
famous  specie  order  of  President  Jackson,  by  which 
the  public  Treasury  thereafter  received  only  specie 
in  payment  of  public  dues.  Fortunate  indeed  would 
it  have  been  for  the  welfare  of  the  country  if  the 
public  Treasury  and  every  individual  had  from  the 
outset  treated  all  the  bank  issues  in  the  same  way, 
and  depended  upon  specie  alone  for  circulation,  of 


174 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


which  there  was  at  all  times  enough  for  the  purpose, 
or  the  deficiency  could  have  been  promptly  supplied 
by  the  Mint,  which  was  coining  silver  for  exportation. 

Bank  notes,  generally  at  par,  continued  to  furnish 
the  circulation  of  the  country,  till  the  outbreak  of  the 
Rebellion,  with  only  a brief  disturbance  in  1857,  but 
it  must  be  remembered  they  were  at  par  only  in  the» 
vicinity  of  their  issue. 

The  “ Greenbacks." 

In  1861  Congress  met  in  special  session  to  find  the 
Capitol  a military  camp.  An  army  had  been  called 
to  the  field  to  suppress  the  uprising  of  the  South, 
threatening  the  very  existence  of  the  government. 
To  meet  pressing  needs  the  Treasury  was  authorized 
to  issue  $60,000,000  of  notes  payable  on  demand 
and  receivable  for  public  dues.  They  circulated  at 
par  but  were  looked  upon  with  suspicion.  However, 
they  tided  over  the  financial  difficulties  of  the  sum- 
mer, but  upon  the  assembling  of  Congress  in  regu- 
lar session,  in  the  December  following,  it  was  evident 
that  measures  more  efficient  must  be  taken  to  meet 
the  rapidly  increasing  expenses  of  the  government. 
A bill  was,  therefore,  presented  in  the  House  author- 
izing the  issue  of  $150,000,000  of  notes  for  circula- 
tion, to  be  a legal  tender  in  payment  of  all  debts, 
public  and  private,  except  for  customs  dues  and 
interest  on  public  debt.  The  measure  was  received 
with  consternation  and  alarm  even  by  the  best  friends 
of  the  new  Republican  administration,  but  it  became 
a law  February  25,  1862,  notwithstanding  the  opposi- 


VERY  OLD  WOOLEN  MILL  IN  NEW  HAMPSHIRE,  AND  A MILL  OF  THE  SECOND  PERIOD  ATTACHED  THERETO. 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


176 

tion  of  such  Republicans  as  Justin  S.  Morrill,  Roscoe 
Conkling  and  William  Pitt  Fessenden,  and  of  the 
entire  Democratic  party.  The  notes  became  known 
as  legal  tenders  or  greenbacks.  No  time  for  their 
redemption  was  fixed,  but  they  were  convertible  at 
par  into  six  per  cent,  gold-bearing  interest  bonds, 
authorized  by  the  same  act.  Before  their  issue  the 
banks  had  suspended  payment  of  specie  for  notes, 
and  the  new  bills  soon  became  the  standard  of 
values  as  well  as  the  unit  of  accounts.  The  courts 
held  their  issue  constitutional  and  their  tender  suffi- 
cient for  the  payment  of  even  a pre-existing  obliga- 
tion calling  for  dollars,  though  only  specie  dollars  ex- 
isted when  the  contract  was  made.  Their  converti- 
bility into  bonds,  as  stated,  checked  somewhat  their 
immediate  depreciation,  but  new  issues  followed,  and 
when  in  1863  the  right  to  convert  them  into  interest- 
bearing  bonds  ceased,  the  notes  were  worth  in  coin 
only  sixty-five.  Their  limit  of  issue  was  fixed  at 
$450,000,000 ; that  of  fractional  pieces  convertible 
into  legal  tenders  at  $50,000,000. 

Another  Form  of  Paper  Issue. 

Another  new  form  of  paper  issue  was  also  author- 
ized. In  1863  an  act  was  passed  by  the  central  gov- 
ernment, supplemented  by  another  act  in  1864,  under 
which  banks  might  be  organized,  and  upon  furnish- 
ing the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States  with  bonds 
of  the  government  to  a limited  extent  they  would 
be  entitled  to  receive  therefor  circulating  notes  equal 
in  amount  to  ninety  per  cent,  of  the  bonds  fur- 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


1 77 


nished.  A tax  of  ten  per  cent,  per  annum  was  sub- 
sequently imposed  upon  the  issues  of  the  State 
banks,  to  take  effect  July  i,  1865,  avowedly  for  the 
purpose  of  driving  them  from  circulation. 

These  notes  were  receivable  for  government  dues 
to  the  same  extent  as  the  legal  tenders,  into  which 
they  were  convertible  at  par.  Consequently  these 
two  classes  of  notes  maintained  a uniformity  of 
value,  though  much  below  that  of  specie,  and 
fluctuating  daily  in  comparison  with  that  standard, 
destroyed  all  stability  in  values,  stimulating  specula- 
tion, not  only  in  gold  itself,  but  in  stocks,  cotton, 
grain,  and  other  farm  products,  until  the  machinery  of 
exchange  was  little  better  than  a wheel  of  fortune. 

Certain  interest-bearing  obligations  of  the  govern- 
ment were  also  made  legal  fender,  and  their  use  as  a 
bank  reserve  liberated  to  that  extent  an  equal  amount 
of  the  legal  tenders  for  circulation,  thus  further  in- 
flating the  already  excessive  issues. 

Outstanding  Paper  Issues  in  1865. 

In  1865,  at  the  close  of  the  Rebellion,  there  were 
outstanding,  of  all  paper  issues,  $983,000,000,  having 
a coin  value  of  $692,000,000,  gold  being  worth  in 
paper  about  141.  At  the  instance  of  Hon.  Hugh 
McCulloch,  then  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Congress, 
in  April,  1866,  authorized  the  retirement  of  $10,000,- 
000  of  legal  tenders  within  six  months,  and  thereafter 
not  more  than  $4,000,000  per  month.  By  force  of 
taxation  the  State  issues  disappeared,  and  the  interest- 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


178 

bearing  obligations  as  they  matured  were  converted 
into  long-time  bonds. 

These  steps  tended  to  reduce  the  volume  of  paper* 
circulation,  notwithstanding  the  increase  of  national 
bank  issues,  but  on  June  30,  1866,  gold  was  quoted 
at  150.  The  aggregate  circulation,  however,  con- 
tinued to  gradually  diminish  in  amount,  and  in  March, 
1869,  the  question  having  arisen  as  to  the  currency 
in  which  the  bonds  and  notes  were  payable,  the  faith 
of  the  Nation  was  pledged  to  pay  all  interest-bearing 
obligations  in  coin,  unless  by  the  terms  of  their  issue 
it  had  been  expressly  provided  that  they  might  be 
paid  in  lawful  money,  and  also  that  at  the  earliest 
practicable  date  the  legal  tender  notes  should  be  paid 
in  coin.  Still,  on  June  30,  1869,  there  were  outstand- 
ing of  paper  issues  $756,000,000,  the  authority  for 
further  retirement  of  the  legal  tenders  having  been 
suspended  in  1868,  leaving  these  notes  in  circulation, 
$3 56,000,000.  Gold  was  then  quoted  at  137.  In  the 
fall  of  1874  a stringency  in  the  money  market,  caused 
by  the  financial  panic  of  the  previous  year,  led  to  the 
reissue  of  these  notes  to  $383,000,000,  which  amount 
was  fixed  by  law  as  their  limit. 

The  Law  of  1875. 

To  Congress  the  country  now  turned  for  relief  from 
the  long  unsettled  value  of  its  currency.  An  act, 
therefore,  prepared  by  a caucus  of  Republican  Sena- 
tors, of  which  Hon.  John  Sherman  was  chairman, 
passed  both  Houses  as  a strictly  party  measure,  and 
was  approved  January  14,  1875.  It  provided  for  the 


' 


JOHN  G.  CARLISLE. 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY.  jgj 

coinage  of  fractional  silver  coins  and  the  redemption 
therein  of  the  fractional  notes,  for  the  unlimited  cir- 
culation of  National  Bank  notes,  and  for  the  retire- 
ment of  legal  tenders  to  the  extent  of  eighty  per 
cent,  of  any  such  increase,  until  only  $300,000,000 
should  remain  in  circulation,  and  for  the  redemption 
of  the  notes  in  coin  at  the  Sub-Treasury  in  New 
York,  on  and  after  January  1,  1879. 

To  carry  into  effect  these  provisions,  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  was  authorized  to  use  any  available 
cash  in  the  Treasury  and  to  issue  at  par  any  of  the 
bonds  authorized  by  the  refunding  acts  of  1870  and 
1871,  and  to  apply  the  proceeds  to  the  purpose  of 
such  redemption. 

For  several  years  the  expediency  of  retaining  these 
notes  as  part  of  the  permanent  circulation  of  the 
country  has  been  much  discussed,  and  upon  the  ques- 
tion as  to  their  disposition  after  redemption  no  una- 
nimity of  views  was  reached  in  the  caucus  framing  the 
measure,  so  the  matter  was  purposely  left  open  for 
future  legislation. 

In  March,  1877,  Mr.  Sherman,  to  whom  had  been 
intrusted  the  explanation  and  advocacy  of  the  bill  in 
the  Senate,  was  called  to  the  Treasury.  He  found 
the  fractional  notes  had  been  largely  redeemed  in 
silver,  and  that  the  retirement  of  the  legal  tenders 
consequent  upon  the  increase  of  the  bank  circulation 
was  in  satisfactory  progress,  but  that  no  coin  had 
been  accumulated  with  which  to  redeem  the  notes  on 
January  1,  1879.  Gold  was  quoted  at  106. 

10 


182 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY 


Issue  of  Bonds. 

Through  an  arrangement  with  certain  bankers  who 
were  then  purchasing  the  Government  bonds  for  re- 
funding, the  Secretary  promptly  sold  for  resumption 
$15,000,000  of  four  and  one-half  per  cent,  bonds  at 
par,  and  later  in  the  summer  $25,000,000  additional 
of  four  per  cents,  at  par,  the  first  issue  of  bonds 
since  the  war  bearing  so  low  a rate  of  interest.  But 
a serie*s  of  adverse  circumstances  operated  against 
additional  sales  of  these  bonds,  and  all  further  steps 
toward  securing  a fund  for  resumption  were  sus- 
pended. Gold  was  now  at  103.  The  continual 
advance  in  the  value  of  the  money  standard  had  em- 
barrassed to  a certain  extent  the  debtor  class,  and 
an  outcry  against  a further  enhancement  of  its  value 
was  very  pronounced.  Upon  the  assembling  of 
Congress  in  December,  thirteen  bills  were  introduced 
the  first  day  for  the  repeal  of  the  resumption  act,  and 
one  of  them  passed  the  House  and  lacked  but  two 
votes  of  passing  the  Senate.  In  every  direction  the 
outlook  was  discouraging  for  the  friends  of  the  meas- 
ure, but  the  Secretary  announced  to  Congress  and 
the  country  that  unless  the  law  was  repealed  he 
should  certainly  comply  with  its  provisions  and  re- 
deem the  notes  as  required  by  law,  on  and  after  Jan- 
uary 1,  1879.  The  ^aw  was  not  repealed,  but  an  act 
was  passed  forbidding  the  retirement  of  the  notes 
beyond  the  existing  amount,  $346,681,016,  and  re- 
quiring their  reissue  after  redemption,  thus  settling 
a much-debated  policy. 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


183 


An  Era  of  Enterprise  and  Prosperity. 

In  April,  1878,  the  Secretary  went  to  New  York 
and  sold  $50, 000, 000  of  four  and  one-half  per  cents, 
at  101  net,  thus  securing  in  all  $90,500,000  -in  gold 
coin  for  redemption.  With  this,  and  an  estimated 


GOLD  MINING  IN  CALIFORNIA — THE  SLUICE. 

amount  of  about  $40,000,000  surplus  cash  in  the 
Treasury,  he  believed  he  could  easily  redeem  all  the 
notes  presented  for  that  purpose.  Notwithstanding 
the  ample  preparations,  the  premium  on  gold  did  not 
disappear  until  December  15th.  The  1st  day  of 


184  0UR  NATIONAL  currency. 

January  was  Sunday,  and  no  business  was  transacted. 
On  the  following  day  no  little  anxiety  was  felt  at  the 
Treasury,  but  in  the  evening  came  a dispatch  show- 
ing more  gold  for  notes  than  notes  for  gold  had  been 
presented.  The  crisis  had  passed  and  resumption 
was  accomplished.  An  era  of  enterprise  and  pros- 
perity set  in,  unparalleled  in  modern  history.  Within 
the  next  ten  years  following  the  taxable  wealth  of 
the  country  increased  about  $780,000,000,  an  amount 
considerably  greater  than  the  total  of  such  wealth  in 
1850,  as  shown  by  the  returns  of  the  Seventh  Census. 

The  issue  limit  of  these  notes  still  remains  un- 
changed, the  redeemability  of  them  in  coin  unques- 
tioned, and  the  resumption  fund  untouched.  Mean- 
while the  issues  of  the  national  banks  have  been 
greatly  reduced,  the  high  price  of  the  collateral 
bonds  rendering  their  continuance  unprofitable  to 
the  banks. 

A Great  Success. 

The  experiment  of  maintaining  at  par  an  issue  of 
Government  notes,  based  upon  a reasonable  reserve 
in  specie  and  further  secured  by  a pledge  of  the  faith 
of  the  Nation,  has  proved  a success  in  furnishing  a 
part  of  the  currency  of  the  country.  The  plan  will 
likely  attract  attention  throughout  the  civilized  world, 
for  the  circulation  of  no  country  is  upon  an  entirely 
satisfactory  basis.  At  present  a no  more  economical 
or  satisfactory  form  of  currency  exists  than  these 
notes  of  the  United  States.  Deprived  of  their  legal- 
tender  quality  when  not  redeemable  at  par  with  coin, 
as  are  the  bank  notes  of  England,  which  quality 


OUR  NATIONAL  CURRENCY.  ^5 

alone  can  ever  make  them  harmful,  but  which  may 
prove  useful  as  long-  as  their  redeemability  is  main- 
tained, the  notes  which  have  already  survived  the 
exigencies  that  brought  them  into  existence  may 
prove  the  money  of  the  future. 


ONE  SIXTH  OFA.  SPANISH 
MUIU  JDol[ar;arihcMtliw  M 
thereof  Cm  GoldorS i/vcr 
la  he  given  in  exchange  a t 
Treasury  of  VlUGINIAi 
pursuant  to  ACT  of 

ASSEMBLY 

*777  • 


Hon.  John  Sherman 


ON  THE 

Currency  of  the  Future. 

One- half  Gold  and  One-half  Silver . 

The  previous  chapter  was  prepared  by  Mr.  Upton 
upon  the  recommendation  of  Senator  John  Sherman, 
whose  hand  has  shaped  the  financial  legislation  of 
the  country  for  the  last  quarter  of  a century,  and 
upon  its  being  submitted  to  him  he  stated  that  he 
found  it  very  interesting  and  deserving  of  wide  circu- 
lation, as  no  other  measure  before  Congress  could 
compare  with  that  of  the  currency  in  its  effects  upon 
the  business  interests  of  the  country ; that  it  affected 
every  man,  woman  and  child  in  our  broad  land,  the 
rich  with  his  investments,  the  poor  with  his  labor. 

At  the  same  time  he  made  the  following  statement 
of  his  views  as  to  the  future  currency  of  the  country. 

Checks,  Clearing  Houses  and  Paper  Notes. 

The  employment  of  either  silver  or  gold  for  general 
purposes  of  circulation  is  growing  relatively  less 
every  year  in  all  civilized  nations.  The  use  of 
checks  in  transferring  credits  from  one  party  to  an- 
other, the  employment  of  clearing-houses  in  com- 
mercial centers  to  offset  the  checks  against  each 
(186) 


CURRENCY  OF  THE  FUTURE. 


I87 

other,  to  save  the  labor  and  risk  of  individual  collec- 
tions, and  lastly,  the  employment  of  paper  notes 
payable  on  demand  in  specie,  in  lieu  of  actual  specie 
itself,  are  modern  inventions  for  facilitating  exchanges, 
and  they  are  the  greatest  labor-saving  machines  ever 
brought  to  human  aid.  Their  use  is  not  yet  fully 
understood  or  appreciated,  but  they  are  rapidly  revo- 
lutionizing all  methods  of  exchanges,  and  this  country 
cannot  refuse  to  recognize  their  superiority  over  the 
clumsy  machinery  of  the  last  century.  The  expan- 
sion of  the  use  of  checks  and  clearing-houses  may  be 
left  to  the  education  which  our  rapidly  increasing 
commerce  affords.  As  to  the  issue  of  paper  notes, 
it  is  generally  admitted  that  the  metals  should  be 
supplemented  by  some  kind  of  credit  money,  to 
avoid  absorbing  too  much  of  the  actual  wealth  of 
the  country  in  the  machinery  of  circulation,  and  the 
question  arises,  under  what  authority,  in  what  manner, 
and  to  what  extent  these  issues  shall  be  made. 

The  commerce  between  the  several  States  is  of 
enormous  and  unrestricted  amount,  and  demands  the 
issue  to  be  uniform  in  value  throughout  the  country. 
The  policy  of  removing  the  tax  upon  the  issue  of 
State  banks,  and  allowing  variegated  bills  of  that 
character,  at  best  never  at  par,  except  in  the  im- 
mediate vicinity  of  their  issue,  to  again  flood  the 
country,  meets  with  little  favor  in  any  section.  There 
is,  also,  a general  feeling  that  when  the  option  on  the 
four  per  cent,  bonds  expires,  the  government  should 
not  issue  in  their  place  bonds  of  a lower  rate  on 
which  national  banks  may  continue  their  circulation. 


j88  CURRENCY  OF  THE  FUTURE. 

If  there  is  any  gain  in  issuing  notes,  there  is  a de- 
mand, not  without  justice,  that  it  should  be. shared  in 
by  all  the  citizens  of  the  Republic,  not  exclusively 
by  the  holders  of  State  or  National  bank  stocks. 

A Safe  But  Expensive  Policy. 

To  purchase  gold  or  silver  bullion  and  to  issue 
certificates  thereon,  dollar  for  dollar,  would  not 
obviate  the  great  objection  to  a large  part  of  the 
present  circulation,  viz. : the  useless  storing  away  of 
too  much  of  the  wealth  of  the  country  in  the  vaults 
of  the  Treasury,  a policy,  however  safe  it  may  be, 
which  is  expensive,  as  taking  out  of  productive  enter- 
prises a needless  amount  of  capital. 

The  employment  of  the  greenback  currency  as  part 
of  the  paper  currency  since  1879,  based  upon  about 
thirty  per  cent,  of  gold  coin  or  bullion,  and  the  pledge 
of  the  faith  of  the  nation  to  its  maintenance  at  par, 
has  proved  satisfactory  and  economical.  By  its  issue 
the  government  has  had  the  use  of  $246,000,000, 
the  excess  of  the  issue  over  the  reserve,  for  thirteen 
years,  with  no  charge  except  the  insignificant  ap- 
propriation for  the  manufacture  of  new  notes  to  take 
the  place  of  those  worn  or  mutilated.  Had  the 
greenbacks  been  converted  at  that  time  into  four  per 
cent,  bonds  and  other  forms  of  currency  substituted 
as  demanded  by  many  high  in  authority,  the  govern- 
ment would  already  have  paid  on  such  bonds  to  date 
about  $125,000,000  in  interest.  At  present  there  is 
outstanding  of  silver  certificates,  Treasury  notes, 
gold  certificates  and  national  bank  notes,  $770,000,- 


WM.  R.  MORRISON. 


Ex- Congressman  from  Illinois. 


CURRENCY  OF  THE  FUTURE. 


I9I 

000,  and  the  query  arises,  why  cannot  the  issue  of  the 
greenbacks  be  extended  so  as  to  take  the  place  of 
these  issues,  a reserve  in  specie  to  be  maintained 
equal  to  two-thirds  of  the  entire  paper  circulation, 
and  the  faith  of  the  nation  to  be  pledged  to  keep  the 
notes  at  par  by  the  sale  of  bonds,  the  proceeds  to  be 
applied  to  such  maintenance  whenever  necessary. 
For  thirteen  years  greenbacks  have  maintained  a 
specie  value,  nobody  desiring  coin  for  the  notes  as  soon 
as  it  was  known  it  could  be  had  upon  demand,  and 
there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  a parity  of  value 
cannot  be  maintained  for  all  the  paper  circulation, 
though  sustained  in  part  only  by  the  pledged  faith  of 
the  nation.  The  amount  of  circulation  needed  can  be 
determined  only  by  the  necessities  of  business,  but 
with  the  privileges  of  redemption  at  sight  an  over- 
issue of  paper  would  not  long  remain. 

“ One-half  of  Gold  and  One-half  of  Silver.” 

The  metallic  reserve  might  with  safety  consist  of 
one-half  of  gold  and  one-half  of  silver,  the  latter  at 
its  market  value,  and  the  notes  be  redeemed  either 
in  gold  or  its  equivalent  in  silver,  under  such  regula- 
tions as  may  be  deemed  necessary  to  keep  them  at 
par  and  to  give  no  advantage  to  either  metal. 

Any  loss  the  government  might  sustain  therefrom 
by  a depreciation  in  the  value  of  either  metal  would 
probably  be  made  more  than  good  from  the  profit  in 
issuing  the  remaining  one-third  part  of  the  notes 
upon  the  credit  of  the  country  as  represented  by 
bonds,  of  which  the  Secretary  should  have  unques- 


192 


CURRENCY  OF  THE  FUTURE 


tioned  power  to  sell  a sufficient  amount  at  his 
discretion. 

A circulation  issued  by  the  General  Government 
and  thus  secured  would  be  uniform  in  value  through- 
out the  country ; its  notes,  alike  in  design,  would 
soon  become  well  known  and  much  preferred  to  the 
many  kinds  now  in  circulation,  of  which  each  has  a 
different  appearance,  a different  basis  of  redemption, 
and  of  debt-paying  power.  Such  a policy  is  nothing 
new.  It  is  only  the  extension  of  one  already  tried 
and  which  has  proved  successful,  and  which  can  be 
easily  expanded  to  afford  all  the  circulation  which  the 
rapidly  growing  needs  of  the  country  may  require. 


A NEW  ENGLAND  WEAVER  WINDING  THE  SPOOLS 


Live  Questions  of  To-Day. 

It  is  assumed  that  every  person  desires  an  intelli- 
gent understanding  of  the  questions  which  engage 
the  public  mind.  He  reads  of  them  in  the  daily  pa- 
pers, where  they  are  treated  superficially,  or  in  which 
the  editor  presumes  upon  a knowledge  that  the  ordi- 
nary reader  can  not  possess,  and  he  is  often  tempted, 
therefore,  to  thrust  them  aside  and  turn  to  those 
with  which  he  is  more  familiar. 

The. Hawaiian  Imbroglio. 

For  illustration,  take  the  Hawaiian  question.  For 
the  present,  it  has  dropped  out  of  sight,  but  it  is  cer- 
tain to  be  brought  forward  again  at  no  distant  day, 
and  one  of  the  most  certain  events  of  the  near  future 
is  that  the  islands  will  become  a part  of  the  great 
American  Republic.  A brief  account  of  the  muddle 
of  a few  years  ago  will  enable  the  reader  to  compre- 
hend without  difficulty  whatever  occurs  relating  to 
the  matter  during  the  coming  administrations. 

Hawaii  is  the  only  group  in  Polynesia  which  has 
attained  the  dignity  of  a nationality.  It  consists  of 
twelve  islands,  often  referred"  to  as  the  Sandwich 
group,  which  lie  to  the  southwest  of  California,  and 
at  which  many  of  the  steamers  in  crossing  the  Pacific 
stop.  The  natives  have  been  diminishing  in  number 
and  strength  during  the  last  half  century,  and  the 

P93) 


i94 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 


foreigners,  attracted  thither  by  the  fertility  and  balmy 
climate  of  the  islands  are  fast  gaining  control. 

King  David  Kalakaua.  . 

In  1849,  our  country  made  a treaty  of  commerce 
and  for  the  extradition  of  criminals  with  Hawaii. 
The  reciprocity  treaty  of  1875  was  extended  by  the 
convention  of  1887,  and  treaty  rights  were  further 
confirmed  by  Act  of  Congress  in  1891.  As  a result 
of  the  treaty  of  1875,  sugar  production  was  enor- 
mously increased  in  the  islands,  which  fell  into  the 
hands  of  foreigners,  who  secured  virtual  control. 
David  Kalakaua  was  made  king  of  Hawaii  in  1874. 
He  was  a coarse,  gross  native  of  mediocre  ability, 
who  was  incensed  at  the  sight  of  the  prosperity  of 
the  aliens,  which  was  denied  to  his  native  subjects. 
He  identified  himself  with  the  reactionary  party  who 
demanded  that  Hawaii  should  belong  to  Hawaiians, 
but  in  1887,  the  progressive  party,  after  secret  prepa- 
rations, overawed  the  king  and  compelled  him  to  give 
them  a liberal  constitution,  which  not  only  bestowed 
the  right  of  suffrage  upon  foreigners,  but  cut  down 
the  slender  authority  of  the  king  to  a mere  shadow. 

Queen  Liliuokalani. 

In  1891,  while  Kalakaua  was  in  San  Francisco  ne- 
gotiating a treaty  of  reciprocity  with  the  United 
States,  he  died,  and  his  sister  Liliuokalani  became 
queen.  Her  character  was  no  better  than  that  of  her 
late  brother.  In  January,  1893,  believing  the  time 
favorable,  she  called  the  legislature  together  and  sub- 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 


195 


mitted  a new  constitution,  which  took  away  the  right 
of  voting  from  non-naturalized  foreigners,  and  gave 
back  to  the  crown  the  power  of  making  nobles. 
Much  against  her  will,  she  was  persuaded  to  modify 
her  purpose  and  announce  by  proclamation  that  no 
changes  would  be  made  in  the  fundamental  law,  ex- 
cept in  conformity  with  the  old  constitution. 


Revolution. 

The  action  of  Liliuokalani  alarmed  the  white  resi- 
dents, who  did  not  know  what  the  next  step  of  the 
revengeful  queen  would  be.  The  Americans  ap- 
pealed to  the  United  States  man-of-war  “Boston,” 
lying  at  Honolulu,  for  protection.  The  landing  of 
the  troops  precipitated  a revolution.  The  queen  was 
deposed  and  a provisional  government  organized, 
with  Sanford  B.  Dole  as  President,  the  announcement 
being  made  that  it  was  to  prevail  until  the  island 
should  be  annexed  to  the  United  States.  The  gov- 
ernment was  recognized  by  the  United  States  min- 
ister, and  the  queen,  being  left  with  no  choice,  sur- 
rendered to  the  “superior  forces  of  the  United  States 
of  America.” 

The  natives  and  some  of  the  white  residents  were 
opposed  to  the  new  government,  which  was  placed 
under  the  protection  of  the  United  States.  A force 
of  marines  were  drawn  up  in  front  of  the  government 
building  and  the  Stars  and  Stripes  displayed.  Presi- 
dent Harrison  felt  compelled  to  disavow  the  pro- 
tectorate, but  authorized  the  presence  of  an  armed 
force  sufficient  to  protect  the  American  citizens. 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 


196 

Commissioners  were  sent  to  this  country  to  negotiate 
for  a treaty  of  annexation.  Satisfactory  terms  were 
readily  made,  a liberal  pension  being  guaranteed  to 
the  deposed  queen  and  a large  sum  to  her  daughter. 
President  Harrison,  in  submitting  this  treaty  to  the 
Senate,  insisted  that  the  United  States  had  given  no 
help  in  bringing  about  the  revolution  and  that  it  was 
important  that  none  of  the  great  Powers  should  ob- 
tain the  islands. 

Reversal  of  Policy. 

Matters  were  progressing  thus  favorably,  when 
President  Cleveland  came  into  office.  He  made  a 
complete  reversal  of  policy.  His  theory  was  that 
the  United  States  forces  had  been  wrongfully  used 
in  helping  to  depose  the  queen  and  that  justice  de- 
manded her  reinstatement.  He  withdrew  the  treaty 
from  the  Senate  and  sent  Hon.  James  H.  Blount  to 
Hawaii,  as  special  commissioner.  Under  his  orders, 
the  protectorate  was  formally  terminated  April  1st, 
the  American  flag  hauled  down  and  the  marines 
withdrawn.  Former  Minister  Stephens  was  recalled 
and  Mr.  Blount  became  minister  plenipotentiary. 
Then  Albert  S.  Willis  was  sent  as  minister  to  the 
islands  with  instructions  to  learn  what  could  be  done 
to  place  the  queen  again  upon  the  throne.  This 
could  not  be  accomplished  except  by  force,  and  the 
President  could  not  summon  that  without  the  sanc- 
tion of  Congress,  which  was  refused,  for  Congress 
and  the  country  at  large  were  strongly  opposed  to 
the  President’s  policy. 

A futile  effort  was  made  by  the  friends  of  the 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 


I97 


queen  in  her  behalf,  but  it  came  to  nothing  and  the 
new  government  became  more  firmly  established 
than  before.  At  the  close  of  the  year  1893,  Liliuo- 
kalani  publicly  declared  herself  in  favor  of  annexa- 
tion to  the  United  States.  Thus  the  matter  stands, 
but  we  repeat  that  the  question  must  soon  become 
an  important  one  for  Americans  to  consider.  Other 
nations  would  be  glad  to  secure  the  interesting  and 
valuable  country  (notably  England,  whose  “earth 
hunger”  is  insatiate),  and  to  prevent  such  a serious 
mistake  on  our  part,  it  must  soon  be  annexed  to  the 
United  States. 

The  Transvaal  Question. 

The  United  States  has  no  direct  interest  in  the 
Transvaal  or  South  African  question,  but  the  inter- 
ests of  England  and  this  country  are  so  closely  inter- 
woven that  whatever  affects  one  must,  in  a greater 
or  less  degree,  affect  the  other.  So  when  a speck 
of  war,  if  not  actual  war  itself,  appeared  in  the 
southern  portion  of  the  Dark  Continent,  with  the 
well-founded  fear  that  more  than  one  of  the  great 
Powers  might  become  involved,  we  could  not  fail  to 
feel  a natural  interest  in  the  situation. 

England  is  always  on  the  alert  for  the  acquirement 
of  new  possessions,  her  eagerness  increasing  as  the 
value  of  the  territory  becomes  apparent.  The 
remarkable  development  of  Africa  during  the  last 
few  years  has  attracted  the  attention  of  the  leading 
nations,  and,  as  is  well  known,  more  than  one  of  them 
have  acquired  valuable  territory.  England  has  long 
been  the  owner  of  Cape  Colony,  at  the  southern  end 


I98  LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY.  ^ 

of  the  continent.  The  prime  minister  of  Cape  Col- 
ony is  Cecil  Rhodes,  the  head  of  the  South  African 
Chartered  Company,  to  which  England  has  intrusted 
her  political  and  industrial  interests  in  that  section. 

Dr.  Jameson. 

To  the  north  of  Cape  Colony  expands  the  pro- 
digious Dark  Continent,  and  immediately  adjoining 
it  is  a vast  country  which  for  some  time  had  attracted 
the  attention  of  Rhodes.  He  appointed  Dr.  Jame- 
son, an  active  and  courageous  man,  to  act  as  his 
agent  in  this  territory.  The  Transvaal,  or  South 
African  Republic,  belongs  to  the  Boers  or  Dutch 
farmers,  whose  forefathers  first  settled  at  the  Cape 
and  then  moved  to  the  northward  with  the  object  of 
placing  themselves  beyond  contact  with  the  detested 
Englishmen,  whose  aggressiveness  was  intolerable. 
The  English  continued  edging  nearer  them,  while 
the  Dutch  gathered  their  goods  together  and  moved 
again,  until,  losing  patience,  they  determined  to  stay 
where  they  were  and  fight,  if  necessary,  for  their 
homes. 

The  next  move  of  the  English  was  what  might 
have  been  expected:  they  attempted  to  “annex” 
the  Dutch  territory,  but  the  sturdy  Dutchmen  met 
them  in  open  battle  and  proved  themselves  the 
better  soldiers.  Their  marksmanship  was  wonderful, 
and  they  mowed  down  the  regulars  with  such  fearful 
effect  that  the  effort  to  conquer  them  was  given  over 
and  the  independent  Dutch  Republic  became  an 
established  fact.  One  of  the  terms,  however,  upon 


PAUL  KRUGER. 

President  of  the  South  African  Republic. 


tr 


4* 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TODAY.  201 

which  peace  was  made,  in  1884,  was  that,  in  all  its  re- 
lations with  foreign  countries,  the  Dutch  Republic 
should  regard  the  wishes  of  Great  Britain. 

• 

Discovery  of  Gold  in  the  Transvaal. 

Everything  promised  well  and  doubtless  there 
would  have  been  no  trouble  had  not  gold  been  dis- 
covered in  the  Transvaal.  The  deposits  in  the 
“ Rand  ” were  exceptionally  rich  and  the  mines  ex- 
tensive. The  avarice  of  England  was  excited  and 
every  one  knew  that  she  would  not  be  long  in  finding 
a pretext  for  interfering  with  her  neighbor,  with  the 
ultimate  view  of  gaining  possession  of  her  valuable 
gold  fields. 

The  Boers  are  but  a handful  as  compared  with  the 
English  population  in  South  Africa.  All  told,  they 
do  not  number  20,000  men.  They  live  the  life  of 
farmers,  with  their  homes  widely  scattered,  but  they 
are  patriotic,  detest  Englishmen,  and  are  ready  to 
fight  at  any  time  for  their  rights.  The  skill  of  these 
men  with  the  rifle,  as  we  have  intimated,  approaches 
the  marvelous. 

The  capital  of  the  South  African  Republic  is  the 
little  town  of  Pretoria.  The  gold  excitement 
brought  thousands  of  adventurers  into  the  country, 
until  they  outnumbered  the  Boers  four  to  one.  The 
Boers  called  them  “ Uitlanders,”  and  among  them 
was  a considerable  sprinkling  of  Americans.  They 
resembled  in  many  respects  the  horde  of  gold  seekers 
who  flocked  to  California  “ in  the  days' of  ’49.” 

To  the  south  of  Pretoria  lies  the  city  of  Johannes- 


i 

202  LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 

burg,  whose  population  grew  so  fast  that  to-day  it 
probably  contains  a hundred  thousand  inhabitants. 
The  people  complained  (and  it  would  seem  with 
some  reason)  that  the  Boers  would  not  allow  the 
English  language  to  be  taught  in  the  schools  nor 
permit  the  Uitlanders  to  vote  or  take  part  in  the 
government.  On  the  other  hand  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  a two  years’  residence  was  sufficient 
for  the  foreigners  to  secure  the  right  of  naturaliza- 
tion, and  few  indeed  of  them  would  be  willing-  to  ffive 
up  their  citizenship  at  home  and  swear  allegiance  to 
the  government  of  the  Dutch  Republic. 

Dr.  Jameson’s  Raid. 

The  strain  grew  more  tense,  and,  as  a matter 
of  precaution,  Cecil  Rhodes  allowed  Dr.  Jameson 
to  approach  the  border  of  the  Republic  with  an 
armed  force,  not,  as  he  declared,  to  promote  a revo- 
lution, but  to  protect  life  and  property  in  the  out- 
break which  he  clearly  saw  impended.  If  this  was 
the  real  purpose  of  Rhodes,  his  act  must  be  com- 
mended, but  many  doubt  the  assertion  of  the  prime 
minister  of  Cape  Colony. 

The  impetuous  Jameson  had  not  been  long  on  the 
border,  when  messengers  came  to  him  with  word 
that  the  Uitlanders  in  Johannesburg  were  in  imminent 
danger  of  their  lives,  and  he  was  begged  crQ  1 0 
their  relief  without  an  instant’s  unnecessary  delay. 
Jameson  decided  to  do  as  he  had  been  besought 
to  do,  and,  to  prevent  Cecil  Rhodes  from  counter- 
manding his  movements,  he  cut  the  telegraph  wires, 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 


203 


thus  rendering  it  impossible  for  any  communication 
to  reach  him.  Then  he  and  his  horsemen  dashed 
into  the  Transvaal  and  headed  for  Johannesburg. 

The  Result  of  Jameson’s  Raid. 

The  result  is  known.  The  cowardly  Uitlanders 
refused  to  raise  a hand  to  help  the  man  who  had 
come  in  answer  to  their  appeal,  and  the  Boers,  with 
their  old  time  courage  and  unerring  marksmanship, 
cut  down  the  invaders  and  pressed  them  so  hard 
that  in  the  end  the  survivors  were  compelled  to  sur- 
render unconditionally.  Paul  Kriiger  is  the  Dutch 
President  of  the  South  African  Republic.  He  treated 
his  prisoners  with  consideration,  and  in  no  instance 
punished  them  as  he  would  have  been  justified  in 
doing.  He  heeded  the  appeals  made  to  him  from 
England,  and  in  behalf  of  prisoners  of  other  nation- 
alties  who  had  fallen  into  his  hands,  and  showed  him- 
self to  be  not  only  humane,  but  unusually  shrewd 
and  sagacious. 

These  are  the  facts,  as  they  appear  on  the  surface, 
but  the  reader  does  not  need  to  be  reminded  that  di- 
plomacy is  generally  another  name  for  lying,  and  the 
most  perfect  models  of  hypocrisy  are  official  commu- 
nications between  governments.  England  promptly 
disavowed  theTransvaal  invasion,  called  the  Chartered 
Company  to  account,  superseded  Dr.  Jameson  in  his 
office  as  administrator,  gave  suitable  assurances  to 
President  Kruger,  while  Cecil  Rhodes  resigned  his 
prime  ministership  of  Cape  Colony.  Thereupon 
Kruger  turned  over  Jameson  and  his  other  prisoners 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 


204 

for  England  to  deal  with  as  offenders  against  her 
laws,  in  that  they  had  invaded  the  territory  of  a na- 
tion with  which  that  country  was  at  peace. 

Enthusiasm  in  England. 

All  know  the  enthusiasm  which  was  awakened 
in  Great  Britain  by  the  news  of  the  unwarrant- 
able raid.  The  new  poet  laureate  made  a desperate 
effort  to  earn  his  salary  by  giving  the  public  some 
doggerel,  entitled  “ Jameson’s  Ride,”  and  when  the 
hero  and  his  partisans  landed  in  London  the  over- 
joyed populace  almost  mobbed  them  in  the  excess 
of  their  enthusiasm. 

There  are  those  who  believe  that  a perfect  under- 
standing existed  between  Rhodes  and  Jameson,  and 
some  even  maintain  that  the  English  Government 
was  cognizant  of  what  was  about  to  be  done.  Had 
Jameson  been  successful,  no  reward  would  have  been 
too  great  for  him,  for  nothing  succeeds  like  success, 
while,  as  the  French  say,  “it  was  worse  than  a crime, 
for  it  was  a blunder.” 

It  is  not  probable  that  any  serious  difficulty  will 
arise  between  the  Transvaal  and  the  English  Govern- 
ment. No  doubt  Kruger  will  demand  a big  indem- 
nity, which  will  have  to  be  paid  by  the  British  South 
African  Chartered  Company.  As  to  the  future,  the 
foreigners  will  soon  be  so  overwhelming  in  numbers 
that  the  Boers  will  be  forced  to  terms,  and  the  Trans- 
vaal, at  no  distant  day,  must  become  a dependency 
of  the  British  Empire,  as  are  Canada  and  Australia. 


IyORD  SALISBURY. 
Prime  Minister  of  P'ngland. 


“CHICAGO,”  U.  S.  N.,  ONE  OF  THE  NEW  “WHITE  SQUADRON”  WARSHIPS. 


(205) 


20 6 LIVE  questions  of  to-day. 

The  Monroe  Doctrine — The  Dispute  over  the  Venezuelan  Boundary. 

The  dispute  in  which  Venezuela  has  become  in- 
volved with  Great  Britain  is  one  that  has  a more  di- 
rect concern  for  us  than  the  South  African  quarrel, 
for  connected  with  the  former  is  the  possibility  of  a 
war  with  England. 

America  was  discovered  by  Columbus,  who  sailed 
under  the  flag  of  Spain  and  whose  three  caravels 
were  manned  by  Spanish  sailors.  Spain,  at  that 
time,  was  a powerful  nation  and  she  followed  up  the 
advantage  accruing  from  the  great  discovery.  Her 
explorers  formed  a procession  across  the  Atlantic 
and  they  penetrated  many  portions  of  our  continent. 
Wherever  they  went,  they  carried  fire  and  the  sword. 
They  were  fierce,  cruel,  merciless,  and  slaughtered 
the  helpless  natives  like  so  many  wild  beasts.  It  was 
a blessed  day  for  North  America  when  they  were 
driven  from  the  country. 

South  American  Republics  Free. 

Spain  naturally  turned  her  attention  to  the  warmer 
portions,  leaving  France,  England  and  Holland  to 
wrangle  over  the  colder  regions.  Thus  she  virtually 
acquired  Central  and  South  America.  She  ruled 
with  a rod  of  iron,  and  when  she  grew  weaker  at 
home,  her  colonies  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic  seized 
the  occasion  to  declare  their  independence.  This 
was  in  the  early  years  of  the  present  century.  The 
struggle  went  on,  but  one  by  one  the  South  Ameri- 
can republics  gained  their  freedom,  until  the  grand 
victory  was  complete.  The  United  States  deeply 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 


207 


sympathized  with  the  patriots,  and  our  nation  was  the 
first  to  recognize  and  give  them  its  fullest  moral 
support. 

“ The  Balance  of  Power.” 

When  the  great  Napoleon  was  overthrown,  France, 
Russia,  Prussia  and  Austria  formed  an  alliance  for 
preserving  the  “ balance  of  power”  and  for  suppress- 
ing revolutions  within  one  another’s  dominions. 
This  being  at  the  time  the  Spanish  South  American 
colonies  were  in  revolt,  there  was  a strong  suspicion 
that  the  alliance  intended  to  unite  in  their  reduction. 
George  Canning,  the  English  Secretary  of  State, 
proposed  to  our  country  that  we  should  unite  with 
England  in  preventing  such  an  outrage  against  civili- 
zation. It  was  a momentous  question,  and  President 
Monroe  consulted  with  Jefferson,  Madison,  Calhoun 
and  John  Quincy  Adams,  the  Secretary  of  State,  be- 
fore making  answer.  The  decision  being  reached, 
President  Monroe  embodied  in  his  annual  message 
to  Congress  in  December,  1823,  a clause  which  for- 
mulated what  has  ever  since  been  known  as  the 
“ Monroe  Doctrine.”  It  was  written  by  John  Quincy 
Adams,  and,  referring  to  the  intervention  of  the  al- 
lied Powers,  said  that  we  “ should  consider  any  at- 
tempt on  their  part  to  extend  their  system  to  any 
portion  of  this  hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  our  peace 
and  safety ; ” and  further,  “ that  the  American  con- 
tinents, by  the  free  and  independent  condition  which 
they  have  assumed  and  maintain,  are  henceforth  not 
to  be  considered  as  subjects  for  future  colonization 
by  any  European  Powers.” 


2o8  LIVE  questions  of  to-day. 

This  is  the  famous  and  revered  Monroe  Doctrine, 
and  singular  as  it  may  seem,  it  was  first  suggested 
by  Great  Britain,  to  whom  it  has  afterward  proved 
more  than  once  specially  obnoxious. 

A French  Empire  in  Mexico. 

As  an  instance  of  its  enforcement  may  be  cited  the 
case  of  Maximilian.  Persuaded  by  the  vicious  ad- 
venturer and  foe  of  our  country,  Napoleon  III.,  to  at- 
tempt the  establishment  of  a French  empire  in 
Mexico,  he  was  left  undisturbed  for  the  time,  for  the 
reason  that  we  had  our  hands  full  in  waging  the 
War  for  the  Union. 

When  that  tremendous  struggle  was  over,  prompt 
notice  was  served  upon  Napoleon  that  he  and  his 
armies  must  vacate  Mexico.  He  lost  no  time  in 
abandoning  Maximilian  to  his  fate,  and  had  he  not 
done  so,  he  would  have  received  a trouncing  as  com- 
plete as  that  administered  to  him  by  Germany  a few 
years  later. 

The  Venezuelan  Question. 

Along  the  northeast  coast  of  South  America,  be- 
tween the  mouths  of  the  Amazon  and  the  Orinoco, 
stretches  a territory,  which  previous  to  1810  was 
known  as  the  Guianas.  In  that  year,  a large  por- 
tion came  into  the  possession  of  Venezuela,  as  the 
successor  in  ownership  of  Spain.  Four  years  later, 
Holland  ceded  a part  to  Great  Britain.  The  boun- 
dary line  between  Dutch  and  English  Guiana  was  not 
clearly  set  forth,  and  before  long  a dispute  broke  out 
which  remains  unsettled  to  this  day.  In  1887,  the 


VENEZUELAN  COMMISSION. 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY.  2II 

dispute  reached  a point  which  forced  the  severance 
of  diplomatic  relations  between  Great  Britain  and 
Venezuela. 

Venezuela  claims  all  territory  west  of  the  Esse- 
quibo  river,  and  south  to  the  border  of  Brazil,  and 
has  solid  historical  facts  in  her  favor.  Prior  to  1840, 
England  had  not  advanced  westward  beyond  the 
Pomaron  river,  but  she  did  so  in  the  latter  part  of 
that  year,  and  set  up  a claim  to  the  entire  Atlantic 
coast  as  far  as  the  Orinoco  delta.  In  1841,  Sir  Robert 
Schomburgk,  the  English  commissioner,  erected  the 
boundary  known  since  as  the  Schomburgk  line.  Ven- 
ezuela lost  no  time  in  protesting,  and  the  frontier 
marks  thus  placed  at  Barima  in  the  Orinoco  region 
were  destroyed.  In  1844,  England  proposed  a boun- 
dary line  beginning  a short  distance  west  of  the 
Pomaron  river,  and  in  1881,  she  once  more  extended 
her  claims  westward  so  as  to  take  in  both  the  valleys 
of  the  Pomaron  and  the  Orinoco.  Five  years  later, 
she  claimed  territory  to  the  banks  of  the  Guiana 
river,  and  in  1890  proposed  a divisional  line  which 
gave  her  practical  control  of  the  Orinoco  delta.  The 
last  British  proposal  was  made  in  1893,  and  varied  in 
some  particulars.  * 

Arbitration. 

The  United  States  anxiously  watched  this  dispute, 
and  more  than  once  tendered  its  offices  in  the  way 
of  arbitration.  These  were  refused,  for  the  discovery 
of  rich  gold  fields  in  the  disputed  region  awoke  the 
avarice  of  England,  as  it  did  in  South  Africa. 

An  examination  of  the  map  will  show  that  the  ex- 


212  LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 

treme  claim  of  Great  Britain  includes  all  the  territory 
through  which  flow  the  rivers  emptying  into  the  Es- 
sequibo,  while  Venezuela  insists  that  the  Essequibo 
should  form  the  western  boundary  of  British  Guiana. 
It  was  in  1886  that  England  declared  she  would  con- 
sider no  Venezuelan  claim  east  of  the  Schomburek 
line,  and  to  this  policy  she  had  adhered  to  the  present 
time.  She  claims  further  that  she  has  40,000  sub- 
jects within  the  disputed  territory,  whom  she  is  bound 
to  protect. 

It  is  not  worth  our  while  to  give  the  correspond- 
ence which  passed  between  Great  Britain  and  this 
country  over  Venezuela.  The  thunder-clap  came  on 
December  17,  1895,  when  President  Cleveland  sub- 
mitted to  Congress  the  correspondence  that  had 
passed  between  the  British  and  the  United  States 
Governments,  accompanied  by  a special  message  in 
which  he  asked  Congress  for  authority  to  appoint  a 
commission  to  investigate  and  determine  the  merits 
of  the  boundary  question,  in  order  that  the  Gov- 
ernment might  be  able  to  decide  upon  the  proper 
course  of  action. 

A Commission  Appointed. 

“ When  such  report  is  made  and  accepted,”  said  the 
President,  “ it  will,  in  my  opinion,  be  the  duty  of  the 
United  States  to  resist,  by  every  means  in  its  power, 
as  a wilful  aggression  upon  its  rights  and  interests, 
the  appropriation  by  Great  Britain  of  any  land  or 
the  exercise  of  governmental  jurisdiction  over  any 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 


213 


territory  which,  after  investigation,  we  have  deter- 
mined of  right  belongs  to  Venezuela.” 

Congress  enthusiastically  endorsed  the  position  of 
President  Cleveland.  The  bill  of  Representative  Hitt 
of  Illinois,  appropriating  $100,000  for  the  expenses 
of  the  commission  unanimously  passed  the  House 
December  18.  The  Senate  was  less  impulsive,  but 
two  days  later  it  unanimously  passed  the  same  bill 
as  it  came  from  the  House. 

Under  the  authority  thus  granted,  President  Cleve- 
land, on  the  1 st  of  January,  1896,  announced  the 
commission  as  follows : 

David  J.  Brewer,  Republican,  of  Kansas,  associate 
justice  of  the  supreme  court  of  the  United  States, 
elected  president.  He  is  the  son  of  a missionary, 
and  was  born  in  Smyrna,  Asia  Minor,  was  graduated 
at  Yale  College  in  1856,  and  at  the  Albany  (N.  Y.) 
Law  School.  In  1862-65  he  was  judge  of  the  probate 
and  criminal  courts  of  Leavenworth,  Kansas,  and  in 
1865-69  of  the  district  court.  He  was  elected  jus- 
tice of  the  State  supreme  court  in  1870,  1876  and 
1882,  and  was  made  judge  of  the  United  States  cir- 
cuit court  for  the  Eighth  District  in  1884.  He  was 
appointed  by  President  Harrison  to  succeed  the  late 
Stanley  Matthews  on  the  United  States  supreme 
court  bench  in  1889. 

Richard  H.  Alvey,  Democrat,  of  Maryland,  chief- 
justice  of  the  court  of  appeals  of  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia. He  was  born  in  St.  Mary’s  county,  Md.,  and 
was  imprisoned  for  a time  in  Fort  Warren  during  the 
war.  He  was  very  active  in  reorganizing  the  Demo- 


214 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 


cratic  party,  was  elected  chief  judge  of  the  Fourth  cir- 
cuit under  the  new  constitution,  and  re-elected  in 
1882.  He  resigned  the  office  of  chief-justice  of  the 
Maryland  court  of  appeals  to  accept  the  office  of  chief- 
justice  of  the  Federal  court  of  appeals  of  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia.  Judge  Alvey  is  a profound  stu- 
dent of  history  and  a master  of  the  Spanish  language. 

Daniel  C.  Gilman,  of  Maryland,  president  of  Johns 
Hopkins  University.  He  was  born  in  Connecticut 
in  1831,  and  was  graduated  at  Yale,  has  traveled 
widely  and  is  a distinguished  educator.  He  was 
elected  first  president  of  Johns  Hopkins  University, 
in  Baltimore,  in  1875.  He  is  one  of  the  best  scien- 
tists and  historians  in  the  country.  He  has  no  strong 
party  leanings,  but  is  mildly  inclined  to  the  principles 
of  the  Republican  party. 

Andrew  D.  White,  Republican,  of  New  York,  ex- 
president of  Cornell  University  and  ex-minister  to 
Germany  and  Russia.  He  was  born  in  Homer,  N.  Y., 
in  1832,  was  graduated  at  Yale,  and  from  1857  to  1862 
was  professor  of  history  and  English  literature  in  the 
University  of  Michigan,  and  from  1863  to  1866  was 
a member  of  the  senate  of  his  native  State.  He  was 
elected  in  1867  first  president  of  Cornell  University, 
resigning  because  of  ill  health  in  1885.  He  was  min- 
ister to  Germany,  1879-81,  and  minister  to  Russia, 
1892-94.  He  has  written  much  on  educational  sub- 
jects, and  has  made  liberal  contributions  to  Cornell 
University. 

Frederick  R.  Coudert,  Democrat,  of  New  York. 
He  is  among  the  foremost  members  of  the  New 


JOSEPH  CHAMBERLAIN. 
Colonial  Secretary  of  England. 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 


215 

York  bar  and  was  one  of  the  counsel  of  the  United 
States  before  the  Behring  Sea  tribunal  of  arbitration 
in  Paris,  in  1893’. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  the  personnel  of  the 
boundary  commission  is  of  the  highest  order  That 
the  members  will  investigate  calmly,  dispassionately 
and  thoroughly  there  can  be  no  question,  and  when 
their  decision  is  announced  it  must  command  respect 
at  home  and  abroad.  What  then  will  follow  remains 
to  be  seen. 

“Jingoism”  and  Sober  Second  Thought. 

It  may  be  unsafe  to  attempt  a prophecy  of  the 
final  outcome  of  this  sudden  flurry  which  for  a time 
set  every  one  talking  as  to  the  probabilities  of  a war 
with  Great  Britain.  There  is  a great  deal  of  “jingo- 
ism ” in  both  countries,  but  fortunately  there  is  also  a 
sober  second  thought  which  is  sure  to  make  itself 
heard  and  felt  before  such  an  awful  calamity  can 
desolate  the  world.  England  at  first  resented  what 
she  looked  upon  as  an  act  of  impertinence  on  our 
part,  but  the  signs  indicate  that  when  the  proper 
time  comes  she  will  make  the  most  graceful  retreat 
possible.  Lord  Salisbury  has  promised  to  submit 
the  “ Blue  Book,”  containing  the  English  case,  to  the 
commission.  This  is  an  important  step  toward  con- 
ciliation. England  will  see,  too,  when  the  work  is 
completed,  that  there  has  not  been  the  slightest  un- 
friendly bias  against  her.  The  commission  will  not 
report  until  it  is  fully  prepared,  and,  if  its  verdict  is 
friendly  to  the  claims  of  Great  Britain,'  it  will  speak 
in  no  ambiguous  terms.  The  same  is  true  if  ex- 


21 6 LIVE  questions  of  TO-DAY. 

hausting  research  obliges  the  commission  to  decide 
the  other  way.  At  any  rate,  when  the  decision  is 
made,  it  must  command  such  universal  respect  and 
confidence  that  the  enlightened  judgment  of  England 
will  compel  its  acceptance,  and  another  threatening 
war  cloud  will  dissolve  and  melt  away  in  the  blessed 
sunshine  of  peace  and  fraternity. 

The  Cuban  Revolt. 

The  struggle  in  Cuba  comes  nearer  “ home  ” to 
us  in  every  sense  of  the  word.  There  are  few 
Americans,  indeed,  whose  warmest  sympathies  do 
not  go  out  to  those  gallant  patriots  struggling  to 
throw  off  the  galling  yoke  of  one  of  the  most  tyranni- 
cal governments  that  ever  devastated  any  land.  The 
war  for  independence  in  Cuba  resembles  in  many 
respects  the  sufferings,  hardships  and  sacrifices  of 
our  own  forefathers  in  the  dark  days  of  the  Revolu- 
tion!" The  atrocious  rule  of  Spain  in  America,  where 
she  once  overshadowed  all  the  other  nations,  has 
caused  her  colonies  to  writhe  from  her  grasp  one  by 
one,  until  the  “Queen  of  the  Antilles”  is  the  only 
one  left,  and  that  sooner  or  later,  she,  too,  will  be 
free,  is  one  of  the  absolute  certainties  of  the  future. 

Let  us  try  as  briefly  as  possible  to  gain  an  intelli- 
gent idea  of  events  in  Cuba,  which  it  must  be  re- 
membered is  a large  island  720  miles  long,  with  an 
average  width  of  60  miles,  with  an  area  equal  to  one- 
half  of  all  the  other  West  India  islands  together. 
Cuba  has  long  been  a favorite  field  for  filibusters. 
From  1849  to  1852,  three  such  expeditions  were 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 


21 7 


made  from  this  country,  incited  by  Narcisso  Lopez, 
a South  American  adventurer,  who  made  Governor 
Quitman  of  Mississippi  and  other  Southerners  be- 
lieve that  Cuba  was  ready  for  revolt  and  annexation 
to  the  United  States.  All  these  expeditions  failed 
and  Lopez  was  executed  by  the  Cuban  authorities. 

Pathetic  and  Dramatic  Incidents. 

Many  pathetic  and  dramatic  incidents  marked 
these  spasmodic  attempts  at  revolution.  The  death 
of  W.  L.  Crittenden,  son  of  the  attorney-general  of 
the  United  States,  was  heroic.  He  was  a graduate 
of  West  Point  and  resigned  a colonelcy  in  the  army, 
in  1851,  that  he  might  aid  the  Cubans  in  their 
struggle  for  liberty.  He  succeeded  in  landing  on 
the  coast  of  the  island  and  was  left  with  150  men  to 
guard  the  baggage  and  ammunition,  while  Lopez 
with  a large  body  of  men  marched  into  the  interior. 
Lopez  was  attacked  before  * he  had  gone  far  and 
compelled  to  surrender,  his  execution  quickly  follow- 
ing. An  overwhelming  assault  was  then  made  upon 
Crittenden,  who,  after  a most  desperate  resistance, 
was  captured.  He  and  the  survivors  were  taken  to 
Havana  and  without  trial  condemned  to  die  on 
August  16,  1851.  An  immense  crowd  gathered  to 
witness  the  execution.  The  prisoners  were  ordered 
to  kneel,  facing  a stone  wall  and  with  their  backs 
toward  the  soldiers,  a few  paces  distant.  When  the 
command  was  given  to  Crittenden,  he  wheeled  about 
and  standing  erect  said : 

“A  Kentuckian  never  turns  his  back  on  an  enemy 


2 1 8 LIVE  questions  of  TO-DAY. 

and  kneels  only  to  his  God!  ” He  refused  to  obey 
the  order  and  was  shot  dead  as  he  stood. 

Other  filibustering  expeditions  have  been  made  to 
the  country,  and  several  times  the  Cubans  have 
revolted  against  Spain,  but  in  every  instance  she  has 
crushed  the  rebellion  with  a bloody  and  merciless 
hand. 

The  Provinces  of  Cuba. 

Cuba  is  divided  into  six  provinces.  Pinar  del  Rio, 
the  farthest  west,  and  Havana,  the  capital  province, 
remained  loyal  to  Spain  and  were  less  disturbed  at 
first  than  the  other  provinces.  The  seeds  of  revolt 
bore  fruit  in  Matanzas,  while  Santa  Clara,  Puerto 
Principe  and  Santiago  de  Cuba,  to  the  east,  were 
filled  with  rebels  and  their  sympathizers.  Thus  the 
eastern  half  of  the  island  was  in  the  flames  of  insur- 
rection, which  burned  fiercely  through  the  central 
portion,  and  up  to  the  walls  of  Havana  itself. 


The  Insurrection  of  1895. 

The  insurrection  broke  out  in  the  latter  part 
of  February,  1895.  The  situation  became  so  critical 
that  with  the  authority  of  the  home  Government  the 
governor-general  proclaimed  martial  law.  At  the 
same  time  Jose  Marti  and  General  Maximo  Gomez 
arrived  in  the  island.  The  former  had  been  nomi- 
nated by  the  revolutionary  junta  to  be  the  head  of  the 
provisional  Government,  while  Gomez  was  to  take 
chief  command  of  the  insurgent  forces.  There  were 
two  rallying  points  for  the  rebels,  one  in  the  province 


g 

Pi 


General-in-Chief  of  the  Cuban  Army. 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 


221 


of  Matanzas,  in  the  western  end,  and  the  other  in 
the  province  of  Santiago,  in  the  eastern  end. 

At  the  beginning  there  was  little  organization 
among  the  rebels,  but  as  time  passed,  discipline  came 
and  the  object  of  the  patriots  was  clearly  defined. 
They  had  among  them  a number  of  skilled  officers, 
who,  like  many  of  the  privates,  had  been  active 
in  former  revolts,  and  were  full  of  ardor  for  the 
liberty  of  their  native  land. 

One  plan  of  the  patriots  was  to  establish  free  com- 
munication among  themselves,  through  every  part  of 
the  island,  and  to  press  as  near  Havana,  the  head- 
quarters of  the  loyalists,  as  possible.  The  outlook 
for  success  was  more  promising  than  ever  before, 
and  never  was  the  enthusiasm  among  the  Cubans 
and  their  friends  at  so  high  a point.  Money  was 
liberally  gathered  in  New  York,  and  from  many  of 
the  leading  cities  of  the  United  States,  arms,  ammu- 
nition, supplies,  and  brave  men  were  shipped  to 
Cuba,  most  of  them  managing  to  elude  the  vigilance 
of  the  Spanish  cruisers  and  to  join  the  insurgents, 
who,Jn  early  autumn,  had  an  army  numbering  fully 
30,000  in  the  field.  This  was  in  two  divisions,  the 
eastern  commanded  by  General  Maceo,  while  the 
western,  occupying  the  province  of  Puerto  Principe, 
was  under  General  Gomez.  The  Spanish  army  was 
more  than  double  in  numbers,  though  the  force  avail- 
able was  about  equal  to  that  of  the  insurgents. 

Marshal  Martinez  de  Campos. 

The  Spanish  troops  were  under  the  command  of 

12 


222 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 


Marshal  Martinez  de  Campos,  probably  the  ablest 
general  in  Spain.  His  plan  was  to  march  eastward 
from  Havana,  clearing  out  the  rebels  as  far  as  the 
province  of  Santiago  de  Cuba;  but  insurmountable 
difficulties  interfered  with  his  purpose.  The  insur- 
gents were  familiar  with  the  ground,  were  skilled  in 
the  use  of  arms,  thoroughly  acclimated  and  abounding 
with  patriotic  ardor.  The  Spanish  soldiers  were 
neither  inured  to  the  trying  climate,  nor  familiar  with 
the  rough  country  through  which  they  had  to  fight 
their  way. 

Meanwhile,  Spain  was  in  financial  straits,  but  after 
a time  secured  a large  loan  and  announced  its  de- 
termination to  crush  the  rebellion  at  whatever  cost 
of  life  and  treasure.  Reinforcements  were  sent  to 
Cuba,  and  it  was  plain  that  the  home  Government 
would  never  loosen  her  grip  upon  the  throat  of  her 
last  American  possession  until  her  hand  was  pried 
loose. 

Cubans  Appoint  a Permanent  Government. 

The  Cubans  appointed  a permanent  Government 
in  October  and  adopted  a constitution.  The  Presi- 
dent was  Salvador  Cisnero,  Vice-President,  Bartolome 
Masso,  with  Carlos  Roloff  secretary  of  war,  Maximo 
Gomez  general-in-chief,  and  Antonio  Maceo  his  lieu- 
tenant-general. In  this  new  Government  five  of  the 
six  provinces  were  represented. 

Since  October  there  have  been  many  skirmishes 
and  battles  between  the  Spanish  troops  and  the  in- 
surgents, with  the  preponderating  advantage  in  favor 
of  the  latter.  General  Campos,  being  recalled  by 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DA  Y ■ 


223- 


the  home  Government,  was  succeeded  by  General 
Weyler,  characterized  by  many  as  the  “butcher,”  be- 
cause of  his  cruelty  to  prisoners.  He  has  probably 
done  all  that  any  one  could  do  under  the  circum- 
stances, but  to-day  the  suppression  of  the  insurrection 
appears  to  be  further  off  than  ever.  The  winter  time 
is  the  only  season  when  the  Spanish  troops  can  work 
effectively,  and  now  that  warm  weather  has  come, 
any  material  success  upon  their  part  is  impossible, 
until  the  sultry  weather  gives  way  to  the  cooler 
breezes  of  autumn,  if  indeed  the  independence  of  the 
island  is  not  secured  before  that  date. 

The  Pronounced  Friendship  of  Congress  for  Cuba. 

Spain  has  taken  great  offence  at  the  pronounced, 
friendship  of  Congress  for  Cuba.  Resolutions  of 
sympathy  have  met  with  the  most  ardent  support,  and 
beyond  a doubt,  the  overwhelming  majority  in  both 
branches,  in  favor  of  the  struggling  patriots,  is  only  an 
echo  of  the  feelings  of  the  great  American  nation 
itself.  While  not  a few  urge  active  interference  in 
behalf  of  Cuba,  with  the  certainty  of  a war  with  Spain, 
the  majority  favor  the  granting  of  belligerent  rights 
to  the  insurgents.  The  advantage  of  such  congres- 
sional action  is  clearly  set  forth  in  the  speech  which 
Representative  Hitt  made  in  the  House  April  3,  1896, 
when  he  called  up  the  report  of  the  Conference  Com- 
mittee on  the  Cuban  resolutions,  which  report  rec- 
ommended the  adoption  of  the  following  resolutions 
as  passed  by  the  Senate  : 


224 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 


“ Resolved , That  in  the  opinion  of  Congress  a con- 
dition of  public  war  exists  between  the  Government 
of  Spain  and  the  Government  proclaimed  and  for 
some  time  maintained  by  force  of  arms  by  the  people 
of  Cuba;  and  that  the  United  States  of  America 
should  maintain  a strict  neutrality  between  the  con- 
tending Powers,  according  to  each  all  the  rights  of 
belligerents  in  the  ports  and  territory  of  the  United 
States. 

“ Resolved , Further,  that  the  friendly  offices  of  the 
United  States  should  be  offered  by  the  President  to 
the  Spanish  Government  for  the  recognition  of  the 
independence  of  Cuba.” 

Mr.  Hitt  said  it  was  true  that  the  second  resolu- 
tion as  adopted  by  the  House  was  in  more  cautious 
form  than  that  now  proposed,  and  Spain,  unless  per- 
sistently seeking  a quarrel,  could  not  have  resented 
such  a proposition,  while  the  resolution  of  the  Senate 
proposing  independence  was  more  exposed  to  cap- 
tious objection.  But  when  a war  between  a parent 
Government  and  a dependency  had  been  going  on 
for  a considerable  time,  and  when  separation  was  the 
best  solution  of  the  war,  the  mediation  or  friendly 
counsel  of  another  nation  to  solve  an  existing  struggle 
by  recognizing  independence  might  be  a truly  friendly 
act,  and  this  in  fact  has  often  been  done.  In  cases 
almost  precisely  parallel  to  this,  when  Spain  was  at 
war  with  her  dependencies  on  this  continent  in  the 
early  part  of  this  century,  our  Government  had  taken 
the  very  step  proposed  in  this  second  resolution. 

Recognition  of  Beligerency. 

The  immediate  recognition  of  belligerency  was  a 
far  more  important  and  practical  question.  That  was 
the  point  covered  by  the  first  resolution  both  of  the 
Senate  and  of  the  House.  In  mere  bulk,  the  petitions 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 


225 


presented  to  Congress  favoring  this  course  had  ex- 
ceeded those  upon  any  other  subject  for  years. 

On  the  other  side,  individual  members,  especially 
of  the  committee  charged  with  this  subject,  had  re- 
ceived letters  from  citizens  deprecating  any  action 
whatever.  These  letters  were  almost  always  from 
those  who  called  themselves  business  men — brokers 
and  financial  men — who  were  opposed  to  any  agita- 
tion or  discussion  of  a foreign  question,  and  seemed 
to  care  very  little  about  either  the  Cubans  or  Span- 
iards, but  chiefly  about  the  market. 

The  unmistakable  voice  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  as  expressed  in  the  enormous  majority  given 
in  the  House — 262  to  17 — was  in  favor  of  recogniz- 
ing the  belligerency  of  the  Cubans.  It  was  against 
this  that  all  Spanish  influences  in  this  country  were 
most  strenuously  exerted.  It  was  to  this  hope  of 
recognition  of  belligerency  that  all  friends  of  Cuba 
turned.  The  reason  was  plain.  It  would  be  of  in- 
estimable assistance  to  the  Cuban  cause.  It  would 
give  them  a flag ; it  would  give  them  a status  in  the 
world.  If  they  procured  a vessel  and  entered  New 
York  harbor  to-morrow  with  their  lone  star  flag,  they 
would  be  liable  to  be  treated  as  pirates.  The  Spanish 
Minister  would  immediately  claim  that  this  should  be 
done,  but,  with  a recognized  flag,  they  could  enter  as 
the  ships  from  all  countries  do.  They  could  buy 
munitions  of  war  openly.  They  could  buy  supplies 
of  every  kind.  Men  could  go  openly,  if  not  in  armed 
expeditions,  to  join  them.  They  could  negotiate 
loans — negotiate  them  as  openly  as  the  Spaniards 
could  do  now. 

What  Have  we  Done  for  the  Cubans  ? 

The  Spanish  Government  now  buys  munitions  of 
war  at  Hartford  and  at  Philadelphia,  buys  supplies, 


226  LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 

loads  ships — in  fact,  the  United  States  is  to-day  the 
base  of  operations  in  a furious  war  to  crush  those 
who  are  struggling  for  liberty,  and  our  Government 
has  been  busied  for  a year  in  obeying  the  intimations 
of  the  Spanish  Minister  that  they  could  in  this  port, 
or  in  that,  catch  some  one  trying  to  carry  arms  or 
aid  to  Cuba.  We  had  not  even  confined  our  assist- 
ance to  our  own  ports,  but  in  the  case  of  the  “ Haw- 
kins” we  pursued  the  Cubans  out  upon  the  high  seas 
at  the  behest  of  Spain. 

“Is  this  fairness?”  Mr.  Hitt  asked.  “Is  this  jus- 
tice? Is  this  observing  neutrality  in  this  struggle  ? 
Either  in  spirit  or  in  fact,  are  we  not  efficient  oppres- 
sors of  the  Cubans  ? ” 

Was  not  the  success  of  the  Cubans  now  probable? 
Mr.  Hitt  continued.  For  a year  they  had  baffled  the 
armies  of  Spain.  In  a recent  statement  by  the 
Spanish  Minister,  addressed  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  he  said  that  Spain  had  sent  125,000 
men  to  Cuba.  With  this  great  army  more  than  forty 
war  vessels  had  been  co-operating  to  shut  the  Cubans 
in  and  subdue  them.  Far  from  being  subdued,  they 
had  fought  on  successfully  for  a year,  each  month 
and  each  week  pressing  forward,  bringing  province 
after  province  under  their  power,  until  their  author- 
ity had  extended  over  600  miles  from  the  eastern  to 
the  western  end  of  the  island,  and  the  Spanish  forces 
are  to-day  largely  penned  in  the  cities. 

The  Spanish  newspaper  organs  had  been  constantly 
claiming  that  the  republic  had  no  capital,  and  that  if 
one  \vere  pretended  they  would  at  once  capture  it. 
But,  said  Mr.  Hitt,  we  see  publications  from  Cisnero, 
the  President  of  the  Cuban  republic,  at  Cubitas,  their 
capital,  which  they  have  held  undisturbed  for  nearly 
a year — undisturbed  because  they  defied  Spanish 
power — while  the  despatches  in  the  papers  give  ac- 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 


227 


counts  of  engagements  in  the  environs  of  Havana. 
It  looks  from  this  distance  as  if  General  Weyler,  in 
Havana,  had  more  cause  to  be  uneasy  than  President 
Cisnero  in  his  capital  of  Cubitas. 

This  is  a far  greater  war  than  the  ten  years’  war 
of  1868  to  1878,  with  which  it  is  so  often  compared. 
That  was  confined  to  the  eastern  end  of  the  island. 
The  revolutionists  never  established  their  power  far 
from  the  province  of  Santiago.  The  armies  of  Gomez 
and  Maceo,  working  in  perfect  harmony,  have  fought 
their  way  steadily  through  province  after  province 
until  they  have  come  into  Pinar  del  Rio,  at  the  west- 
ern end  of  the  island.  The  political  and  military 
organization  has  been  harmonious,  effective  and  vic- 
torious from  the  first.  It  is  exactly  what  President 
Monroe  called  “a  movement  of  such  a steady  and 
consistent  form  as  to  make  success  probable.”  And 
now,  as  in  the  time  of  Monroe,  they  should  have  ex- 
tended to  them  the  rights  to  which  they  are  entitled 
by  the  law  of  nations  as  equal  parties  to  a civil  war. 

Two-thirds  of  the  Population  of  European  Origin. 

Mr.  Hitt  said,  in  conclusion : “ It  is  sometimes  ob- 
jected that  we  ought  not  to  encourage  the  Cubans  to 
separate  Government,  as  they  would  simply  enter 
upon  anarchy  and  successive  revolutions,  as  so  often 
has  happened  with  other  Spanish- American  colonies. 
But,  in  fact,  Cuba  differs  from  all  the  others,  except 
Chili,  in  that  two-thirds  of  its  population  are  of  Euro- 
pean origin.  Chili  and  Cuba  are  the  only  two  spots 
in  Spanish  America  where  the  Spanish  race  colonized 
in  the  fashion  in  which  the  AnMo-Saxon  colonized — 

o 

by  transplanting  their  people  and  building  up  their 
own  race.  Chili  has  beerf  for  fifty  years  conspicuous 
in  South  America  for  ability  and  energy.  Her 
securities  were  good  in  European  markets  forty  years 


228 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 


ago.  The  million  white  people  of  Cuba,  once  organ- 
ized into  an  independent  government,  will  soon  settle 
into  stable  conditions  and  enter  upon  a career  of 
prosperity. 

We  have  no  Debt  of  Gratitude  to  Spain. 

“ It  is  our  duty  to  treat  them  to-day  with  fairness, 
to  observe  a neutrality  that  is  real.  Americans  who 
are  descendants  of  those  who  struggled  through 
a contest  against  tyranny  like  that  to-day  in  Cuba 
should  not  be  false  to  the  memory  of  their  fathers, 
nor  to  the  tradition  and  spirit  of  their  history. 
We  are  under  no  obligations  to  favor  Spain  and  op- 
pression as  against  Cuba  and  freedom.  Remember 
how  Spain  invaded  and  seized  upon  San  Domingo 
when  the  United  States  was  engaged  in  the  war  of 
the  Rebellion.  It  was  disclosed  in  the  debates  in  the 
Spanish  Cortes  afterwards  that  that  occupation  of 
San  Domingo  was  entered  upon  expressly  to  thwart 
the  influence  of  the  United  States  and  prevent  our 
obtaining  a station  at  Samana.  It  was  in  this  spirit 
that  Spain  so  early  recognized  the  belligerency  of  the 
Confederates,  a month  before  blood  was  shed  in  bat- 
tle. It  was  done  in  co-operation  with  Louis  Napo- 
leon who,  also  pursuing  the  same  scheme  of  oppres- 
sion, took  advantage  of  our  troubles  to  overthrow 
the  Republic  of  Mexico  and  set  up  an  empire  there. 
We  have  no  debt  of  gratitude,  and  should  be  in- 
fluenced by  no  sentiments  but  those  of  justice  and 
that  enlightened  self-interest  which  is  the  true  guide 
in  the  policy  of  nations. 

“ When  this  vote  has  been  given,  as  it  will  be  over- 
whelmingly by  this  House,  concurring  with  the  Senate 
in  expressing  the,  will  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  we  cannot  doubt  that  the  Executive  will  act 
and  obey  the  voice  of  the  nation,  and  that  we  will 
speedily  hear  that  the  President  has  recognized  the 


DARING  ATTACK  BY  THE)  PATRIOTS  OF  CUBA  UPON  A FORT  NEAR  VU ETTAS. 


LIVE  QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 


231 


belligerency  of  the  struggling  Cubans.  The  waning 
cause  of  Spain  has  been  apparent  from  week  to 
week  for  two  months  past,  it  will  not  be  long  until 
we  shall  have  an  end  of  all  the  bombastic  preten- 
sions and  abominations  of  Weyler’s  savage  opera- 
tions, and  the  Cubans,  having  vindicated  their  rights 
with  their  arms,  will  enjoy  the  liberty  they  have 
earned.” 

Mr.  Hitt  was  interrupted  by  Mr.  Patterson  (Dem., 
Tenn.),  who  asked  what  proportion  of  the  1,600,000 
population  in  Cuba  had  engaged  in  the  movement  to 
secure  the  independence  of  the  island. 

Mr.  Hitt  stated  that  a communication  to  the  House 
from  the  Secretary  of  State  showed  that  the  number 
of  troops  in  the  field  last  August  was  30,000,  one- 
third  of  whom  were  well  armed.  Since  coming  to 
the  House  to-day,  Mr.  Hitt  said  he  had  received  a 
statement  made  by  Mr.  Rappleye,  the  correspondent 
of  the  New  York  Mail  and  Express , who  had  just  re- 
turned from  Cuba,  which  showed  that  the  Cuban 
army  now  numbered  over  60,000  men. 

On  the  6th  of  April,  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives adopted  the  Senate  resolutions,  by  the  emphatic 
vote  of  245  to  27,  thus  voicing  in  unmistakable  terms 
the  sentiment  of  the  American  nation  on  the  burning 
question  of  Cuban  independence,  and  while  no  de- 
cisive step  has  as  yet  been  taken  by  the  United  States 
Government,  the  sentiment  of  our  people  has  crystal- 
lized, and  the  fact  has  been  established  beyond  all 
question  that  “ Cuba  libre”  is  a certainty  of  the  near 
future. 


(232) 


PENNSYLVANIA  AVENUE,  LOOKING  TOWARD  THE  CAPITOL,  WASHINGTON. 


Political  Giants  of  the  Present  Day. 

• BY  EDWARD  S.  ELLIS,  A.  M., 

Author  of  “ Standard  History  of  the  United  States 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON, 

SOLDIER,  ORATOR  AND  STATESMAN. 

When  General  William  Henry  Harrison,  the  hero 
of  Tippecanoe  and  of  more  than  one  important 
battle  of  the  war  of  1812,  succumbed  to  the  torments 
which  beset  every  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  suddenly  died  one  month  after  his  inauguration, 
he  left  a grandson  named  Benjamin,  not  quite  eight 
years  old,  who  was  the  third  son  of  John  Scott  Har- 
rison, and  was  born  at  North  Bend,  Ohio,  August  20, 
1833.  His  father  was  the  owner  of  a large  farm, 
where  the  son  toiled  while  a boy,  and  laid  the  founda- 
tion of  the  rugged  health  and  strength  which  stood 
him  so  well  in  after  years. 

The  first  school  which  Benjamin  Harrison  attended 
was  kept  in  a log  building,  where,  so  far  as  is  known, 
he  was  neither  a dull  nor  an  unusually  bright  pupil. 
It  may  have  been  too  early  in  life  for  him  to  display 
the  ability  which  afterward  carried  him  to  the  highest 
office  in  the  gift  of  his  countrymen.  He  was  fortu- 

(233) 


234 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


nate  in  having  a sensible  parent,  who,  knowing  the 
value  of  education,  sent  him  at  the  a^e  of  fifteen  to 
Farmers’  (now  Belmont)  College,  near  Cincinnati. 
He  remained  two  years  and  then  became  a student  at 
Miami  University,  Oxford,  where  he  attracted  atten- 
tion by  his  skill  as  a debater  and  orator. 

Harrison’s  Marriage. 

While  a law  student,  he  made  the  acquaintance  of 
Miss  Caroline  L.  Scott,  a most  estimable  young 
woman,  and  daughter  of  the  president  of  the  Uni- 
versity. The  two  formed  a strong,  mutual  attach- 
ment, and  were  married  in  1853,  before  Harrison 
had  attained  his  majority.  He  was  graduated  in 
1852,  fourth  in  his  class. 

Sterling  Integrity  and  Marked  Ability. 

He  entered  the  law  office  of  Storer  & Gywnne, 
and  shortly  after  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  Moving 
to  Indianapolis  in  the  following  year,  he  began  to 
practice,  and  has  made  that  city  his  home  ever  since. 
Clients  were  not  numerous,  nor  were  fees  large,  but 
those  who  employed  young  Harrison  found  him  con- 
scientious, devoted  to  their  interests,  and  possessed 
of  sterling  integrity  and  marked  ability.  He  was 
prompt  and  kept  his  promises.  A lawyer  of  that 
kind  is  sure  to  succeed. 

Harrison  Becomes  a Soldier. 

In  1855,  he  entered  into  partnership  with  William 
Wallace,  but  six  years  later  that  gentleman  was 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  01  THE  DAY. 


235 


elected  county  clerk  and  Harrison  associated  himself 
with  W.  P.  Fishback.  When  fairly  started  upon 
what  was  a most  promising  career,  his  patriotism  led 
him  into  the  military  service  of  his  country,  where  he 
made  a fine  record.  He  was  mustered  in  as  Second 
Lieutenant,  July  14,  1862,  as  Captain  eight  days  later, 
and  then,  August  7th,  as  Colonel  of  the  170th  regi- 
ment of  infantry,  the  term  of  enlistment  being  for 
three  years.  He  commanded  his  regiment  until  the 
20th  of  August,  1863;  the  second  brigade  of  the 
third  division,  reserve  corps,  until  September  20, 
1863  ; his  regiment  again  to  January  9,  1864,  and  the 
first  brigade,  third  division,  twentieth  army  corps,  to 
September  23,  1864,  on  which  date  he  was  detailed  for 
special  duty  in  Indiana.  Returning  to  duty  in  the 
field  he  was  ordered  in  November,  1864,  to  report  in 
person  to  the  general  commanding  at  Nashville, 
Tenn.  He  afterward  commanded  the  first  brigade, 
provisional  division,  Army  of  the  Cumberland,  to 
January  16,  1865,  when  upon  his  own  request,  he  was 
relieved  and  directed  to  rejoin  his  command,  which 
was  then  at  Savannah,  Georgia,  under  General  Sher- 
man. On  his  way  thither,  he  was  stricken  with  what 
threatened  to  be  a fatal  illness,  but,  rallying,  he 
pressed  on.  He  was  not  yet  fully  recovered  and  was 
placed  in  command  of  the  camp  for  convalescents 
and  recruits  at  Blair’s  Landing,  South  Carolina.  He 
soon  after  joined  General  Sherman  at  Raleigh,  where 
he  resumed  command  of  the  first  brigade,  third  divi- 
sion, twentieth  army  corps,  April  21,  1865,  and  was 
relieved  therefrom  June  8th,  because  of  the  muster- 


236  POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 

ing  out  of  the  troops  composing  it.  On  the  same 
day  he  was  mustered  out  and  honorably  discharged. 

Harrison’s  Record  in  the  Field. 

As  we  have  said,  General  Harrison  made  a most 
creditable  record  in  the  field.  “ Little  Ben  ” quickly 
won  the  reputation  of  being  a brave  man  and  a skil- 
ful leader.  He  was  very  popular  with  his  own  men 
and  with  the  general  officers.  His  regiment  had  no 
superior  in  effectiveness  and  discipline.  He  was  in 
action  at  Russellville,  Kentucky,  and  in  the  numerous 
severe  engagements  of  the  Atlanta  campaign,  and 
was  present  at  the  surrender  of  General  Jo  Johnston, 
at  Durham’s  Station,  North  Carolina,  April  26,  1865. 
Fighting  Jo  Hooker  considered  Harrison  without  a 
superior  as  a regimental  and  brigade  commander, 
and  it  was  at  his  request  that,  January  23,  1865,  he 
was  breveted  Brigadier-General  of  volunteers,  “for 
ability  and  manifest  energy  and  gallantry  in  com- 
mand of  a brigade.” 

He  had  already  won  a fine  reputation  as  a lawyer 
in  Indianapolis.  He  was  elected  in  i860  reporter  of 
the  Supreme  Court,  but  the  office  was  vacated  by  his 
enlistment.  He  was  overwhelmingly  re-elected  in 
1864,  while  absent  in  the  field.  At  the  close  of  the 
term,  he  had  a lucrative  practice,  and  was  retained  in 
nearly  all  the  important  cases  in  his  State.  In  1876, 
Godlove  S.  Orth,  Republican  candidate  for  Governor, 
withdrew  during  the  canvass  and  Harrison’s  name 
was  substituted  without  consultation  with  him  and 
while  he  was  absent  from  the  State.  He  made  a 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


237 


plucky  fight,  but  Governor  Hendricks’  popularity  was 
too  great  to  be  overcome. 

In  1880,  Harrison  was  chairman  of  the  Indiana 
delegation  in  the  convention  which  nominated  James 
A.  Garfield  for  the  Presidency.  A strong  pressure 
was  brought  to  bear  upon  him  to  permit  his  name  to 
be  presented,  but  he  refused.  His  splendid  work  and 
his  great  ability  led  Garfield  to  offer  him  a place  in 
his  Cabinet,  which  he  declined.  He  was  chosen 
United  States  Senator  in  1881  and  served  for  six 
years,  during  which  he  took  rank  among  the  fore- 
most debaters  and  leaders. 

Harrison  Nominated  and  Elected  President. 

In  the  Chicago  presidential  convention  in  1888, 
Harrison  was  nominated  on  the  eighth  ballot.  Dur- 
ing that  memorable  campaign,  he  made  ninety-four 
speeches,  all  of  which  were  forceful,  effective  and  be- 
yond criticism  even  by  his  enemies.  His  most  extraor- 
dinary achievement,  however,  was  after  his  election 
to  the  Presidency.  Leaving  Washington,  April  15th, 
he  made  a journey  of  10,000  miles  to  and  from  the 
Pacific  coast,  returning  exactly  one  month  later.  On 
that  journey,  he  made  one  hundred  and  forty  ad- 
dresses, some  of  them  on  five  minutes’  notice.  His 
audiences  at  times  included  old  Confederates,  colored 
men  and  representatives  of  nearly  every  grade  of 
society.  He  was  taken  without  warning  to  institu- 
tions of  learning,  before  the  blind,  the  educated,  and 
was  brought  face  to  face  with  those  who  had  seldom 
seen  the  inside  of  institutions  of  learning.  In  none 


2^8  POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 

of  his  numerous  addresses  did  President  Harrison 
repeat  himself.  Each  speech  was  in  exquisite  taste, 
often  rising  to  heights  of  genuine  eloquence.  The 
most  prominent  newspaper  which  opposed  his  elec- 
tion declared  that  President  Harrison  has  never  had 
a superior,  if  indeed  an  equal,  as  an  effective  • off- 
hand speaker. 

His  administration  was  worthy  and  dignified,  and 
though  his  Cabinet  contained  the  brilliant  Blaine,  yet 
Harrison  was  President  at  all  times  and  his  influence 
was  felt  in  every  department.  Above  all  things,  he 
was  a patriot  and  an  American  under  all  circum- 
stances. His  renomination  at  Minneapolis  was  to 
be  expected,  but  the  desire  for  a change  throughout 
the  country,  rather  than  any  distrust  of  the  President 
or  disfavor  with  his  work,  led  to  his  defeat  by  Grover 
Cleveland.  A few  days  before  election  Mrs.  Har- 
rison died,  after  a long  and  painful  illness.  The  lives 
of  the  two  had  been  an  ideal  one,  and  no  couple  ever 
were  more  tenderly  attached  to  each  other. 

After  his  retirement  from  the  Presidency,  General 
Harrison  was  engaged  by  the  late  Senator  Leland 
Stanford  of  California  to  deliver  a course  of  lectures 
before  the  University  he  had  founded,  upon  constitu- 
tional law.  His  practice  expanded  and  he  easily  took 
rank  among  the  ablest  and  most  successful  counsel- 
lors in  the  country.  He  was  prominently  mentioned 
as  a presidential  candidate  as  President  Cleveland's 
term  drew  to  a close,  the  conviction  being  general 
among  the  Republicans  that,  with  his  past  record  and 
his  great  ability,  he  was  certain  of  success  in  the 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY.  24 1 

stnjggle  of  1896.  The  nomination,  however,  seemed 
to  be  a matter  of  indifference  to  General  Harrison 
and  in  February,  1896,  he  made  public  his  decision 
not  to  be  a candidate.  In  January,  1896,  he  an- 
nounced his  engagement  to  Mrs.  Dimmick,  a niece 
of  the  late  Mrs.  Harrison.  He  has  since  been  mar- 
ried and  is  living  quietly  at  his  home  in  Indianapolis. 


13 


242 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


GROVER  CLEVELAND, 

SUCCESSFUL  LAWYER,  GOVERNOR  AND  PRESIDENT. 

Grover  Cleveland,  twenty-second  and  twenty- 
fourth  President  of  the  United  States,  was  born  in 
the  village  of  Caldwell,  Essex  county,  New  Jersey, 
March  18,  1837.  He  was  the  son  of  Richard  Falley 
Cleveland,  a Presbyterian  minister,  who  was  gradu- 
ated at  Yale  in  1824,  and  five  years  later  married 
Annie  Neal,  daughter  of  a Baltimore  merchant. 

When  the  son  was  four  years  old,  his  father  ac- 
cepted a call  to  Fayetteville,  near  Syracuse,  New 
York,  where  the  boy  attended  the  academy,  and  after- 
ward served  as  clerk  in  a country  store.  Some  time 
later  the  family  removed  to  Clinton,  in  Oneida 
county,  and  Grover  was  a student  at  the  academy 
there.  At  the  age  of  sixteen  he  became  a clerk  and 
assistant  teacher  in  the  New  York  Institution  for  the 
Blind,  in  New  York  city.  In  the  same  institution 
his  elder  brother,  William,  now  a preacher,  was  also 
a teacher. 

Cleveland  Goes  West. 

Grover  was  an  excellent  teacher,  but  yielding  to 
ambition,  he  decided  to  £0  West,  where  he  believed 
greater  opportunities  for  mental  growth  and  success 
awaited  him.  He  stopped  at  Black  Rock,  now  a 
part  of  the  city  of  Buffalo,  and  called  upon  his  uncle, 
Lewis  F.  Allen,  who  persuaded  him  to  stay  and  help 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


243 


in  the  compilation  of  a volume  of  the  “American 
Herd  Book.”  He  assisted  in  the  preparation  of 
several  more  volumes,  and  in  August,  1855,  became 
a clerk  and  copyist  for  the  law  firm  of  Rogers,  Bowen 
& Rogers,  in  Buffalo.  He  took  up  the  study  of 
law  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1859.  Meanwhile 
his  father  died,  and,  that  he  might  be  able  to  support 
his  mother,  Grover  remained  three  years  longer  with 
the  firm  at  a moderate  salary. 

His  worth  and  ability  had  attracted  favorable 
notice,  and  he  was  appointed  assistant  district  attor- 
ney of  Erie  county,  January  1,  1863,  holding  the 
office  for  three  years.  He  was  defeated,  in  1865, 
as  the  Democratic  candidate  for  district  attorney,  and 
became  a law  partner  of  Isaac  V.  Vanderpool,  uniting, 
in  1869,  with  the  firm  of  Lanning  & Folsom.  By  this 
time  he  had  attained  marked  success,  and  in  1870 
was  elected  sheriff  of  Erie  county.  At  the  end  of 
his  three  years’  term,  he  formed  a law  partnership 
with  his  intimate  friend,  Lyman  K.  Bass,  who  had  de- 
feated him  for  the  district  attorneyship,  the  firm  being 
Bass,  Cleveland  & Bissell.  Ill  health  compelled  the 
retirement  of  Mr.  Bass,  when  the  firm  became  Cleve- 
land & Bissell.  It  was  very  successful,  and  Mr. 
Cleveland’s  reputation  increased. 

Cleveland’s  Early  Public  Career. 

» 

One  of  the  marked  features  of  Mr.  Cleveland’s 
early  public  career  was  his  great  popularity  when  he 
appeared  as  a candidate  for  the  suffrages  of  the 
people.  Being  nominated  by  the  Democrats  for 


244 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


mayor  of  Buffalo,  in  the  autumn  of  1 88 1 , he  received 
the  largest  majority  (3,530)  ever  given  to  a candidate 
in  that  city,  although  the  Republican  ticket  was  suc- 
cessful in  other  directions.  He  was  supported  not 
only  by  his  own  party,  but  by  the  independent  and 
the  “ reform  ” movements.  He  fulfilled  the  expecta- 
tions of  his  supporters,  vetoing  extravagant  measures, 
and  conducting  his  office  in  so  prudent  and  economi- 
cal a manner  that  he  saved  fully  $1,000,000  to  Buffalo 
during  the  first  six  months  of  his  term.  His  course 
gave  him  such  a popularity  that  in  September,  1882, 
he  was  nominated  for  governor  of  the  State.  His 
opponent  was  Charles  J.  Folger,  then  Secretary  of 
the  United  States  Treasury.  Both  men  had  a record 
that  could  not  be  assailed,  and  the  result  was  astound- 
ing. In  a vote  of  918,894,  Cleveland  received  a plu- 
rality of  192,  854,  giving  him  a majority  over  his  op- 
ponent, the  greenback,  prohibition,  and  scattering 
vote,  of  151,742,  the  like  of  which  was  never  before 
known  in  the  Empire  State.  The  vote  was  so  tre- 
mendous that  it  attracted  national  attention  and  con- 
vinced the  Democratic  party  that  if  the  new  governor 
made  no  blunder  during  his  administration,  he  would 
be  the  most  available  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 

Cleveland  as  Governor. 

Governor  Cleveland  made  no  blunders  that  could 
mar  his  prospects.  He  was  able,  honest,  and 
wholly  devoted  to  the  interests  of  the  State.  At  the 
Democratic  national  convention,  held  in  Chicago,  in 
July,  1884,  after  several  days  devoted  to  organization 


(245) 


246  POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 

and  the  presenting  of  the  names  of  the  candidates, 
he  received  the  nomination,  which  he  formally  ac- 
cepted by  letter  on  the  18th  of  August. 

Four  candidates  were  before  the  country  in  No- 
vember, 1884:  Cleveland  of  New  York,  the  regular 
Democratic  nominee ; James  G.  Blaine  of  Maine, 
Republican;  Benjamin  F.  Butler  of  Massachusetts, 
labor  and  greenback  ; and  John  P.  St.  John  of  Kan- 
sas, prohibition.  One  of  those  little  incidents  which 
can  never  be  foreseen,  and  which  often  overturn  the 
best-laid  plans,  led  to  the  defeat  of  Blaine.  At  a 
public  reception,  Reverend  Dr.  Burchard,  in  address- 
ing Mr.  Blaine,  referred  to  the  Democratic  party  as 
that  of  “Rum,  Romanism,  and  Rebellion. ” Mr. 
Blaine  did  not  catch  the  expression,  or,  as  he  after- 
ward declared,  he  would  have  reproved  it,  but  the 
mischief  was  done  so  far  as  he  was  concerned.  The 
charge  against  him  was  used  so  skilfully  that  the  Re- 
publican candidate  lost  the  vote  of  New  York  by  a 
trifling  majority.  This  gave  Cleveland  219  electoral 
votes  to  182  for  Blaine,  while  the  popular  vote  stood  : 
Cleveland,  4,874,986;  Blaine,  4,851,081. 

President  Cleveland’s  First  Administration. 

President  Cleveland  was  inaugurated  on  the  4th 
of  March  following,  and  called  around  him  an  able 
Cabinet.  He  proved  himself  sincere  when  he  de- 
clared he  would  do  his  utmost  to  carry  out  the  policy 
of  civil  service  reform.  This  course  alienated  some 
of  his  supporters  who  believed  in  the  doctrine  that 
“ to  the  victors  belong  the  spoils,”  and  who  considered 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


247 


all  ante-election  pledges  to  the  contrary  as  intended 
simply  to  catch  votes,  but  President  Cleveland  ad- 
hered to  the  policy  to  the  end,  earning  the  respect 
of  both  parties  by  his  courage  and  sincerity.  He 
used  the  veto  power  with  the  same  severity  as  when 
Mayor  and  Governor.  He  favored  a reduction  of  the 
tariff,  with  the  ultimate  establishment  of  freer  trade. 

A pleasing  incident  of  President  Cleveland’s  first 
administration  was  his  marriage,  at  the  White  House, 
June  2,  1886,  to  Miss  Frances  Folsom,  daughter  of 
Oscar  Folsom,  the  President’s  intimate  friend.  The 
whole  country  felt  an  interest  in  the  happy  event, 
and  Mrs.  Cleveland,  as  the  leading  lady  of  the  land, 
has  commanded  the  admiring  respect  of  the  nation 
and  of  all  with  whom  she  has  come  in  contact.  No 
more  graceful  or  accomplished  lady  has  ever  pre- 
sided at  the  White  House. 

In  the  autumn  of  1888  President  Cleveland  found 
himself  pitted  against  General  Benjamin  Harrison, 
with  the  result  that  has  already  been  stated.  Of  the 
popular  vote,  Cleveland  received  5,540,329  and  Har- 
rison 5,439,853,  while  of  the  electoral  votes,  168  went 
to  Cleveland  and  233  to  Harrison. 


Cleveland  Re-elected. 

In  1892  the  same  gentlemen  were  the  leading  can- 
didates and  the  verdict  was  reversed;  Cleveland 
received  5,553,142  and  Harrison  5,186,931  on  the 
popular  vote,  while  in  the  electoral  college  276  votes 
went  to  Cleveland  and  145  to  Harrison.  It  was  the 


2 48  POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY 

first  time  in  our  history  that  a President  was  re- 
elected after  being  out  of  office  for  one  term. 

It  is  not  the  province  of  this  sketch  to  give  a 
history  of  the  leading  features  of  President  Cleve- 
land’s administrations.  A monetary  stringency  and 
a great  depression  of  business  were  accompanied 
by  a formidable  railway  strike  which  necessitated  the 
calling  out  of  the  United  States  troops  in  several 
parts  of  the  country. 

“ Struck  Fire.” 

The  time  when  President  Cleveland  “ struck  fire,” 
however,  was  in  his  message  to  Congress,  on  De- 
cember 17,  1895.  England,  whose  “earth  hunger” 
is  insatiable,  and  who  has  appropriated  land  in  all 
parts  of  the  world,  often  without  regard  to  right  and 
justice,  had  disputed  for  years  with  Venezuela  over 
the  boundary  between  that  country  and  British 
Guiana,  obtained  by  England  from  The  Netherlands 
in  1814.  Learning  that  the  interior  of  Venezuela 
contains  valuable  gold  mines,  England  set  up  a 
claim,  which  if  allowed  would  have  split  Venezuela 
almost  in  half.  That  weak  country  protested,  but 
was  powerless.  England  refused  to  arbitrate,  but 
meant  to  win  by  the  bullying  course  which  she  is  so 
fond  of  -adopting  with  feeble  nations. 

The  United  States  could  not  view  with  indifference 
this  dismemberment  of  a sister  republic  on  the 
American  continent,  for  it  would  be  a flagrant  viola- 
tion of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  enunciated  in  1823, 
which  declared  in  lanoma^e  not  to  be  mistaken  that 


GROVER  CEEVEEAND. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY.  25  I 

no  part  of  North  or  South  America  from  that  time 
forward  should  be  open  for  colonization  by  any  for- 
eign Power.  Lord  Salisbury,  the  British  prime  min- 
ister, was  slow  in  replying  to  the  communications  of 
our  Government.  When  his  reply  came,  however, 
the  President  submitted  it  to  Congress  with  the  state- 
ment that  the  action  Great  Britain  contemplated  was 
a violation  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  which  it  was  the 
duty  of  the  American  Government  to  resist,  and 
proposed  the  appointment  of  a commission  by  the 
President  to  determine  the  correct  boundary. 

This  declaration,  as  we  have  stated,  “ struck  fire.” 
It  was  instantly  responded  to  by  an  outburst  of  pa- 
triotic fervor  from  one  end  of  the  country  to  the 
other.  The  President  was  endorsed  everywhere. 
In  the  North  and  South  the  veterans  were  as  eager 
as  their  sons  to  be  led  against  their  old  hereditary 
enemy.  President  Cleveland  was  declared  to  be  an 
American  in  the  highest  sense  of  the  word,  and 
an  exalted  patriot  who  had  sounded  the  bugle  to 
which  hundreds  of  thousands  of  loyal  spirits  would 
respond. 

Evidently  England  had  not  reckoned  on  raising 
such  a storm  as  this.  She  found  herself  confronted 
by  a nation  that  could  not  be  bullied,  a nation  that 
was  ready  to  fight  at  “ the  dropping  of  a handker- 
chief ” for  principle.  Great  as  would  be  the  calamity 
of  a war  between  the  two  nations,  it  would  be  less  a 
calamity  than  dishonor.  The  result  is  known.  Eng- 
land was  forced  to  make  a virtue  of  necessity,  and, 
with  the  best  grace  she  could  command,  yielded  to 


252 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY 


the  inevitable,  admitting,  that  if  the  Monroe  Doctrine 
is  not  international  law,  it  is  the  abiding  law  of 
America  and  must  be  respected  by  all  nations.  And 
with  this  happy  ending,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that,  Eng- 
land having  learned  more  of  us  than  she  ever  knew, 
the  two  great  nations  will  hereafter  remain  friends. 


THE  LIBERTY  BELL,  AS  EXHIBITED  AT  THE  NEW  ORLEANS  EXPOSITION. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


‘253 


JOHN  SHERMAN, 

GREAT  FINANCIER  AND  STATESMAN. 

John  Sherman  is  admittedly  one  of  the  ablest 
financiers  and  foremost  statesmen  of  America.  He 
was  born  May  10,  1823,  at  Lancaster,  Ohio,  and  was 
the  eighth  of  eleven  children.  He  was  the  son  of 
Charles  Robert  Sherman,  who  settled  in  Lancaster 
and  took  a leading  part  in  the  measures  for  defence  in 
the  war  of  1812.  He  was  a prominent  and  respected 
citizen,  who,  after  serving  for  six  years  on  the  bench 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State,  died  suddenly  in 
the  forty-first  year  of  his  age. 

Sherman’s  Younger  Years. 

During  his  childhood,  John  Sherman  attended  a 
private  school  at  Lancaster,  but  in  1831  his  fathers 
cousin,  a prosperous  merchant  at  Mount  Vernon, 
invited  him  to  his  home  and  offered  to  take  charge 
of  his  education  until  he  was  fitted  for  Kenyon  College. 
The  youth  studied  faithfully  for  four  years,  but,  in- 
stead of  entering  college,  returned  to  his  mother’s 
home  and  attended  the  academy  there.  The  family 
were  in  such  straitened  circumstances  that  John 
decided  that  it  was  his  duty  to  give  up  the  plan  of 
agoing  to  college  and  to  support  himself  instead.  His 
elder  brother  got  him  employment  as  junior  rod- 
man  under  the  engineer  engaged  in  improving  the 


254 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


Muskingum  River.  He  improved  his  leisure  by 
study,  but  at  the  end  of  two  years  lost  his  place 
through  the  sweeping  political  changes  in  the  State. 
Returning  to  Lancaster  with  nothing-  to  do,  he  fell 
for  a time  into  bad  habits,  but  touched  by  the  grief 
of  his  mother  over  his  lapse,  and  by  a sense  of  man- 
liness, he  quickly  rallied,  and  thenceforth  was  his  own 
“ master.”  Ever  since  that  lapse,  Senator  Sherman 
has  been  a temperate  man,  and  no  one  is  more 
opposed  to  the  drinking  habit  than  he. 


Sherman  a Lawyer. 

In  the  autumn  of  1839  it  was  arranged  that  young 
Sherman  should  study  law  at  Mansfield  with  his  elder 
brother  Charles  and  with  Judge  Parker,  who  had 
married  his  mother’s  only  sister.  His  industry  en- 
abled him  to  support  himself  while  thus  employed, 
and  he  had  been  a practicing  lawyer  for  more  than  a 
year  before  his  admission  to  the  bar,  which  took  plac£ 
on  the  day  that  he  attained  his  twenty-first  year. 

On  December  31,  1848,  John  Sherman  was  married 
to  Miss  Margaret  Cecilia  Stewart,  only  child  of  Judge 
Stewart.  After  their  wedding  tour,  the  couple  re- 
turned to  Mansfield  and  the  husband  applied  himself 
arduously  to  his  profession.  His  industry,  ability  and 
integrity  brought  him  success,  and  in  1854  he  was 
elected  a member  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 
It  was  in  that  year  that  the  Missouri  Compromise 
was  repealed,  stirring  up  such  a vehement  revolt  and 
uprising  in  the  North,  that  the  Republican  party  of 
to-day  was  born  and  brought  into  vigorous  existence. 


(255) 


256  POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 

Recently,  when  asked  if  he  remembered  his  first 
speech,  the  distinguished  Senator  said: 

“Yes;  I remember  it  well.  It  was  in  the  midst  of 
the  exciting  Kansas-Nebraska  times,  and  there  had 
been  numerous  changes  in  the  personnel  of  the  House. 
There  were  many  young  men  among  the  new  mem- 
bers. Matt  Day,  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Cincin- 
nati Commercial , was  a member.  He  wrote  a great 
deal,  but  did  not  speak  much,  and  was  slightly  deaf. 
He  had  scant  regard  for  the  sophomoric  efforts  of 
the  young  Congressmen.  On  the  day  that  I spoke 
I sat  behind  him.  Day  would  listen  with  his  hand 
at  his  ear,  and  the  moment  one  had  concluded,  would 
say,  with  a grunt  of  satisfaction: 

“ ‘Another  Dead  Cock  in  the  Pit.’ 

* 

“ At  last  I saw  a place  where  I thought  I could 
make  a good  point.  I jumped  to  my  feet, 'got  the 
Speaker’s  eye,  and  said  my  say.  When  I was  through 
and  had  sat  down,  I said  : ‘ Here  is  another  dead  cock 
in  the  pit.’  But  Day  replied:  ‘No,  my  young  friend, 
I don’t  think  it  is  quite  so  bad  as  that  with  you  yet,’ 
and  he  gave  me  to  understand  that  I had  another 
chance  or  so  for  my  life.” 

Mr.  Sherman  spoke  frequently,  and,  despite  his 
youth,  speedily  assumed  a leading  position  among  his 
associates.  He  was  renominated  in  October,  1856, 
and  triumphantly  elected.  He  was  one  of  the  most 
active  and  vigorous  workers  in  the  presidential  cam- 
paign of  that  year,  and  insists  to-day  that  the  Re- 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


257 


publicans  would  have  been  successful  had  they  placed 
Seward  or  Chase  in  nomination  instead  of  Fremont. 

The  career  of  John  Sherman  is  another  proof  that 
it  is  brains  and  ability  which  brings  success  in  this 
country.  Chosen  again,  in  1858,  a member  of  the 
House,  he  had  already  become  so  prominent  that  he 
was  placed  in  nomination  for  Speaker.  On  the 
twenty-fifth  ballot  he  came  within  three  votes  of 
election,  but  he  eventually  withdrew  and  Pennington 
was  chosen  Speaker  by  a majority  of  one.  Sherman 
was  appointed  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Ways 
and  Means,  of  which  he  had  not  previously  been  a 
member. 

An  Ardent  Supporter  Lincoln. 

Mr.  Sherman  had  been  elected  a fourth  time  when 
Abraham  Lincoln  was  placed  in  nomination  for  the 
Presidency.  He  had  no  more  ardent  and  powerful 
supporter  than  Sherman.  In  a speech  at  Philadel- 
phia, September  12,  i860,  he  made  a number  of 
remarkable  prophecies,. every  one  of  which  was  ful- 
filled in  the  momentous  events  that  speedily  followed. 

It  was  February  23,  1861,  that  Lincoln  arrived  in 
Washington,  and  Sherman  met  him  at  Willard’s 
Hotel  in  the  evening,  for  the  first  time.  “ When  intro- 
duced to  him,”  says  Mr.  Sherman,  “ he  took  my  hands 
in  both  of  his,  drew  himself  up  to  his  full  height  and, 
looking  at  me  steadily,  said:  ‘You  are  John  Sher- 
man ! Well,  I am  taller  than  you  ; let’s  measure.’ 
Thereupon  we  stood  back  to  back,  and  some  one 
present  announced  that  he  was  two  inches  taller  than 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


258 

L This  was  correct,  for  he  was  six  feet  three  and  a 
half  inches  tall  when  he  stood  erect.” 

In  the  Senate. 

Salmon  P.  Chase  having  accepted  the  place  of 
Secretary  of  the  Treasurer  in  Lincoln’s  Cabinet,  his 
seat  in  the  Senate  was  taken  by  Sherman,  who 
would  have  preferred  to  remain  in  the  House,  to 
which  he  had  just  been  elected  for  the  fourth  time 
and  of  which  he  was  certain  to  be  chosen  Speaker. 
But  having  entered  the  Senate,  Sherman  steadily 
rose  to  his  present  exalted  place  in  the  regard  of  his 
countrymen.  In  that  august  body,  he  has  towered 
for  years,  head  and  shoulders  above  his  distinguished 
associates,  most  of  whom  are  of  national  reputation. 

It  seems  to  be  the  law  of  this  country  that  the 
greatest  men  in  a political  party  fail  to  receive  its 
highest  rewards.  The  peerless  Henry  Clay  was 
nominated  three  times  for  the  Presidency,  but  never 
attained  it.  Daniel  Webster,  longing  with  an  un- 
speakable longing  for  the  high  office,  died  a dis- 
appointed man.  If  any  Republican  of  the  last  quarter 
of  a century  was  entitled  to  the  presidential  nomina- 
tion at  the  hands  of  that  party,  John  Sherman  is  pre- 
eminently the  man.  More  than  once  it  was  almost 
within  .his  reach,  but  never  quite  grasped.  It  was 
his  humiliation  to  be  forced  aside,  and  see  the  honor 
bestowed  upon  men  who  were  in  the  ranks  when  he 
was  a leader,  and  whose  ability  was  no  more  to  be 
compared  to  his  than  is  a bauble  to  a diamond.  But 


JOHN  SHERMAN. 
Senator,  Great  Financier. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY.  26l 

his  place  in  the  honor  and  grateful  eecollection  of  the 
nation  is  secure. 

Sherman’s  Administration  of  the  Treasury  Department. 

Senator  Sherman  was  foremost  in  financial  and  all 
other  measures  for  the  support  of  the  Govern- 
ment, throughout  the  agony  of  the  civil  war.  He 
personally  recruited  an  Ohio  brigade.  He  was 
chairman  of  the  important  Finance  Committee  for 
several  years,  and  in  1877  left  the  .Senate  to 
enter  the  Cabinet  of  President  Hayes.  It  was  dur- 
ing his  administration  of  the  Treasury  Department 
that  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  took  place, 
January  1,  1879.  With  a foresight  and  a skill  that 
could  not  be  surpassed,  Secretary  Sherman  had 
made  such  careful  preparations  for  this  important 
step  that  when  it  took  place,  there  was  not  the 
slightest  jar  or  friction.  It  was  in  the  natural  order 
of  things,  effect  following  cause  with  perfect 
smoothness. 

Senator  Sherman  re-entered  the  Senate  in  1881, 
and  is  there  to-day,  the  same  industrious,  patriotic, 
sagacious,  far-seeing  statesman,  whose  utterances  are 
read  with  profound  interest  in  every  corner  of  the 
land,  the  leader  so  eminent  and  able  that  none 
dreams  of  disputing  his  supremacy,  equally  respected 
by  political  friends  and  foes,  still  in  the  prime  of  his 
magnificent  mental  powers,  and  so  great  in  the 
truest  meaning  of  the  word,  that,  when  his  farewell 
words  come  to  be  spoken,  his  loss  will  be  felt 
throughout  the  nation. 


262 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


THOMAS  BRACKETT  REED, 

THE  GREAT  “ SPEAKER  ” AND  DEBATER. 

( Favorite  Son  of  the  State  of  Maine.) 

“ How  do  you  mix  your  paints  ? ” timidly  asked  an 
amateur  of  a distinguished  artist. 

“With  brains,  sir  ! ” thundered  the  master  of  the 
brush. 

And,  as  we  stated  in  our  sketch  of  Senator  John 
Sherman,  this  is  pre-eminently  the  truth  in  American 
affairs.  Social  advantages,  wealth  and  the  aid  of 
friends  are  not  without  their  effect,  but  if  the  element 
of  ability  is  lacking,  the  highest  success  is  unattain- 
able. Water  finds  its  level,  and  the  man  who  is 
thrown  into  the  bustling  arena  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives can  never  attain  the  place  of  leader  unless 
nature  has  furnished  him  with  ability,  or  in  other 
words,  with  brains. 

No  stronger  proof  can  be  given  of  this  statement 
than  is  found  in  the  career  of  Thomas  Brackett  Reed, 
who  was  born  in  Portland,  Maine,  October  18,  1839. 
He  attended  the  common  schools  of  the  city,  and 
was  graduated  at  Bowdoin  College,  in  i860,  being 
among  the  first  in  his  class  and  taking  the  highest 
honor  possible — the  prize  for  excellence  in  English 
composition.  He  possesses  rare  gifts  in  this  re- 
spect, his  writings  showing  a clear,  vigorous,  but 
limpid  style,  which  have  brought  him  a national  repu- 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


263 

tation,  while  his  speeches  are  eloquent,  sparkling, 
logical,  and  corruscating  with  humor,  sarcasm,  and 
wit.  No  man  surpasses  him  in  readiness  of  repartee. 
No  more  enjoyable  treat  can  be  imagined  than  that 
of  a debate  in  the  House,  where  he  is  beset  with  all 
sorts  of  questions  from  political  opponents.  His 
instant  replies  are  inimitable,  and  the  man  that  can  un- 
horse him  in  debate  has  not  yet  made  his  appearance, 
and  is  not  likely  to  do  so  for  an  indefinite  time  to 
come. 

It  was  only  the  other  day  that  a newspaper  re- 
porter, while  looking  for  President  Cleveland,  stepped 
to  the  door  of  the  House  restaurant,  and  believing 
he  saw  that  distinguished  personage,  requested  an 
attendant  to  bring  him  to  him  at  the  President’s  con- 
venience. When  the  gentleman  came  forward,  it 
proved  to  be  Speaker  Reed. 

“I  beg  your  pardon,”  said  the  correspondent;  “I 
am  looking  for  the  President  and  mistook  you  for 
him.” 

“For  heaven’s  sake,  don’t  let  the  President  learn  of 
this,”  said  the  Speaker,  with  owl-like  gravity  ; “ he  is 
already  vain  enough  of  his  personal  appearance.” 

Reed  as  a Teacher. 

After  his  graduation,  Mr.  Reed  taught  in  a Port- 
land high  school,  studying  law  at  the  same  time. 
He  went  to  California  in  1863,  expecting  to  make  his 
home  in  that  State.  He  taught  school  there  and 
began  the  practice  of  law,  but  at  the  end  of  the  year, 
for  family  reasons,  returned  to  Maine.  In  April,  1864, 


264  POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 

he  was  appointed  acting  assistant  paymaster  in 
the  United  States  Navy,  and  assigned  to  duty  on  the 
gunboat  “Sibyl,”  which  patrolled  the  Tennessee,  Cum- 
berland and  Mississippi  rivefs  until  the  close  of  the 
war.  He  was  discharged  from  the  service  in  August, 
1865,  and  returned  to  Portland,  where  he  was  ad- 
mitted to  the  bar. 

A Brilliant  Lawyer. 

His  advance  was  rapid.  He  was  interested  from 
the  first  in  politics,  and  his  power  and  popularity 
were  so  marked  that,  without  his  knowledge,  he  was 
nominated  by  his  party,  in  1868,  for  the  State  House 
of  Representatives.  His  election  followed  as  a 
matter  of  course,  and  his  reputation  as  a brilliant 
lawyer  going  with  him,  he  was  placed  on  the  Judi- 
ciary Committee.  Maine  was  quick  to  see  that  she 
had  secured  the  right  man  and  re-elected  him  in 
1869,  promoting  him  to  the  Senate  in  1870,  but  he 
resigned  the  senatorship  to  assume  the  duties  of 
Attorney-General,  to  which  office  he  had  been  elected. 
Mr.  Reed  was  the  youngest  Attorney-General  that 
Maine  ever  had.  He  held  the  office  for  three  years, 
and  added  to  his  fame,  during  which  he  displayed 
courage,  conscientiousness  and  ability  of  a high 
order. 

Nominated  for  Congress. 

He  retired  from  office  in  1873,  and  was  appointed 
City  Solicitor  of  Portland,  where  his  course  was 
marked  by  the  same  devotion  to  duty  that  had  dis- 
tinguished him  when  Attorney-General.  His  name 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


265 

was  well  known  throughout  the  State,  and  it  was  in  the 
natural  order  of  events,  that,  in  1876,  he  was  nomi- 
nated for  Congress  in  the  district  composed  of  Cum- 
berland and  York  counties.  There  was  the  bitterest 
fight  conceivable  against  him,  but  by  his  indomitable 
energy  and  ability  he  swept  everything  before  him. 
It  is  a remarkable  fact  that,  during  this  whole  stirring 
campaign,  the  sum  total  of  his  traveling  expenses, 
hotel  parlors  for  delegates  and  cost  for  everything, 
was  exactly  $42.00.  It  may  be  doubted  whether  his 
subsequent  nominations  involved  as  much  as  that  in- 
significant sum,  for  every  year  since,  without  a single 
vote  against  him  in  any  convention,  he  has  been 
enthusiastically  renominated  by  his  constituents. 
The  leading  Republican  paper  in  Maine  said  : “ Mr. 

Reed  can  represent  his  district  in  Congress  for  the 
rest  of  his  natural  life  if  he  wants  to ; there’s  no 
question  about  that.”  His  popularity  made  Mr. 
Reed  the  candidate  before  all  others  of  New  Eng- 
land for  the  Presidency  to  1896,  beside  which,  as 
has  been  shown,  he  had  myriads  of  supporters  in  all 
parts  of  the  Union. 

Mr.  Reed  took  his  seat  in  Congress,  October  1 5, 
1877,  the  House  having  been  summoned  in  extra 
session  to  pass  the  army  appropriations,  which  had 
failed  at  the  closing  session  of  the  Forty-fourth  Con- 
gress. It  was  a Democratic  House  and  remained  in 
session  until  the  following  June.  Mr.  Reed  made  his 
first  speech  April  12,  1878,  and  drew  the  attention 
of  the  House  by  his  keen,  convincing  logic. 

At  the  beginning  of  his  second  term  Mr.  Reed’s 
14 


266  POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 

abilities  were  recognized  by  his  appointment  as  a 
member  of  the  Judiciary  Committee.  His  strength 
as  a debater  caused  a number  to  vote  for  him  as 
Speaker  in  the  caucus  of  December,  1881,  and  he 
was  made  chairman  of  the  Judiciary  Committee 
of  the  House.  By  that  time  he  was  the  recognized 
leader  on  the  Republican  side.  He  prepared  and  in- 
troduced a bill  for  the  proper  distribution  of  the  Ge- 
neva award  against  Great  Britain  for  the  “Alabama” 
claims,  and  his  accompanying  report  convinced  the 
House  that  the  bill  was  right,  and  led  to  its  passage. 

Reed  in  the  Speaker’s  Chair. 

His  great  ability  was  recognized  by  political  oppo- 
nents as  well  as  friends.  Without  soliciting  a single 
vote,  he  was  unanimously  chosen  in  caucus,  in  1887, 
as  the  Republican  candidate  for  Speaker.  The 
House  being  Democratic,  however,  John  G.  Carlisle 
received  the  honor  in  the  Forty-eighth  and  Fiftieth 
Congresses.  Reed’s  turn  came  in  1889,  when  the 
Republicans  had  a bare  majority,  and  on  second  bal- 
lot placed  him  in  the  Speaker’s  chair,  he  receiving 
166  votes  to  154  cast  for  John  G.  Carlisle. 

There  are  few  who  are  not  acquainted  with 
Speaker  Reed’s  career  as  presiding  officer  of  the 
House  of  Representatives.  For  a time  indeed  he 
was  the  central  figure  in  the  eyes  of  the  country. 
There  were  many  contested  election  cases  and  the 
Democrats  used  every  means  to  obstruct  legislation. 
It  was  impossible  to  have  every  Republican  in  his 
seat  at  all  times,  to  meet  the  constitutional  require- 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE . DA  Y 2 67 

ment  that  there  should  be  a majority  present  to 
do  business.  The  Democrats  refused  to  answer 
to  their  names  at  roll-call,  and  the  custom  had  always 
been  for  the  Speaker,  under  such  circumstances,  to 
declare  no  quorum  present.  On  January  29,  1890, 
when  the  Democrats  had  sat  mute  while  their  names 
were  being  called  by  the  clerk,  Speaker  Reed  coolly 
counted  a sufficient  number  “ present,  but  not  voting,” 
to  constitute  a quorum. 

“ Present,  But  Not  Voting.” 

It  was  like  a thunder-clap  from  the  clear  sky. 
Pandemonium  was  let  loose,  and  the  Democrats,  in  a 
white  heat  of  rage,  protested  and  declared  the  pro- 
ceeding unconstitutional  and  revolutionary.  The 
Speaker,  however,  resolutely  held  to  his  decision  and 
the  business  of  the  session  which  had  been  blocked 
so  long  moved  forward,  though  it  cannot  be  said 
without  friction.  The  rule  was  finally  adopted 
February  14,  1890.  It  was  sustained  by  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  four  years  later,  when  a Democratic 
House  was  caught  in  precisely  the  same  dilemma,  it 
adopted  precisely  the  same  rule.  Mr  Reed  was 
chosen  Speaker  again  of  the  Fifty-fourth  Congress, 
in  December,  1895. 

Home  Life. 

Mr.  Reed  lives  in  a comfortable  home  at  Portland, 
with  his  wife,  the  daughter  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Merrill, 
formerly  pastor  of  a Congregational  Church  of  that 
city.  He  has  one  daughter  who,  at  this  writing,  is 
not  yet  out  of  her  teens.  He  is  popular  with  his 


268  POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 

neighbors,  for  he  is  genial,  pleasant  and  charitable, 
manly  and  courageous,  and,  whenever  he  runs  for 
office,  certain  to  receive  a great  many  Democratic 
votes,  for  what  American  can  help  feeling  proud  of 
him  ? In  the  words  of  Henry  Hall,  he  is  “ in  many 
respects  the  greatest  all-around  man  in  the  United 
States  to-day,  of  stainless  record  and  unimpeachable 
integrity,  bold  but  safe,  brilliant  but  wise,  masterful 
but  heeding  counsel,  and  a fighter  without  fear/’ 


INDIAN  VILLAGE  ENCLOSED  WITH  PALISADES. 

(Ptom  the  original  drawing  in  the  British  Museum,  made  by  John  White  in  1585.) 


CHARLES  F.  CRISP. 
Ex-Speaker  of  the  House. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


271 


CHARLES  FREDERICK  CRISP, 

SOLDIER,  DEBATER  AND  PARLIAMENTARIAN. 

Charles  Frederick  Crisp,  Democratic  Speaker  of 
the  House,  naturally  takes  his  place  beside  Reed, 
the  famous  Republican  Speaker.  Though  the  two 
gentlemen  may  differ  in  some  respects,  it  cannot  be 
denied  that  they  resemble  each  other  in  their  stain- 
less integrity,  their  genial  manner  and  their  great 
ability.  Like  General  Meade,  Charles  F.  Crisp  was 
born  on  foreign  soil,  though  his  parents  were  Ameri- 
cans, temporarily  absent  from  their  native  land. 
Consequently  their  sons  were  as  much  Americans  as 
if  they  first  saw  the  light  on  Bunker  Hill.  Young 
Crisp  was  born  January  29,  1845,  in  Sheffield,  Eng- 
land, where  his  parents  had  gone  on  a visit,  *but  they 
returned  to  America  before  the  son  was  a year  old. 
They  made  their  home  in  Georgia,  and  in  that  State 
the  son  has  spent  most  of  his  life,  with  the  exception 
of  the  brief  space  mentioned  at  the  beginning. 

A Brave  Soldier. 

Young  Crisp  entered  the  Confederate  service  in 
May,  1861,  having  just  turned  his  sixteenth  year, 
He  was  a brave  soldier  and  served  with  honor  for 
more  than  three  years  as  an  officer  in  the  Tenth 
Virginia  Infantry.  On  May  12,  1864,  the  fortunes 
of  war  made  Lieutenant  Crisp  a prisoner,  and  his 


2J2 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


residence  was  in  Fort  Delaware  until  June,  1865, 
when  he  was  set  free. 

His  Public  Career. 

Returning  to  Americus,  Crisp  took  up  the  study  of 
law  and  soon  acquired  a lucrative  practice.  In  1872, 
he  was  appointed  solicitor-general  of  the  southwestern 
judicial  circuit  and  was  reappointed  in  1873  for  a 
term  of  four  years.  The  Congressional  Directory 
thus  modestly  sums  up  the  public  career  of  Mr. 
Crisp : — 

“He  located  in  Americus  in  1873;  in  June,  1877, 
was  appointed  judge  of  the  superior  court  of  the 
same  circuit;  in  1878  was  elected  by  the  General 
Assembly  to  the  same  office;  in  1880  was  re-elected 
judge  for  a term  of  four  years;  resigned  that  office 
in  September,  1882,  to  accept  the  Democratic  nomi- 
nation for  Congress ; was  permanent  President  of 
the  Democratic  convention  which  assembled  in 
Atlanta  in  April,  1883,  to  nominate  a candidate  for 
governor ; was  elected  to  the  Forty-eighth,  Forty- 
ninth,  Fiftieth,  Fifty-first,  Fifty-second,  and  Fifty-third 
Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  Con- 
gress as  a Democrat,  receiving  8,503  votes,  against 
2,568  votes  for  George  B.  White,  Populist;  was 
elected  Speaker  of  the  House  in  the  Fifty-second 
and  Fifty-third  Congresses/’ 

In  the  Congress. 

It  will  thus  be  noted  that  Mr.  Crisp  entered  Con- 
gress at  the  age  of  thirty-eight.  He  speedily  took 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


273 


high  rank  in  that  body,  and  often,  during  his  second 
term  was  called  to  occupy  the  chair  in  committee  of 
the  whole.  He  is  one  of  the  ablest  parliamentary 
authorities,  self-possessed  debaters  and  best  informed 
men  in  the  House.  He  was  a leading- participant  in 
the  turbulent  scenes  of  the  Fifty-first  Congress,  when 
the  only  member  as  cool  as  he  was  Speaker  Reed. 
His  party  never  did  a more  appropriate  thing  than 
when,  at  the  first  opportunity,  they  placed  him  in  the 
chair  as  Speaker,  and  it  may  be  truthfully  said  that 
few  if  any  occupants  have  displayed  more  ability  and 
judicial  fairness  than  he. 

At  Home. 

Great  as  have  been  the  public  honors  placed  upon 
Mr.  Crisp,  the  most  pleasing  picture  of  him  is  in  his 
own  home.  He  is  liked  by  every  one  in  Americus. 
When  the  news  reached  that  town  that  he  had  been 
chosen  Speaker,  a telegram  was  sent  to  him  with  the 
announcement  that  his  friends  had  locked  up  the 
chief  of  police  and  all  his  officers  for  twenty-four 
hours  and  had  taken  possession  of  the  place,  that 
they  might  have  a chance  to  give  proper  expression 
to  their  feelings. 

Mr.  Crisp  has  been  blessed  with  one  of  the  best  of 
wives,  and  they  have  had  seven  children,  of  whom 
only  four  are  living.  The  eldest  daughter  is  married, 
and  the  eldest  boy  is  clerk  to  his  father.  Unhappily 
the  mother,  shortly  after  her  marriage,  was  afflicted 
with  rheumatic  gout,  from  which  she  has  never  re- 
covered. Her  affliction  seems  to  have  drawn  her 
children  and  husband  closer  to  her,  and  the  love 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


274 

borne  by  all  for  one  another  makes  the  home  an  ideal 
one. 

The  house  in  the  evening  is  the  resort  of  the  young 
people  of  Americus.  They  come  together  to  dance 
and  sing  and  enjoy  themselves.  Although  Speaker 
Crisp  is  neither  a singer  nor  dancer,  none  finds 
keener  enjoyment  in  the  fun  than  he.  He  is  very 
fond  of  young  people,  and  it  follows  inevitably  that 
they  are  equally  fond  of  him.  He  is  thoroughly 
happy,  and  holding  as  he  does  the  esteem  and  re- 
spect of  all  his  neighbors  and  acquaintances,  and 
with  the  prospect  of  higher  political  honors  awaiting 
him,  ex-Speaker  Crisp  has  no  excuse  for  envying  the 
fortunes  of  any  man. 


OLD  GATE  AT  ST.  AUGUSTINE,  FLORIDA. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


275 


JOHN  GRIFFIN  CARLISLE, 

SECRETARY  OF  THE  TREASURY GREAT  ADVOCATE  OF 

SOUND  MONEY. 

John  Griffin  Carlisle  was  born  September  5, 
1834,  in  Campbell  (now  Kenton)  county,  Kentucky. 
His  father,  Lilbon  H.  Carlisle,  was  a farmer  in  a small 
way,  who  inherited  a portion  of  the  Carlisle  farm, 
situated  a few  miles  from  Covington.  The  family 
originally  came  from  Virginia. 

Earlier  Years. 

John  Griffin  was  a studious  boy,  but  considered 
indolent.  He  did  not  take  kindly  to  manual  labor, 
but  was  fond  of  books.  He  attended  the  public 
schools  and  received  few  educational  advantages. 
That  he  improved  his  time  is  proved  by  the  fact  that 
while  he  was  in  his  teens  he  was  a successful  teacher, 
but  he  had  made  up  his  mind  to  become  a lawyer, 
and  in  1855  entered  as  a law  student  the  office 
of  John  W.  Stevenson,  at  Covington.  The  father  of 
Stevenson  was  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives and  the  son  afterwards  became  Governor  of 
Kentucky  and  United  States  Senator. 

In  1858,  at  the  age  of  twenty-three,  Carlisle  was 
admitted  to  the  bar.  He  quickly  demonstrated  that 
he  was  the  possessor  of  a powerful  and  logical  mind, 
and  his  success  was  assured  from  the  first.  In  the 
following  year,  he  was  elected  to  the  lower  House  of 


2j6  political  giants  of  the  day. 

the  Kentucky  Legislature.  During  the  civil  war, 
Mr.  Carlisle  was  a Union  man,  though,  as  he  states, 
not  an  aggressive  one.  He  practiced  his  profession 
while  the  fighting  was  going  on. 

Public  Career. 

In  1866  he  was  elected  State  Senator  and  resigned 
in  1871,  during  a second  term,  to  become  Lieutenant- 
Governor.  Five  years  later,  he  was  elected  to  the 
National  House  of  Representatives,  and  was  Speaker 
from  1883  to  1889.  He  remained  in  the  House  until 
1890,  when  he  was  chosen  United  States  Senator,  to 
succeed  Senator  Beck,  who  had  died.  This  office  he 
resigned  at  the  solicitation  of  President  Cleveland, 
whose  Cabinet  he  entered  in  March,  1893,  as  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury. 

Such  in  brief  is  the  public  career  of  this  distin- 
guished son  of  Kentucky,  a gentleman  who  to-day  is 
one  of  the  most  remarkable  men  and  influential  poli- 
ticians in  the  Union.  The  appropriateness  of  his 
selection  by  President  Cleveland  was  recognized  in 
every  quarter,  for  from  Mr.  Carlisle’s  first  appear- 
ance in  Congress,  in  1879,  he  was  accepted  as  au- 
thority on  finance,  and  was  the  most  successful  leader 
that  the  Democrats  have  had  since  the  war.  The 
legislation  of  the  three  Houses  over  which  he  pre- 
sided was  unusually  creditable.  In  the  Fifty-first 
Congress,  he  succeeded  in  so  weakening  protectionist 
opposition  that  the  Mills  bill  was  passed,  though  his 
party  had  been  unable  to  unite  on  the  Morrison  bill. 

It  was  Mr.  Carlisle’s  report  which  in  1879  resulted 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


277 


in  the  revision  of  the  excise  laws  and  an  equitable 
system  of  taxation.  In  1881  he  introduced  an  amend- 
ment which  limited  the  power  of  the  national  banks 
to  surrender  circulation  and  protected  the  Treasury 
and  the  business  of  the  country  from  the  assaults 
which  have  been  made  by  banks  whenever  there  was 
a threatened  reduction  in  the  interest  on  the  public 
bonds  held  by  them. 

Personal  Qualities. 

Mr.  Carlisle  is  six  feet  in  height,  with  smooth-shaven 
face,  bright  blue  eyes,  and  his  appearance  suggests 
that  of  a prelate  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  He 
is  the  pink  of  courtesy,  and  has  been  seen  to  give  up 
his  seat  in  a street  car  to  a colored  woman  with  as 
much  grace  as  the  late  General  Jo  Johnston  showed 
upon  similar  occasions.  His  voice  is  pleasant,  and 
he  is  an  attentive  listener,  with  a heart  so  kind  that 
his  break-down  when  Speaker  was  caused  by  his 
constant  efforts  to  help  the  members  who  came  to 
consult  him  regarding  their  bills.  If  he  is  lacking  in 
one  thing,  it  seems  to  be  the  power  to  refuse  a favor, 
through  his  dread  of  hurting  the  applicant’s  feelings 
or  doing  him  an  injustice.  All  such  persons  reap  the 
penalty  of  their  open-heartedness,  and  Secretary  Car- 
lisle is  to-day  a poor  man,  far  different  from  many 
who  have  held  public  office. 

The  story  is  told  of  him  that  when  a blubbering 
Kentuckian,  as  he  called  himself,  begged  for  enough 
money  to  take  himself  and  family  home,  after  they 
had  been  robbed,  the  Secretary  handed  him  fifty  dol- 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


2?8 

lars.  A half  hour  later,  the  same  man  and  half  a 
dozen  drunken  companions  rode  past  the  Secretary’s 
house,  whooping  and  enjoying  themselves  to  their 
fullest  bent. 

Some  of  the  Secretary’s  habits  are  not  to  be  com- 
mended. He  takes  no  exercise  whatever.  If  his 
carriage  does  not  call  for  him,  he  boards  the  street 
car  for  his  home.  It  has  been  said  that  the  only 
possible  exercise  he  gets  is  when  the  street  car  is 
so  full  that  he  has  to  hang  fast  to  a strap. 

His  Most  Remarkable  Characteristic. 

But  the  most  remarkable  characteristic  of  Secre- 
tary Carlisle  remains  to  be  mentioned.  It  is  his 
wonderful  mental  grasp  of  complicated  questions,  a 
power  which  seems  to  be  in  the  nature  of  intuition. 
He  will  run  through  a mass  of  papers  and  extract 
the  kernel,  when  other  lawyers  have  only  begun  their 
investigation.  He  will  sit  toying  with  a pack  of  cards 
and  play  solitaire,  without  making  an  error  in  the 
game  and  dictate  the  most  important  letters.  After 
fifty  such  letters  have  been  written  he  will  listen  to 
their  re-reading,  and,  if  a single  word  has  been  inad- 
vertently changed,  he  will  detect  it  as  quick  as  a flash. 
His  skill  in  this  respect  is  almost  incredible.  Major 
McKinley  once  remarked  of  him  that  he  never  had 
a clouded  thought,  and  the  facetious  Senator  Joe 
Blackburn  said: 

“ Carlisle  is  not  entitled  to  half  as  much  credit  as 
I am.  What  I know  I have  had  to  study,  dig,  grub, 
and  toil  for.  Carlisle  knows  four  times  as  much  as  I 


LEVI  P.  MORTON. 
Governor  of  New  York. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY.  28l 

do.  He  has  all  the  wisdom  of  the  ancients  and  the 
moderns  packed  away  in  his  head,  and  whenever  he 
opens  his  mouth  great  things  and  good  things  natu- 
rally roll  out  of  it.  He  isn’t  entitled  to  any  credit 
for  them.  He  can’t  help  it.  He  was  born  that  way.” 

Home  Life. 

Secretary  Carlisle  has  long  been  the  confidential 
adviser  and  intimate  friend  of  President  Cleveland. 
He  has  a charming  home  and  is  devoted  to  it.  He 
was  married  January  15,  1857,  to  Miss  Mary  Jane 
Goodson,  belonging  to  a prominent  family  of  Ken- 
tucky. His  son,  Lilbon  Logan,  is  his  private  secretary 
and  is  unmarried.  His  other  son,  William  K.,  is  mar- 
ried and  has  two  or  three  small  children  with  him  at 
his  home  in  the  West.  Both  sons  are  bright  and 
successful  lawyers.  Mrs.  Carlisle  is  her  husband’s 
helpmate,  looking  after  his  health,  not  always  a slight 
matter,  and  giving  her  aid  and  counsel  in  many  im- 
portant matters,  while  the  husband,  with  all  his  wis- 
dom and  ability,  fully  appreciates  the  inestimable 
service  which  such  a wife  is  often  able  to  render  even 
in  questions  of  public  affairs  and  of  state  matters. 


282 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


LEVI  PARSONS  MORTON, 

GOVERNOR  OF  NEW  YORK, 

New  York  s Candidate  for  President. 

Levi  Parsons  Morton,  although  to-day  worth 
many  million  dollars,  was  not  born  with  a silver 
spoon  in  his  mouth.  Like  many  of  the  very  wealthy 
men  of  our  country,  he  was  the  son  of  poor  parents, 
and  hewed  his  way  to  success  by  his  own  industry, 
ability  and  resolution  not  to  stop  short  until  that 
success  was  attained.  His  mother  was  the  daughter 
of  a clergyman,  and  his  father  was  a clergyman, 
Daniel  O.  Morton,  of  Shoreham,  Vermont,  where 
Levi  Parsons  was  born  in  1824,  being  the  fifth 
of  six  children.  By  great  economy  the  preacher  was 
able  to  send  his  two  older  sons  to  school,  but  young 
Levi  gathered  his  first  book  instruction  at  the  knees 
of  his  father  and  mother.  Afterward  he  attended 
the  common  school  for  a while,  but  at  an  age  when 
many  other  lads  are  preparing  for  the  academy  or 
college,  he  started  out  to  earn  his  own  livelihood. 

Earlier  Years. 

About  the  only  avenue  open  for  youths  of  that 
class  is  the  country  store,  which,  however,  has  been 
the  stepping-stone  to  success  for  more  than  one  great 
man.  Levi  had  barely  reached  his  teens  when  he  was 
employed  in  selling  sugar,  tea  and  all  the  odd  knacks 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


283 

that  may  be  found  in  a village  store.  But  he  was 
made  of  the  right  stuff,  and  at  the  end  of  a year  he 
was  promoted  to  a better-paying  position  in  Enfield, 
Massachusetts,  from  which  he  drifted  to  Concord, 
finally  landing  at  Hanover.  In  the  last-named  place 
is  a well-known  university.  Unable  to  attend  the  in- 
stitution himself,  young  Morton  found  the  air  of  learn- 
ing congenial,  and  he  was  delighted  in  his  intercourse 
with  the  students,  the  professors,  their  wives  and 
families.  Not  neglecting  his  business,  he  improved 
himself  mentally  to  the  utmost,  and  looks  back  upon 
that  episode  in  his  life  as  among  his  most  pleasing 
remembrances.  While  a resident  of  Hanover,  he 
cast  his  first  vote  for  General  Zachary  Taylor,  after- 
ward President  of  the  United  States. 

In  Boston. 

In  1849,  when  twenty-five  years  old,  Morton  re- 
moved to  Boston,  and  made  a profitable  arrangement 
with  the  leading  dry  goods  house  of  James  Beebe  & 
Co.  At  that  time  there  was  another  young  man 
connected  with  the  house  of  Beebe  & Co.,  Junius  S. 
Morgan,  who  afterwards  became  the  head  of  the 
great  banking  firm  in  London. 

Morton  and  Morgan  became  close  friends,  and  in 
1852,  Morton  was  taken  in  as  a member  of  the  firm 
of  Beebe  & Co.  Here  he  confirmed  his  reputation 
as  a man  of  unusually  keen  business  instincts,  and 
added  much  to  the  success  of  the  firm.  There 
seemed,  however,  to  be  only  one  right  place  for  the 
budding  merchant  and  millionaire,  and  that  was  the 


284  POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 

metropolis  of  the  country.  Accordingly,  in  1854,  he 
left  New  England  and  associated  himself  with  Mr. 
Grinnell,  a New  York  merchant.  The  sign  of 
Morton  & Grinnell,  commission  merchants,  was  hung 
out  on  lower  Broadway,  then  the  center  of  the  dry 
goods  trade  of  the  city. 

In  1856,  when  thirty-two  years  old,  he  was  married 
to  Miss  Lucy  Kimball,  who  belonged  to  an  old  Long 
Island  family.  Ere  long  a commercial  panic  swept 
over  the  country,  and  all  his  hard-earned  savings 
were  engulfed,  but  he  never  lost  heart  and  kept  his 
head  so  well  above  water,  that  in  1863  he  was  able 
to  establish  the  banking  firm  of  L.  P.  Morton  & Co. 
It  was  the  business  to  which  he  had  long  aspired,  for 
which  he  was  eminently  fitted,  and  in  which  he 
attained  extraordinary  success.  His  old  friend,  Junius 
S.  Morgan,  became  a partner,  and,  in  1869,  Mr.  George 
Bliss,  who  had  always  been  very  successful  in  the 
dry  goods  business*  joined  the  firm  with  a large 
amount  of  capital,  the  style  becoming  Morton,  Bliss 
& Co.  Mr.  Morgan  soon  retired,  and  going  to  London, 
formed  other  connections.  Sir  John  Rose,  who  had 
been  Minister  of  Finance  in  Canada,  shortly  after 
took  charge  of  the  New  York  firm’s  business  in 
London,  which  was  rapidly  growing,  and  Morton, 
Rose  & Co.  soon  became  a power  in  that  city. 

A Memorable  Transaction. 

From  1873  to  1884,  Morton,  Bliss  & Co.  were  the 
fiscal  agents  of  the  United  States  Government,  and 
were  active  in  the  syndicate  that  negotiated  United 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


285 

States  bonds  for  the  refunding  of  the  National  debt 
and  the  restoration  of  specie  payments.  A memor- 
able transaction  of  the  firm  was  the  payment  by  check 
of  $15,500,000  on  account  of  the  Geneva  award  for 
the  “Alabama”  claims,  and  another  of  $5,500,000  on 
account  of  the  fishery  award. 

Mr.  Morton  was  prominent  in  society,  and  in  1870, 
he  bought  “ Fairlawn,”  a magnificent  estate  on  Belle- 
vue avenue,  Newport,  where  he  gave  many  notable 
entertainments.  In  the  following  summer,  however, 
he  was  afflicted  by  the  death  of  his  wife  there.  The 
blow  was  a severe  one,  and  only  after  the  persistent 
urgency  of  his  friends  he  roused  himself  and  entered 
more  vigorously  than  ever  into  business.  In  1873 
he  was  married  to  Miss  Annie  Street,  daughter  of 
William  I.  Street,  belonging  to  one  of  the  oldest 
families  in  New  York.  The  country  place  of  the 
Streets  was  at  Poughkeepsie,  and,  in  deference  to  the 
wishes  of  Mrs.  Morton,  her  husband  purchased 
“Ellerslie,”  a few  miles  above,  which  is  one  of  the 
most  palatial  residences  in  this  country. 

In  the  Congress. 

Mr.  Morton  is  a type  of  the  successful  American 
merchants  and  bankers  whose  peculiar  training  and 
mental  equipment  sometimes  lead  them  to  turn  their 
attention  to  politics.  Mr.  Morton  listened  to  the 
persuasion  of  friends,  and,  in  1878,  accepted  the  Re- 
publican nomination  for  Congress  from  the  Eleventh 
district  in  New  York  city.  It  was  a Democratic 

stronghold,  but  Mr.  Morton  was  successful  and  was 
15 


286  POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 

re-elected  at  the  conclusion  of  his  first  term.  His 
strength  was  already  so  apparent  that  he  was  offered 
the  nomination  for  the  Vice- Presidency  on  the  ticket 
with  Garfield.  He  declined  and  the  honor  went 
to  Chester  Alan  Arthur,  who,  as  is  known,  succeeded 
to  the  Presidency  upon  the  assassination  of  the 
President.  Garfield  offered  Mr.  Morton  the  choice 
between  Secretary  of  the  Navy  and  the  mission  to 
France.  The  latter  suited  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Morton  and 
was  accepted.  The  family  removed  to  Paris  in  1 88 1 , 
and  remained  until  1885,  when  Mr.  Morton  resigned 
to  make  way  for  Robert  McLane.  He  made  a most 
admirable  record  while  in  France,  and  this  country 
was  never  more  capably  represented  in  Paris  than  by 
him  and  his  family. 

Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

In  1889  Mr.  Morton  became  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States,  with  Benjamin  Harrison  as  his  chief. 
He  won  the  same  golden  opinions  while  presiding 
officer  of  the  United  States  Senate,  and  political  op- 
ponents regretted,  scarcely  less  than  political  friends, 
his  retirement  at  the  end  of  four  years. 

Mr.  Morton  had  become  too  “available”  a candi- 
date for  his  party  to  allow  him  to  withdraw  from  poli- 
tics, and,  though  he  had  reached  the  age  of  three-score 
and  ten,  when  he  felt  himself  entitled  to  rest,  he  ac- 
cepted the  nomination  for  Governor  against  Senator 
David  B.  Hill,  and  defeated  him  by  a majority  of  1 56,- 
108,  at  the  same  election  in  which  Cleveland  carried 
the  State  against  Harrison.  Governor  Morton’s  term 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


287 

expires  on  the  last  day  of  1896.  At  the  beginning 
of  the  year,  the  Republican  leaders  of  the  State 
agreed  to  unite  their  efforts  in  pressing  him  for  the 
Republican  nomination  for  the  Presidency. 

His  worth  and  ability  were  proven  long  ago.  He 
holds  that  the  office  is  one  too  dignified  for  any  per- 
son to  seek  or  to  decline.  When  the  wife  of  Presi- 
dent Harrison  died,  Mrs.  Morton  became  the  leader 
of  society  in  Washington,  and  there  was  never  a 
more  brilliant  and  popular  leader  than  she.  It  was 
her  innate  graciousness,  her  infinite  tact,  and  her 
kindness  of  heart,  more  than  her  beauty  and  brilliant 
accomplishments,  which  won  her  admiration  and  re- 
spect of  all,  as  the  forenfost  lady  of  the  land.  The 
parents  have  been  blessed  with  five  bright  and  beau- 
tiful daughters,  carefully  trained  and  educated,  fit 
companions,  all,  for  their  noble  mother  and  worthy 
father. 


288 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


WILLIAM  B.  ALLISON, 

iowa’s  favorite  for  president. 

William  B.  Allison,  recently  re-elected  United 
States  Senator  from  Iowa,  is  a native  of  Ohio,  the 
commonwealth  which  of  late  years  has  furnished  so 
many  statesmen  to  the  Union.  Some  time  ago,  in  a 
chat  with  the  late  General  Sherman,  he  remarked  to 
the  writer  : “There’s  something  singular  about  Ohio  ; 
she  has  always  a number  of  leading  men  at  the 
front.  Here  at  West  Point  she  has  the  largest  num- 
ber of  members  in  the  graduating  class,  and  it  has 
been  so  for  years.  The  infusion  of  New  England 
blood  into  that  State  seems  to  have  produced  the 
best  sort  of  stock.  General  Grant  was  a native  of 
the  State,  and,”  added  the  grim  soldier,  with  a smile, 
“if  I weren’t  such  a modest  man,  I might  add  that  I 
was  also  born  there.” 

First  Entrance  into  Politics. 

Mr.  Allison  was  born  in  1829,  and  was  graduated 
from  the  Western  Reserve  College.  His  first  en- 
trance into  public  politics,  as  he  states,  was  in  i860, 
when  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  tally  secretaries 
at  the  convention  which  nominated  Abraham  Lincoln 
for  the  Presidency.  He  was  then  practicing  law 
in  the  little  town  of  Ashland,  near  the  center  of 
the  State,  some  fifteen  miles  from  where  that  other 
famous  son  of  Ohio,  John  Sherman,  was  engaged  in 


WM.  B.  ALISON. 
Senator  from  Iowa. 


\ 


- 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


29I 


the  same  profession.  Allison  had  removed  to  Iowa  in 
1 85 7,  where  he  found  himself  among  many  people 
from  Ohio.  It  was  as  a delegate  from  Iowa  that 
he  attended  the  memorable  convention  which  placed 
one  of  the  greatest  Americans  that  ever  lived  in 
nomination  for  the  Presidency. 

“ I sat  right  in  front  of  George  Ashmun,  of  Massa- 
chusetts,” said  Senator  Allison.  “ He  was  president 
of  the  convention,  and  I believe  that  I gave  him  the 
first  news  of  Lincoln’s  nomination.  I kept  footing 
up  the  figures  as  they  came  in,  and  some  time  before 
the  members  of  the  convention  were  aware  of  the 
fact,  I saw  that  Lincoln  would  be  successful,  and 
I turned  about  and  told  Mr.  Ashmun  of  the  fact.  A 
few  minutes  later  the  convention  realized  it,  and  then 
ensued  one  of  the  most  wonderful  scenes  in  our 
history.  The  convention  was  held  in  the  old  wigwam 
in  Chicago,  and  there  were  about  ten  thousand 
people  present.  When  the  vote  was  announced  a 
scream  went  up  from  thousands  of  throats,  and  fully 
one  thousand  hats  were  thrown  into  the  air.  It 
rained  hats  for  several  minutes  after  the  announce- 
ment, and  I can  still  see  the  hats  rising  and  falling. 
The  people  lost  control  of  themselves,  and  I have 
often  wondered  what  became  of  those  hats,  for  there 
was  not  much  possibility  of  recovering  your  hat  in  a 
mob  like  that.” 

In  Congress. 

Although  Mr.  Allison  was  deeply  interested  in  poli- 
tics from  the  first,  and  always  inclined  to  the  princi- 
ples of  the  Republican  party,  he  felt  no  special  ambi- 


292 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


tion  to  become  a politician.  Nevertheless,  his  neigh- 
bors appreciated  his  ability,  and  he  was  nominated 
for  Congress  in  1862.  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  was  then 
governor  of  Iowa  and  Allison  was  on  his  staff. 
Being  directed  to  raise  troops  for  the  armies  in  the 
field,  he  organized  three  regiments  in  North  Iowa  in 
1861,  but  was  attacked  by  a serious  illness  which  laid 
him  up  for  a year.  As  soon  as  he  recovered,  he  set 
to  work  again  and  raised  three  more  regiments.  He 
was  then  nominated  for  Congress  by  the  conserva- 
tive element  of  the  Republican  party.  His  opponent 
was  a Democratic  editor  of.  so  pronounced  secession 
proclivities  that  he  was  in  jail  by  orders  of  the  ag- 
gressive Secretary  Stanton.  Thus  the  issue  was  a 
straight  one  between  the  friends  and  enemies  of  the 
Union. 

Soldier-Voting. 

Had  all  of  Iowa’s  citizens  been  at  home,  Mr.  Alli- 
son would  not  have  felt  the  slightest  misgiving  as  to 
the  result,  but  the  majority  of  the  Iowa  soldiers  in  the 
field  were  Republicans.  In  this  dilemma,  Allison 
persuaded  Governor  Kirkwood  to  call  an  extra  ses- 
sion of  the  Legislature,  which  passed  a law  allowing 
the  soldiers  at  the  front  to  vote.  Three  commission- 
ers were  sent  thither,  the  result  being  that  Allison 
was  triumphantly  elected.  The  same  system  of 
soldier-voting  was  afterward  adopted  by  other  States 
in  the  North.  Mr.  Allison  remained  in  Congress 
until  1871,  and  two  years  later  was  elected  to  the 
Senate,  where  he  has  remained  ever  since,  being  re- 
elected, as  already  stated,  in  1896. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


293 


From  his  first  entrance  into  politics  Senator  Alli- 
son has  been  profoundly  interested  in  financial 
matters,  and  there  is  no  higher  authority  on  that 
question  than  he.  He  was  early  appointed  a member 
of  the  Appropriation  Committee.  His  seat  was  near 
that  of  Congressman  Garfield  and  he  became  the  in- 
timate and  trusted  friend  of  him  and  of  Blaine.  De- 
spite his  friendship  for  Mr.  Blaine,  he  was  also  the 
valued  associate  of  the  most  bitter  opponents  of  the 
Maine  statesman.  This  was  a tribute  indeed  to  the 
worth-and  ability  of  Allison. 

Declining  the  Portfolio  of  the  Treasury. 

President  Garfield  was  so  impressed  by  Allison’s 
attainments  and  complete  mastery  of  financial  ques- 
tions, that,  in  the  fac<^  of  the  stongest  pressure  from 
other  quarters,  he  urged  him  to  accept  the  portfolio 
of  the  Treasury.  Allison  would  have  done  so,  for 
the  post  would  have  been  a congenial  one  to  him, 
had  it  not  been  for  the  delicate  state  of  his  wife’s 
health.  She  was  a brilliant  and  accomplished  woman, 
but  was  an  invalid  whose  existence  depended  upon 
her  living  a quiet,  restful  life.  Because  of  this,  the 
affectionate  husband  declined  the  offer.  The  nervous 
malady  of  his  wife  became  intensified,  and  some  time 
later,  when  she  had  become  a victim  to  melancholia, 
sad  to  say,  she  took  her  own  life. 

Mr.  Allison  enjoys  splendid  health,  and  is  in  the 
prime  of  his  mental  powers.  His  eye  is  bright,  his 
complexion  ruddy,  and  the  iron-gray  hair  abundant. 
He  is  a handsome  man,  genial  and  fond  of  a good 


2Q4  POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 

story,  and  he  can  tell  one  and  join  in  the  ringing 
laughter  which  greets  a witticism.  He  is  fond  of 
books,  art  and  travel,  and  is  almost  as  familiar  with 
the  politics  of  Europe  as  with  those  of  his  own 
country.  He  is  dignified  and  kindly  without  a trace 
of  egotism  or  vanity.  Senator  Gear  of  Iowa  said 
of  him  : “ There  is  nothing  of  a coward  about  Allison. 
He  is  cautious,  but  not  cowardly.  He  has  a stiff 
backbone  in  him,  and  when  the  occasion  demands, 
he  always  shows  that  he  has  convictions  and  the 
courage  to  support  them.  He  has  been  in  public 
life  for  a generation,  and  although  he  is  sixty-seven 
years  old,  he  looks  and  really  is  ten  years  younger, 
and  in  the  prime  of  physical  condition/’ 


*IFre  Of  RK  KfMf  I^TOW- 

AFJFK  Pholfii^APn 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


295 


DAVID  BENNETT  HILL, 

U.  S.  SENATOR  FROM  NEW  YORK. 

“ I am  a Democrat,”  was  the  superfluous  declara- 
tion of  United  States  Senator  David  Bennett  Hill 
some  time  since,  for,  among  all  the  leading  Demo- 
crats of  the  country,  there  is  no  more  pronounced 
party  man  than  he.  It  was  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  the 
Sage  of  Greystone,  who  ten  years  before  said  to  him  : 
“You  have  never  failed  me;  you  have  always  been 
loyal  and  honorable ; you  can  be  trusted ; you  are 
honest ; you  have  brains ; such  men  are  rare.  The 
American  people  appreciate  power  and  manliness 
and  ability,  and  you  possess  all  three.  I am  proud 
of  you.  Whatever  you  do  in  public  life,  never  forget 
that  you  are  a Democrat.”  And  Mr.  Hill  has  never 
forgotten  it. 

“ I Don’t  Want  to  be  an  Angel.” 

Caleb  Hill  was  a Connecticut  farmer  who  removed 
to  the  State  of  New  York  early  in  the  present  cen- 
tury, and  David  Bennett,  the  youngest  of  five  chil- 
dren, was  born  in  1843,  in  town  °f  Havana, 
Schuyler  county.  His  mother  was  a woman  of  rare 
intelligence  and  force  of  character,  and  her  example 
and  training  had  much  to  do  with  the  success  of  her 
son  in  after  life. 

David  was  a weak,  sickly  boy  and  his  parents  did 
not  believe  he  would  live  to  reach  maturity.  It  is 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


296 

said  that  nearly  every  crone  who  met  him  had  a habit 
of  chucking  him  under  the  chin  and  solemnly  re- 
marking: “ Poor  boy,  he  will  not  be  with  us  long,  but 
I suppose  he  will  be  better  off  among  the  angels.” 
“I  don’t  want  to  be  an  angel,”  angrily  protested  the 
lad,  who  up  to  the  present  has  had  his  wish  gratified. 

H is  weak  health  made  young  Hill  a studious  boy 
and  he  developed  a marked  talent  for  composition. 
He  was  the  pupil  always  selected  to  read  a compo- 
sition or  deliver  a speech  at  school  celebrations,  and, 
when  he  was  still  quite  young,  many  of  the  shrewd 
neighbors  prophesied  a brilliant  future  for  the  youth. 
At  the'  age  of  seventeen  years  he  attended  a politi- 
cal meeting  at  Watkin’s  Glen.  He  had  just  been 
graduated  from  the  High  School,  and  like  the  others 
had  gone  to  the  Glen  to  listen  to  the  address  of  a 
famous  political  orator. 

The  orator  did  not  appear,  much  to  the  disappoint- 
ment of  the  multitude.  When  they  were  about  to 
separate,  the  committee  observed  young  Hill  in  the 
crowd,  and  aware  of  his  skill  as  a speaker,  urged  him 
to  go  upon  the  platform.  He  consented  and  de- 
livered a speech,  full  of  good  sense  and  displaying 
such  a familiarity  with  politics  that  the  audience  was 
surprised  and  delighted.  “ He’s  made  of  the  right 
stuff,”  remarked  one  of  the  old  men  ; “ he’ll  be  heard 
from  again.” 

Fortunately  by  this  time  Hill  had  acquired  sound 
health,  and  the  old  women  and  pessimists  agreed 
that  the  time  for  his  becoming  an  angel  would  have 
to  be  postponed  indefinitely. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


297 


Launched  Upon  the  Sea  of  Politics. 

His  father  died  while  he  was  a lad  and  his  mother 
eked  out  a living  as  best  she  could  from  the  heavily 
mortgaged  farm.  David  contributed  all  the  help  he 
could,  selling  papers  and  candies  on  the  New  York 
Central  Railway  before  he  had  entered  his  teens. 
Having  passed  through  the  High  School,  he  now  en- 
tered a law  office  in  Elmira  and  began  the  study  of 
law.  He  was  a hard  student,  and  did  two  years’ 
work  in  one,  being  admitted  to  the  bar  when  he  had 
barely  reached  the  age  of  twenty-one.  Two  months 
later  he  was  appointed  city  attorney,  and  was  thus 
fairly  launched  upon  the  sea  of  politics,  where  he  has 
made  a brilliant  reputation.  His  sound  judgment, 
his  great  ability  and  his  aggressive  nature  caused 
him  to  forge  to  the  frtrnt  quickly,  and  he  was  selected 
as  a delegate  to  the  Democratic  State  convention  in 
1868.  Two  years  later,  he  was  elected  to  the  Legis- 
lature and  attracted  the  attention  of  Samuel  J.  Tilden. 

At  the  expiration  of  his  term,  Hill  returned  to  El- 
mira, where  he  became  alderman.  His  record  was 
so  satisfactory  that  he  was  nominated  for  mayor  and 
defeated  one  of  the  most  popular  of  Republicans. 
His  course  brought  him  before  the  State  convention 
in  1882,  and  he  was  elected  lieutenant-governor  on 
the  ticket  which  placed  Grover  Cleveland  in  the 
gubernatorial  chair,  in  1885,  he  was  chosen  gov- 
ernor by  a large  majority,  being  re-elected,  and  hold- 
ing the  office  until  1891.  In  the  latter  year  he  was 
chosen  United  States  Senator,  for  the  term  expiring 
in  1897. 


298 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


The  Republican  “ Landslide  ” of  1894. 

In  the  face  of  his  earnest  protest  he  was  forced 
to  take  the  nomination  for  governor  in  1894,  against 
Levi  P.  Morton.  It  was  the  Republican  “land- 
slide ” year,  when  there  was  no  earthly  hope  of 
success  for  the  Democrats,  but  Hill  went  into  the 
canvass  and  fought  to  the  end  with  his  accustomed 
energy  and  skill.  He  had  the  determined  support 
of  a minority  in  the  convention  which  placed  Grover 
Cleveland  in  nomination  for  the  Presidency  in  1892, 
and  has  often  been  named  since  in  connection  with 
that  high  office. 

Senator  Hill  has  reached  success  by  study,  hard 
work,  integrity,  and  the  momentum  of  natural  ability. 
He  is  not  a brilliant  speaker,  and  rarely  are  his  ad- 
dresses lit  up  by  flashes  of  humor;  but  they  are 
solid,  full  of  fact,  and  logical.  He  is  extremely  popu- 
lar with  his  own  party,  which  would  be  proud  to  honor 
him  with  any  office  within  its  gift.  He  is  respected 
for  his  talents,  and  commands  the  attention  of  the 
Senate  when  he  rises  to  speak.  It  is  to  his  credit 
that  he  does  not  use  tobacco  in  any  form,  and  he' 
never  tasted  liquor  but  once,  which  was  simply  to 
learn  what  sort  of  flavor  the  poison  has.  He  is 
averse  to  female  society,  finding  his  greatest  pleasure 
in  his  books  and  the  company  of  his  own  sex.  Now 
and  then  there  are  mysterious  reports  of  his  engage- 
ment to  some  lady,  but  if  ever  he  does  take  to  him- 
self a wife,  it  will  be  the  most  unexpected  act  of  his 
life. 


HENRY  MOORE  TEEEER. 
Senator  from  Colorado. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY 


301 


HENRY  MOORE  TELLER, 

U.  S.  SENATOR  FROM  COLORADO CHAMPION  OF  FREE 

SILVER  COINAGE. 

Henry  Moore  Teller  is  of  Dutch  descent  and  was 
born  at  Granger,  Allegheny  county,  N.  Y.,  May  23, 
1830.  He  received  a good  academic  education,  and 
while  in  attendance  at  the  academy  taught  school  at 
intervals  in  order  to  help  pay  the  expenses  of  his 
education. 

Excellent  Success. 

Having  completed  Jus  course  at  the  academy,  he 
took  up  the  study  of  law  under  the  instruction  of 
Judge  Martin  Grover,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar 
January  5,  1858,  at  Binghamton  in  his  native  State. 
Like  many  other  young  men,  Mr.  Teller  formed  the 
idea  that  the  West  offered  a wider  field  for  success, 
although  his  first  move  was  not  very  far  in  that  di- 
rection. He  located  at  Morrison,  Whitesides  county, 
Illinois,  and  began  the  practice  of  his  profession.  He 
had  been  a hard  student  and  was  well  grounded  in 
his  profession.  He  met  with  excellent  success,  but 
became  convinced  that  he  had  not  gone  as  far  west 
as  was  best  for  him.  Accordingly,  in  April,  1861,  he 
emigrated  to  Colorado,  which  is  still  his  home. 

In  that  Territory  he  found  a congenial  field  for  his 
ability  and  energy,  not  only  in  law,  but  in  business  en- 
terprises. The  legal  firm  which  he  formed  was  H.  M. 

16 


302 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


& W.  Teller.  Fully  alive  to  the  vast  possibilities  of 
the  new  country,  Mr.  Teller  became  interested  in  its 
development.  He  originated  and  pushed  to  a suc- 
cessful issue  the  Colorado  Central  Railroad.  He 
drew  the  charter  and  presented  it  to  the  Territorial 
Legislature  in  1865,  and  for  five  years  he  was  presi- 
dent of  the  company.  He  infused  his  own  energy  and 
spirit  into  the  management  of  the  line,  and  gave  new 
proof  of  his  exceptional  ability  as  an  organizer  and 
thorough  railway  manager.  The  finances  could  not 
have  been  conducted  with  better  judgment  and  he 
quickly  made  the  railroad  the  leading  one  in  the 
Territory. 

During  the  Indian  troubles  of  1863,  Mr.  Teller 
was  appointed  brigadier-general  of  the  militia,  serv- 
ing with  much  acceptability  for  two  years,  when  he 
resigned. 

A Power  in  Politics. 

Although  originally  a Democrat,  Mr.  Teller  joined 
the  Republican  party  in  1855,  when  it  was  in  its  in- 
fancy. He  became  a power  in  politics,  commanding 
the  respect  and  confidence  of  all  classes.  He  never 
sought  office  and  did  not  seem  to  care  for  political 
honors,  but  in  1876,  upon  the  admission  of  Colorado 
as  a State,  he  was  placed  in  nomination  as  one  of  the 
first  United  States  Senators,  and,  without  any  effort 
on  his  part,  was  elected.  In  drawing  for  the  long 
and  short  terms,  he  secured  the  short  one  and  took 
his  seat  December  4,  1876.  He  was  re-elected  the 
same  month,  and  served  until  April,  1882,  when  he 
was  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Interior  by  President 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


303 


Arthur,  serving  until  March  3,  1885,  when  he  was 
again  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  to  succeed 
Nathaniel  P.  Hill,  Republican.  Senator  Teller  took 
his  seat  March  4,  1885,  to  be  elected  once  more  in 
1890.  His  term  expires  March  3,  1897. 

A Pronounced  “ Silver  Man.” 


Senator  Teller  has  long  been  a prominent  Free 
Mason  and  Knight  Templar.  He  was  Grand  Master 
of  Colorado  for  seven  years,  and  was  also  Grand 
Commander  of  the  Knights  Templar  of  the  same 
State.  His  career  shows  his  popularity  with  the 
people.  His  integrity  has  never  been  questioned. 
He  is  genial,  with  an  attractive  manner,  laborious  in 
his  profession,  and  with  a charitable  nature.  More 
persons  than  would  be  suspected  have  received  valu- 
able aid  at  his  hands,  and  the  toiler,  no  matter  how 
humble,  knows  that  he  has  one  of  the  best  and  truest 
friends  in  him.  As  a representative  of  the  sentiments 
of  Colorado,  Senator  Teller,  it  need  hardly  be  said, 
is  a pronounced  “ silver  man,”  as  he  has  proved  times 
without  number  in  the  warm  debates  and  struggles 
which  have  taken  place  during  the  last  few  years  in 
Washington.  His  ability,  forceful  logic,  and  com- 
manding courage  have  given  him  a national  reputa- 
tion and  a popularity  which  places  him  at  the  head 
of  the  champions  of  his  financial  ideas,  and  with 
scarcely  a rival  in  the  great  West. 


304 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


WILLIAM  LYNE  WILSON, 

POSTMASTER-GENERAL, 

Author  of  the  “ Wilson  Bill!' 

William  Lyne  Wilson  was  born  in  Jefferson 
county,  West  Virginia,  then  a part  of  Virginia,  May 
3,  1843.  His  father,  Benjamin  Wilson,  died  when  the 
son  and  only  child  was  only  four  years  old,  and  he 
was  thus  left  to  the  care  of  his  widowed  mother. 
She  trained  him  carefully,  and  having  entered  Colum- 
bian College,  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  he  was  graduated 
in  i860,  and  the  same  year  became  a student  at  the 
University  of  Virginia. 

Stirring  Times. 

Those  were  stirring  times,  for  the  country  was 
about  to  plunge  into  civil  war.  Young  Wilson  had 
been  in  the  University  less  than  a year,  when,  with 
the  majority  of  students,  he  withdrew  to  enter  the 
Confederate  service,  in  which  he  remained  until  the 
final  surrender  at  Appomattox.  He  then  returned  to 
Columbian  College,  in  which  he  was  appointed  Pro- 
fessor of  Ancient  Languages.  While  meeting  the 
duties  of  this  honorable  place,  he  studied  law  and  was 
graduated  from  the  law  school  of  that  institution  in 
1867.  At  that  time  the  “test  oaths”  prevented  any 
person  who  had  served  in  the  Confederate  service 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  .DAY. 


305 


from  practicing  in  the  courts  of  West  Virginia,  but 
the  law  was  repealed  in  1871,  and  Professor  Wilson 
began  the  duties  of  his  profession  in  Charlestown. 
He  was  chosen  as  one  of  the  West  Virginia  delegates 
to  the  National  Democratic  Convention  in  1880,  and 
as  a State  Elector  at  Large  on  the  presidential  Demo- 
cratic ticket  of  that  year. 


In  the  Congress. 

In  1882  he  became  President  of  the  West  Virginia 
State  University,  and  two  weeks  later  was  nominated 
by  the  Democratic  Convention  of  the  Second  District 
for  Representative  in  Congress,  and  elected  in  the 
following  November.  He  acted  as  President  of  the 
University  from  March  4,  1883,  without  salary,  until 
he  took  his  seat  as  a 'member  of  the  Forty-eighth 
Congress,  in  December  of  that  year.  He  served  for 
six  terms,  but  was  swept  under  by  the  wave  of  Re- 
publican successes  in  November,  1894.  Postmaster- 
General  Bissell  having  resigned  early  in  1895,  Presi- 
dent Cleveland  nominated  Professor  Wilson  as  his 
successor,  and  he  was  promptly  confirmed  by  the 
Senate.  His  appointment  gave  general  satisfaction 
to  all  parties,  for  it  was  only  a recognition  of  his  ex- 
traordinary services  in  the  cause  of  tariff  reform. 

The  “ Wilson  Bill.” 

In  1893,  Professor  Wilson  was  chairman  of  the 
Ways  and  Means  Committee,  and  the  tariff  bill  which 
he  presented  in  that  year  and  fought  through  the 
House  drew  the  attention  of  the  entire  country  to 

16 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


306 

him.  No  man  ever  wrought  harder  than  he,  toiling 
all  day  and  far  into  the  night,  and  none  could  have 
made  a more  vigorous,  determined  and  successful 
contest  upon  the  floor  of  the  House.  When  triumph 
came  at  last,  he  was  carried  on  the  shoulders  of  his 
shouting-  adherents,  the  scene  being  one  which  no 
witness  can  ever  forget.  His  exhausting  labors  proved 
serious,  for  his  health  broke  down  and  it  was  a long 
time  before  he  regained  in  any  degree  his  usual 
strength.  The  “Wilson  Bill,”  whose  merits  it  is  not 
our  province  to  discuss,  has  taken  its  place  in  history, 
and  the  author  is  acknowledged  to  be  one  of  the 
brainiest  ahd  ablest  members  of  his  party. 

Personal  Qualities. 

Professor  Wilson  is  a small  man,  slender  of  frame, 
and  barely  five  feet  in  height.  His  pale  face  is  that  of 
a student,  and  his  fine  hair  is  rapidly  becoming  white. 
Although  wholly  absorbed  in  his  public  duties  while 
in  Washington,  when  he  is  at  his  home  in  Charles- 
town, West  Virginia,  he  is  a merry,  rollicking  boy 
among  his  four  sons,  provided  they  are  at  home 
with  him.  He  is  the  happy  father  also  of  two 
daughters,  and  the  family  is  an  ideal  one.  Both  he 
and  his  accomplished  wife  are  Baptists,  and  when  the 
news  of  his  nomination  to  Congress  reached  him, 
they  were  at  a prayer  meeting.  It  was  a case  of  the 
office  seeking  the  man,  and  Professor  Wilson  has 
never  in  any  sense  of  the  word  been  a wire-puller. 

A little  fact  may  be  mentioned  here:  the  small 
pale  disk  which  Professor  Wilson  sometimes  wears  as 


POLITICAL  G I A NTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


30  7 


a scarf  pin,  was  struck  two  thousand  two  hundred 
years  ago,  by  command  of  the  founder  of  the  Mace- 
donian empire.  It  shows  the  profile  of  Philip,  and  is 
one  of  the  rarest  coins  in  existence,  carrying  us  back 
to  the  luminous  noontide  of  Greek  civilization,  which 
still  glows  for  the  student  beyond  the  mists  and 
shadows  of  encroaching  centuries. 


MOTHER  AND  INFANT. 


3°8 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


william  McKinley* 

THE  FAVORITE  CHAMPION  OF  A PROTECTIVE  TARIFF, 

By  Edward  S.  Ellis , A.  M. 

William  McKinley,  Jr.,  was  born  in  Niles,  Trum- 
bull county,  Ohio,  January  29,  1843.  His  father  was 
a German  by  birth,  and  lived  to  his  85th  year,  his 
mother,  of  Scotch  descent,  being  still  alive  at  this 
writing.  William  was  the  third  son.  The  eldest, 
David,  is  a resident  of  San  Francisco,  where,  until 
1894,  he  was  the  Hawaiian  Consul-General  to  the 
United  States.  The  second  son,  James,  died  a few 
years  ago,  and  Abner,  younger  than  William,  is 
engaged  in  business  in  the  city  of  New  York? 

“You’ll  Do.” 

When  five  years  old  William  attended  the  village 
school  at  Niles,  continuing  his  studies  at  a more  ad- 
vanced school  at  Poland,  whither  his  parents  re- 
moved in  order  to  obtain  better  educational  advan- 
tages for  their  children.  When  not  quite  sixteen, 
William  was  sent  to  the  Allegheny  College  at  Mead- 
ville,  Pa.,  but  fell  ill  and  had  to  return  home.  When 
he  recovered,  he  began  teaching  school,  receiving 
$25  a month  and  “boarding  around.”  He  was  thus 
engaged  when  the  country  was  thrilled  by  the  news 
that  Fort  Sumter  had  been  fired  upon.  Instantly  the 

* See  also  the  more  complete  Life  of  McKinley,  by  John  Sherman,  Senator 
from  Ohio. 


CHAUNCEY  M.  DEPEW. 
President  of  the  New  York  Central. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY.  3II 

pale-faced,  gray-eyed  student  flung  aside  his  books 
and  enlisted  as  a private  in  the  war  for  the  Union. 
It  was  patriotism  of  the  loftiest  nature  which  inspired 
the  young  teacher.  He  was  mustered  in  at  Colum- 
bus in  June,  by  General  John  C.  Fremont,  who 
thumped  the  young  man’s  chest,  looked  into  his  clear 
eye,  and  surveying  him  from  head  to  foot  said: 
“ You’ll  do  ! ” 

A Fire-tried  Veteran  at  Twenty-two. 

Young  McKinley  was  attached  to  the  Twenty- 
third  Ohio  Volunteer  Infantry,  and  remained  with  it 
to  the  close  of  the  war.  During  that  period,  he 
served  on  the  staff  of  Brigadier-General  Rutherford 
B.  Hayes,  afterwards  President  of  the  United  States; 
on  the  staff  of  the  ^famous  Indian  fighter,  General 
Crook,  and  subsequently  on  that  of  Brigadier-General 
Hazen.  He  was  in  all  the  engagements  in  which  his 
regiment  took  part,  and  was  made  a second  lieutenant 
directly  after  the  battle  of  Antietam,  upon  the  urgent 
recommendation  of  General  Hayes.  He  became 
first  lieutenant  February  7,  1863,  captain  July  25, 
1864,  and  was  breveted  major  by  President  Lincoln 
for  gallant  conduct  on  the  fields  of  Opequan,  Fish- 
er’s Hill  and  Cedar  Creek,  being  mustered  out  with 
his  regiment  in  July,  1865. 

Thus,  at  the  age  of  twenty-two,  Major  McKinley 
was  a fire-tried  veteran  of  the  war  for  the  Union, 
with  a record  to  which  he  can  always  refer  with 
patriotic  pride. 

But  the  war  was  over,  the  Union  restored,  and  the 


312 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


modest  young  man,  without  pausing  to  boast  of  his 
deeds,  entered  upon  the  study  of  law.  He  was 
graduated  from  the  Albany  (N.  Y.)  Law  School,  and 
settling  in  the  little  town  of  Canton,  Ohio,  waited  for 
his  clients  to  come.  They  straggled  thither,  and 
fortunate  were  all  who  secured  the  services  of  the 
brilliant,  conscientious,  and  learned  lawyer.  His 
ability  attracted  the  attention  of  Judge  Belden,  who 
invited  him  to  a partnership  with  him,  and  the  con- 
nection lasted  until  the  death  of  the  judge  in  1870. 
His  townsmen  showed  their  appreciation  of  the 
young  man  by  electing  him,  in  1869,  prosecuting  attor- 
ney of  Stark  county,  an  office  which  he  held  for  a 
number  of  years.  He  had  already  established  his 
reputation  as  a powerful  jury  lawyer  and  one  of  the 
best  speakers  in  the  State. 

The  “ McKinley  Bill.” 

At  the  age  of  thirty-three  the  people  of  his  dis- 
trict elected  him  their  Representative  in  Congress, 
his  re-election  following  until  1890,  when,  through 
the  gerrymandering  of  his  district,  he  was  defeated 
by  a small  majority.  From  January,  1892,  to  Janu- 
ary, 1894,  and  again  until  January,  1896,  he  was 
Governor  of  Ohio,  his  election  beine  among:  the  most 
notable  triumphs  of  his  career. 

While  in  Congress,  McKinley  was  a member  of 
the  Committee  on  Revision  of  Laws,  the  Judiciary 
Committee,  the  Committee  on  Expenditures  in  the 
Post  Office  Department,  and  the  Committee  on  Rules. 
Upon  the  nomination  of  General  Garfield  for  the 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


313 

Presidency,  McKinley  took  his  place  on  the  Com- 
mittee on  Ways  and  Means,  serving  with  the  com- 
mittee for  the  rest  of  his  time  in  Congress.  It  was 
while  he  was  chairman  that  he  framed  the  “ McKin- 
ley Bill,”  which  still  bears  his  name.  This  tariff  act 
became  law,  October  1,  1890,  and  provided  for  a high 
rate  of  duty  on  an  immense  number  of  articles  im- 
ported from  foreign  countries,  but  made  sugar  free. 
Its  purpose  was  to  reduce  the  national  revenue  and 
to  increase  protection. 

The  work  involved  in  the  preparation  of  this  bill 
is  almost  inconceivable.  It  contained  thousands  of 
items  and  covered  every  interest  in  the  country. 
For  four  weeks,  while  the  House  was  in  session,  he 
was  almost  constantly  upon  his  feet,  answering  num- 
berless questions,  meeting  objections  and  giving 
information.  With  the  exception  of  two  minor 
amendments,  it  passed  exactly  as  it  came  from  the 
hands  of  the  committee. 

A correspondent  of  the  New  York  Press  thus  de- 
scribes the  man  : “ Quiet,  dignified,  modest,  consid- 
erate of  others,  ever  mindful  of  the  long  service  of 
the  veterans  of  his  party,  true  as  steel  to  his  friends, 
unhesitating  at  the  call  of  duty,  no  matter  what  the 
personal  sacrifice ; unwavering  in  his  integrity,  full 
of  tact  in  overcoming  opposition,  yet  unyielding  on 
vital  party  principles,  with  a heart  full  of  sympathy 
for  those  who  toil,  a disposition  unspoiled  by  success 
and  a private  life  as  spotless  as  self-sacrificing,  he 
stands  before  the  American  people  to-day  as  one  of 
the  finest  types  of  courageous,  persevering,  vigorous, 


3T4 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


and  developing  manhood  that  the  Republic  has  ever 
produced.” 

Exalted  Sense  of  Honor. 

A peculiar  proof  of  Major  McKinley’s  exalted 
sense  of  honor  was  given  at  the  deadlock  in  the  pres- 
idential convention  of  1888.  A movement  on  the 
fourth  ballot  suddenly  set  in  in  his  favor,  which  could 
have  been  readily  turned  into  a stampede.  But  he 
was  there  as  the  pledged  friend  of  Senator  John 
Sherman,  and  nothing  could  swerve  him  from  his 
allegiance.  He  checked  the  movement  at  its  begin- 
ning, and  those  who  would  have  tempted  him  turned 
back  at  sight  of  that  earnest  countenance  and  at  the 
ringing  tones  of  that  eloquent  voice.  Almost 
precisely  the  same  thing  was  repeated  four  years  later 
at  Minneapolis,  when  the  nomination  would  have 
assuredly  gone  to  him,  had  he  not  peremptorily 
checked  it,  and  ordered  the  delegates  from  his  own 
State  to  vote  as  they  had  been  instructed.  The  his- 
tory of  recent  years  shows  that  not  many,  placed  in 
the  situation  of  Major  McKinley,  were  able  to  come 
out  of  it  unscathed  and  without  the  smell  of  fire  upon 
their  garments. 

A man  like  Major  McKinley  could  not  fail  to  make 
an  ideal  husband,  when  blessed  as  he  is  with  an  ideal 
wife.  Both  of  their  children  died  in  infancy,  and  the 
wife  is  an  invalid  ; but  though  their  silver  wedding  was 
celebrated  in  January,  1896,  no  lovers  were  ever 
more  chivalrously  devoted  to  each  other  than  are 
they,  now  that  they  have  reached  the  meridian  of  life. 
Mrs.  McKinley  is  as  staunch  a protectionist  as  her 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


315 


husband,  and  is  firmly  persuaded  that  no  man 
quite  so  good  and  great  has  ever  been  born. 
When  he  is  expected  at  home,  she  is  at  the  win- 
dow watching  for  him.  His  last  act  is  to  kiss  her 
on  the  threshold,  followed  by  a turn  and  salute  when 
about  to  pass  out  of  sight.  No  sweeter  picture  can 
be  imagined  than  this  couple,  whose  whole  life  is  the 
most  emphatic  contradiction  of  the  sneer  that  “ mar- 
riage is  a failure.”  The  two  are  members  of  the 
Methodist  Church,  and  should  they  ever  be  called  to 
the  highest  station  in  the  gift  of  the  American  people, 
it  is  certain  that  none  will  wear  the  honors  more 
worthily  than  they. 


THE  GREAT  DOME  AND  TELESCOPE  OF  LICK  OBSERVATORY,  CALIFORNIA. 


3i6 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


CHAUNCEY  MITCHELL  DEPEW, 

THE  APOSTLE  OF  SUNSHINE  AND  CHEERFULNESS. 

Chauncey  Mitchell  Depew  was  born  at  Peeks- 
kill,  N.  Y.,  April  23,  1834.  His  remote  ancestors 
were  French  Huguenots,  who  founded  New  Rochelle, 
in  Westchester  county.  His  father,  Isaac  Depew,  was 
a prominent  and  highly  esteemed  citizen  of  PtP^kskill, 
and  his  mother,  Martha  Mitchell,  was  a representative 
of  the  distinguished  New  England  family,  one  of 
whose  members,  Roger  Sherman,  was  a signer  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence. 

Early  Career. 

Chauncey  spent  his  boyhood  in  Peekskill,  where 
he  prepared  for  college.  He  was  a bright  student, 
and  at  the  age  of  eighteen  entered  Yale  College, 
from  which  he  was  graduated  in  1856,  with  one  of  the 
first  honors  of  his  class.  In  June,  1887,  Yale  con- 
ferred upon  him  the  degree  of  LL.  D.  It  will  be  noted 
that  Mr.  Depew  reached  his  majority  at  about  the 
time  of  the  formation  of  the  Republican  party. 
Although  of  Democratic  antecedents,  he  had  been  a 
close  student  of  politics  and  his  sympathies  were 
with  the  aims  of  the  new  political  organization,  to 
which  he  speedily  gave  his  allegiance. 

Mr.  Depew  studied  law  in  his  native  village,  and 
was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1858.  In  the  same  year, 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


317 


he  was  elected  as  a delegate  to  the  Republican  State 
convention,  this  being  an  acknowledgment  of  the 
interest  he  had  taken  in  the  party,  and  the  skill  and 
energy  he  had  shown  in  advocating  its  policy.  He 
began  the  practice  of  law  in  1859,  and  was  highly 
successful  from  the  first.  Few  men  of  the  present 
day  are  so  gifted  with  eloquence,  wit,  and  the  power 
of  giving  an  instant  and  happy  turn  to  the  most  un- 
expected interruptions  or  occurrences.  In  his  early 
manhood,  his  striking  power  as  a stump  speaker,  his 
readiness  at  repartee,  and  his  never-failing  good 
humor,  made  him  a giant  in  politics,  to  which  he  was 
literally  forced  to  give  attention.  But  with  all  these 
extraordinary  gifts,  he  could  launch  the  thunderbolts 
of  invective  against  wrong  and  stir  the  profoundest 
depths  of  emotion  by  bis  appeals.  He  loved  liberty 
and  hated  oppression,  and  has  always  believed  that 
the  United  States  of  America  is  the  happiest  and 
greatest  country  upon  which  the  sun  ever  shone. 
His  patriotic  speeches  are  models  of  eloquence  and 
power. 

A Supporter  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 

In  i860,  he  took  the  stump  for  Abraham  Lincoln 
and  added  greatly  to  his  reputation  as  a ready,  force- 
ful and  brilliant  pleader  for  that  which  he  believed  to 
be  right.  No  speaker  was  so  welcome  as  he  to  his 
audience,  whether,  composed  of  scholars,  of  business 
men,  or  of  the  uneducated  masses.  He  was  sure  to 
say  something  entertaining,  something  instructive 
and  something  worth  remembering.  He  was  never 
dull ; he  was  logical  and  luminous,  and  no  matter 


3 1 8 POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 

how  lengthy  his  addresses,  he  was  sure  to  be  greeted 
with  cries  of  “ Go  on ! go  on  ! ” at  their  conclusion. 
It  cannot  be  denied  that  he  contributed  much  to  the 
success  of  that  memorable  election. 

In  1 86 1 , Mr.  Depew  was  nominated  for  the  Assem- 
bly in  the  Third  Westchester  County  District  and,  al- 
though the  constituency  was  largely  Democratic,  he 
was  elected  by  a handsome  majority.  He  fully  met 
all  the  high  expectations  formed,  and  was  re-elected 
in  1862.  By  his  geniality,  wit,  integrity  and  courtesy 
he  became  as  popular  among  his  political  opponents 
as  among  his  friends.  He  was  made  his  party’s 
candidate  for  Secretary  of  State  directly  after  the 
Democrats  had  won  a notable  triumph  by  the  election 
of  Horatio  Seymour  as  governor;  but  by  his  dash 
and  brilliancy  and  his  prodigious  endurance  (he  spoke 
twice  a day  for  six  weeks,)  he  secured  a majority  of 
of  30,000.  So  admirably  did  he  perform  the  duties 
of  the  office  that  he  was  offered  a renomination,  but 
declined. 

Attorney  of  the  New  York  and  Harlem  Railroad  Company. 

During  the  administration  of  President  Johnson, 
Secretary  of  State  Seward  appointed  Mr.  Depew 
Minister  to  Japan,  but,  after  consideration,  the  offer 
was  declined.  He  seemed  to  have  decided  to  with- 
draw from  politics  and  to  devote  his  time  and  ener- 
gies to  his  profession.  That  shrewd  railway  man 
and  financier,  Commodore  Vanderbilt,  had  watched 
the  career  of  Depew,  and  had  formed  a strong  ad- 
miration for  him,  while  the  eldest  son,  William  H. 


MATTHEW  STANLEY  QUAY. 

U.  S.  Senator  and  Republican  Eeader  from  Pennsylvania. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


321 


Vanderbilt,  became  his  firm  friend.  In  1866,  Mr. 
Depew  was  appointed  the  attorney  of  the  New  York 
and  Harlem  Railroad  Company,  and  three  years 
later,  when  that  road  was  consolidated  with  the  New 
York  Central,  he  was  made  the  attorney  of  the  new 
organization,  being  afterwards  elected  a member  of 
the  Board  of  Directors. 

As  other  and  extensive  roads  were  added  to  the 
system,  Mr.  Depew,  in  1875,  was  promoted  to  be 
general  counsel  for  them  all,  and  elected  to  a direc- 
torship in  each  of  the  numerous  organizations.  The 
year  previous,  the  Legislature  had  made  him  Regent 
of  the  State  University,  and  one  of  the  Commissioners 
to  build  the  Capitol  at  Albany. 

\ 

President  of  the  New  York  Central. 

In  1884,  the  United  States  senatorship  was  ten- 
dered  to  Mr.  Depew,  but  he  was  committed  to  so 
many  business  and  professional  trusts  that  he  felt  com- 
pelled to  decline  the  honor.  Two  years  before, 
William  H.  Vanderbilt  had  retired  from  the  Presi- 
dency of  the  New  York  Central,  and  in  the  reorgani- 
zation Mr.  Depew  was  made  second  Vice-President. 
The  President,  Mr.  Rutter,  died  in  1885,  and  Mr. 
Depew  was  elected  to  the  Presidency,  which  office 
he  still  holds. 

His  previous  experience  had  made  him  thoroughly 
familiar  with  all  the  intricacies  and  minutiae  of  the 
immense  business,  its  policy,  its  relations  with  other 
corporations,  its  rights,  responsibilities  and  limita- 
tions, and  none  was  so  well  equipped  for  the  re- 


322 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


sponsible  post  as  he.  “ The  basilar  fact  in  Mr. 
Depew’s  character  is  a profound  and  accurate  judg- 
ment, and  this  asserts  itself  in  all  his  manifold  rela- 
tions with  men  and  affairs,  and  in  every  effort  he  puts 
forth  in  any  direction.  Practical  common  sense,  tact, 
an  exquisite  sense  of  the  proprieties,  a singular  apti- 
tude for  business,  and  an  intuitive  appreciation  of 
the  value  of  means  with  reference  to  their  ends,  are 
manifestations  of  this  judgment ; and  if  we  add  a 
strong  will,  great  executive  ability,  untiring  industry 
and  instinctive  love  of  order,  and  a readiness  to 
to  adopt  the  best  method,  an  intellect  of  astonishing 
range  and  remarkable  promptness  in  the  solution  of 
intricate  problems,  we  have  a correct  estimate  of  the 
qualities  which  place  him  in  the  first  rank  of  railway 
managers.” 

At  the  National  Republican  convention  in  1888, 
New  York  voted  solidly  for  Mr.  Depew  as  its  candi- 
date for  the  Presidency,  but  he  withdrew  his  name. 
At  the  convention  at  Minneapolis  in  1892,  he  was 
selected  to  present  the  name  of  President  Harrison, 
and  made  one  of  the  best  speeches  of  his  life.  When 
Mr.  Blaine  resigned  as  Secretary  of  State,  President 
Harrison  urged  Mr.  Depew  to  accept  the  place,  but 
after  a week’s  deliberation,  he  felt  obliged  to  decline 
the  honor. 

Wit,  Logic  and  Eloquence. 

It  is  impossible  in  a sketch  like  this  to  do  justice 
to  the  remarkable  versatility  of  Mr.  Depew.  His 
admirable  addresses  would  fill  several  bulky  volumes. 
As  an  after-dinner  speaker  he  is  without  a peer,  and 


POLITICAL  G LA  NTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


323 


his  wit,  logic  and  eloquence  never  fail  him.  What 
could  be  more  apt  than  his  words,  when,  upon  enter- 
ing a public  hall  where  a number  of  leading  men 
were  straining  themselves  to  prove  the  Christian  re- 
ligion a delusion  and  a sham,  and  there  were  instant 
and  clamorous  calls  for  him,  he  said:  “Gentlemen, 
my  mother’s  Bible  is  good  enough  forme;  have  you 
anything  better  to  offer?”  And  then  with  touching 
pathos  and  impassioned  words  he  made  an  appeal 
for  the  religion  which  they  reviled,  which  must  have 
pierced  the  shell  of  more  than  one  agnostic  heart. 


(From  the  Original  Drawing  made  by  John  White  in  1585. 
By  Permission  of  the  British  Museum.) 


324 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


MATTHEW  STANLEY  QUAY, 

REPUBLICAN  LEADER  AND  U.  S.  SENATOR  FROM  PENN' 
SYLVANIA. 

Matthew  Stanley  Quay  stands  conspicuous  in 
the  political  history  of  this  country.  Modest,  unas- 
suming and  reticent,  yet  brave  and  courageous,  he 
combines  the  elements  of  political  leadership  with 
broad  and  liberal  statesmanship. 

A man  may  be  a politician  without  being  a states- 
man, but  no  man  of  the  present  day  can  be  a states- 
man without  being  a good  politician.  There  are 
politics  and  politicians,  but  a politician  in  the  nobler 
sense  of  the  word  is  one  who  draws  his  inspiration 
from  the  people  and  expresses  their  wants  and  senti- 
ments in  his  public  acts.  Such  a man  is  Sena- 
tor Quay. 

Quay’s  Tariff  Record. 

Quay  did  more,  perhaps,  than  any  one  in  the 
Senate,  for  had  it  not  been  for  his  management  in 
giving  the  McKinley  Bill  the  place  of  the  Force  Bill, 
it  would  never  have  passed  the  Senate.  The  Mc- 
Kinley Bill  was  made  by  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means  in  the  House,  of  which  Burrows  and  Dingley 
and  Bayne  and  Payne  were  members.  When  it  left 
the  Senate  it  had  over  600  amendments  to  it,  of 
which  reciprocity  was  one,  with  Blaine  for  its  author. 

The  McKinley  Bill  was  the  work  of  the  Republi- 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  TIIE  DAY. 


325 


cans  of  the  Senate  and  the  House  and  a Republican 
President.  It  took  the  name  of  the  chairman  of  the 
Ways  and  Means  Committee,  as  all  tariff  bills  do. 

His  Life  Story. 

Senator  Quay  is  in  his  prime,  strong  and  vigorous 
mentally  and  physically — the  best  results  of  a well- 
spent  life.  He  was  born  in  the  little  town  of  Dills- 
burg,  York  county,  Pa.  His  father  was  a Presby- 
terian clergyman.  He  prepared  for  college  at 
Beaver  and  Indiana  academies.  He  then  entered 
Jefferson  College,  where  so  many  Pennsylvanians  have 
been  educated,  and  graduated  there  in  1850.  He 
was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1854  at  Beaver,  and  was 
elected  Prothonotary  in  1856,  and  re-elected  in  1859. 

When  the  war  be)gan  he  joined  the  Tenth  Pennsyl- 
vania Reserves  as  lieutenant,  and  finally  became 
colonel  of  the  One  Hundred  and  Thirty-fourth  Penn- 
sylvania Volunteers.  Shortly  before  the  battle  of 
Fredericksburg  he  was  compelled  to  resign  by  dis- 
ability, resulting  from  a serious  illness  with  typhoid 
fever.  Just  as  he  was  ready  to  return  to  his  home 
the  battle  came  on.  He  begged  to  be  permitted  to 
go  into  action,  and  against  the  protest  of  the  regi- 
mental surgeon  he  was  permitted  to  do  so.  He  dis- 
tinguished himself  in  that  great  battle  by  personal 
bravery  and  that  rare  coolness  and  judgment  that 
has  since  always  accompanied  him  in  the  most  des- 
perate struggles,  and  he  is  one  of  the  few  survivors 
of  the  war  who  holds  a medal  by  act  of  Congress  for 

heroic  conduct  in  battle. 

17 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


326 

Since  the  war  he  has  held  several  offices,  with  great 
credit  to  himself  and  benefit  to  the  State.  He  has 
been  on  several  occasions  delegate  to  national  con- 
ventions. 

Personal  Characteristics. 

He  lives  a quiet,  domestic  life,  loved,  respected  and 
honored  by  a devoted  wife  and  children.  He  is 
sympathetic  and  can  hardly  resist  an  appeal  for  aid. 
He  is  what  is  known  among  men  as  big-hearted,  de- 
voted to  his  friends  and  indulgent  to  his  enemies. 

Those  who  know  him  best  have  the  greatest  respect 
and  admiration  for  him,  and  hold  him  in  the  same 
esteem  that  Grant  was  held  by  the  Union  soldiers. 
He  talks  little  and  listens  much.  He  does  not  repeat 
his  words  or  emphasize  his  adjectives,  but  means 
every  word  he  says. 

His  memory  is  remarkable  ; he  never  forgets  a face 
or  a fact.  He  catches  a point  at  once  and  under- 
stands the  purpose  of  an  interview  before  it  is  half 
over.  He  has  taught  many  all  the  politics  they 
know,  but,  as  Senator  Gorman  said,  he  has  never 
taught  any  one  all  that  he  knows.  He  is  charitable 
to  a fault  and  never  is  harsh  or  unkind  to  any 
one.  He  is  never  seen  in  anger,  in  excitement,  or 
discouraged. 

His  ability  as  a man  and  leader  grows  upon  men 
as  they  know  him  better.  There  is  always  a hidden 
reserve,  knowledge  and  power  that  is  apparent,  but 
undisclosed.  He  has  more  friends  among  the  Demo- 
crats than  any  Republican  in  the  State,  for  while  he 
fights  hard,  he  fights  fair  and  in  the  open  field. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


32  7 


CUSHMAN  K.  DAVIS, 

SENATOR  FROM  MINNESOTA HIS  STERLING  SERVICES  IN 

THE  STATE  AND  NATIONAL  COUNCILS. 

By  Ex-  Governor  John  S.  Pillsbury,  of  Minnesota . 

Born  at  Henderson,  Jefferson  county,  N.  Y.,  in  the 
year  1839,  taken  to  Wisconsin  Territory  before  he 
was  a year  old,  and  reared  there  on  a farm  ; receiving 
his  primary  education  in  such  schools  as  Waukesha 
county  afforded  in  those  early  days,  and  his  higher 
education  at  Carroll  College,  with  a senior  year  and 
graduation  at  Michigan  University  ; pursuing  a course 
of  law  reading  with  Governor  Randall,  of  Wisconsin, 
and  gaining  admission  to  the  bar  at  the  outbreak  of 
the  Civil  War ; enlisting  in  a Wisconsin  regiment  as 
lieutenant,  and  engaging  with  that  in  the  Vicksburg 
and  other  campaigns  until  army  fever  compelled  his 
resignation ; repairing  to  Minnesota  to  regain  his 
health,  and  settling  there  in  the  practice  of  his  pro- 
fession, in  which  he  rapidly  rose  to  a leading  place ; 
member  of  the  Legislature,  United  States  District 
Attorney,  and  at  35  Governor  of  the  State;  elected 
Senator  of  the  United  States  in  1887,  and  re-elected 
in  1893 — such  is  a skeleton  record  of  the  life  and 
career  of  Senator  Cushman  Kellogg  Davis,  promi- 
nently named  as  among  those  thought  worthy  to  re- 
ceive the  highest  honor  which  can  come  to  an  Ameri- 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


328 

can  citizen,  in  his  elevation  to  the  Presidency  of  the 
United  States. 

In  tracing  the  events  of  the  life  of  Senator  Davis 
more  in  detail,  this  fact  stands  out  in  prominent  re- 
lief above  all  others : that  his  professional  and  po- 
litical careers  have  been  signalized  by  rare  devotion 
to  the  welfare  of  the  common  people,  from  whose 
ranks  he  has  arisen  to  conspicuous  and  merited  fame. 
This  devotion  was  early  shown  in  the  practice  of 
his  profession.  The  average  young  lawyer  seeks  the 
clientage  of  wealth,  individual  and  corporate.  The 
practice  which  came  to  him,  which  he  sought,  and  in 
which  he  made  his  reputation,  was  as  the  attorney  of 
the  wronged  and  poor.  He  thus  gained  the  sobri- 
quet of  the  people’s  lawyer,  a coveted  title  which 
has  clung  to  him  throughout  the  years  of  professional 
prosperity.  He  has  merited  it  by  persistently  re- 
jecting yearly  retainers,  and  holding  his  services 
open  to  the  demands  of  all,  the  poor  as  well  as  the 
rich. 

Devotion  to  the  People. 

The  same  spirit  guided  him  in  administering  the 
affairs  of  the  State  as  Governor.  It  became  evident, 
even  at  that  early  day,  that  the  interests  of  the  masses 
of  the  people  required  that  the  controlling  hand  of 
the  State  should  be  put  upon  corporations,  and  es- 
pecially upon  railroads,  whose  charters  were  bur- 
dened with  few  disabilities  and  fewer  restraints. 
During  his  administration  the  issue  was  raised 
whether  the  State  or  these  corporations  were  the  con- 
trolling power,  and  the  decision  in  favor  of  the  State 


Senator  from  Minnesota. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


331 


was  effectual  and  has  proved  permanent.  The  right 
and  power  of  control  by  the  State  has  not  been  ques- 
tioned since,  and  the  railroads  as  well  as  the  people 
have  been  gainers  by  the  adjustment  then  first  form- 
ulated and  accepted. 

The  political  beliefs  of  Senator  Davis  are  founded 
on  the  doctrines  of  the  old  Whig  party,  liberalized  and 
humanized  as  these  were  by  the  moral  influences 
which  called  the  Republican  party  into  being. 

Liberality  in  Support  of  Improvements. 

An  inheritance  from  his  Whig  ancestry,  which  Sen- 
ator Davis  cherishes  as  an  essential  factor  in  national 
prosperity,  is  the  system  of  internal  improvements 
which  utilizes  the  waterways  and  other  facilities  that 
nature  has  provided  so  lavishly  for  the  development 
of  vast  regions  of  the  country.  Liberal  in  support 
of  the  legitimate  improvements  in  all  sections,  the 
great  lakes  of  the  northwest  especially  have  been  to 
him  a fascinating  study,  and  the  improvements  of  the 
connecting  channels  of  these  inland  seas  and  their 
union  with  the  greater  ocean,  by  ship  canal,  have  en- 
grossed his  attention  in  and  out  of  the  Senate.  A 
speech  delivered  by  him  in  advocacy  of  improvements 
at  the  rapids  and  along  the  river  of  Sault  Ste.  Marie, 
was  a revelation,  even  to  the  people  of  the  North- 
west, of  the  commerce  of  the  lakes  and  the  resources 
of  their  tributary  regions.  It  is  due  to  Senator  Davis 
not  only  that  the  great  works  at  the  Sault  have  been 
expedited  by  years  toward  completion,  but  that  the 
costly  and  tardy  system  of  applying  appropriations 


332 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


for  public  works  which  obtained  for  fifty  years  has 
been  radically  reformed  in  the  reduction  both  as  to 
the  time  and  expense  of  construction. 

Work  for  New  States. 

Senator  Davis,  though  yet  only  at  middle  age,  re- 
joices in  a numerous  political  progeny,  for  the  new 
States  of  the  great  Northwest  may  be  said  to  be  his 
foster-children.  For  years  before  he  went  to  the 
Senate  the  Northwestern  Territories  had  vainly  been 
seeking  admission  to  the  Union,  but  their  entrance 
had  been  barred  to  preserve  the  balance  of  power  in 
that  body. 

His  Political  Courage. 

The  courage  of  Senator  Davis,  built  upon  habitual 
frankness  and  rectitude,  may  be  termed  his  leading 
characteristic.  This  was  exhibited  during  the  labor 
convulsion  of  1894.  At  a time  when  the  boldest 
stood  aghast  with  trembling  fear  over  the  havoc  that, 
centered  in  the  West,  threatened  to  overspread  the 
land,  his  clear  monitory  telegram  recalled  the  author- 
ities to  their  duty,  and  set  in  motion  the  paralyzed 
forces  of  law  and  order.  His  courageous  act  was 
called  an  inspiration.  To  those  who  know  Senator 
Davis  any  other  utterance  would  have  seemed  illog- 
ical and  false.  He  could  not  have  withheld  his 
message;  and  in  the  urgency  of  the  country’s  need, 
the  wired  lightning  was  his  appropriate  messenger. 
In  that  message,  and  in  the  speech  which  followed  in 
the  Senate,  the  true  measure  of  the  man  can  be 
intelligently  taken.  The  speech,  thrilling  in  its  inten- 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


333 

sity,  has  not  been  surpassed  in  a generation.  No 
truer  or  more  comprehensive  definition  of  liberty 
restrained  by  law  was  ever  written  or  spoken  than 
was  thrown  off  by  Senator  Davis  in  the  white  heat 
of  that  impassioned  declamation. 

His  Legislative  Career. 

The  limits  imposed  upon  this  sketch  forbid  a de- 
tailed account  of  the  legislative  career  of  Senator 
Davis.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  his  status  in  the  Senate 
is  of  the  first  grade  and  well  assured.  His  commit- 
tee assignments  indicate  the  estimate  in  which  he 
is  held,  and  these  have  been  on  the  Judiciary,  Foreign 
Relations,  Military  Affairs,  Claims  and  others  of 
lesser  account,  with  chairmanships  of  Pensions  and 
Territories.  It  is  ki  these  committee  rooms  that  his 
hardest  and  most  valuable  work  has  been  done.  He 
seldom  makes  a speech  in  the  Senate,  and  never  un- 
less the  importance  of  the  measure  and  his  relation- 
ship with  it  render  it  a necessity.  When  he  does,  he 
speaks  to  a full  Senate.  His  speeches  are  extem- 
poraneous, aided  by  scant  topical  notes,  deliberate 
and  impressive  as  to  manner,  clear  and  concise  as  to 
statement,  logical  and  strong  as  to  argument,  classic 
in  form  and  illustration,  and  as  occasion  compels 
they  rise  on  the  wings  of  a pure  diction  to  heights 
of  sustained  and  thrilling  eloquence. 

His  Rare  Qualities. 

As  to  Senator  Davis’s  personal  qualities  of  habit 
and  manner,  that  depends.  That  is,  it  depends 


334 


POLITICAL  GIANTb  OF  THE  DAY. 


where  you  see  him  and  in  what  character.  During 
the  hours  of  professional  and  official  work  he  is 
an  intensely  busy  man  ; and  if  you  will  visit  him 
then,  it  is  well  to  come  directly  to  the  point.  If  you 
don’t,  he  is  apt  to  bring  you  there  promptly,  though 
not  curtly,  unless  you  are  a bore.  If  you  are,  you 
may  gain  new  and  improving  ideas  in  monosyllable 
pungency  and  force.  But  when  he  locks  his  office 
door,  he  shuts  in  there  all  the  perplexing  problems 
that  gather  for  solution  on  the  lawyer’s  and  states- 
man’s table  and  lets  them  fester  and  worry  each 
other,  if  they  will,  until  nine  o’clock  the  next  morn- 
ing. In  the  interval  he  is  as  light-hearted  as  a 
schoolboy.  A raconteur,  he  delights  to  tell  or  hear 
a story  with  a nub  ; a witticism  with  a point,  even 
a pun,  if  it  does  not  require  encyclopedic  elucidation. 
He  loves  his  friends  and  his  books,  which  the  better 
he  might  not  himself  undertake  to  say;  but  with 
both  he  is  genial  and  companionable. 

In  habit  Senator  Davis  is  domestic  almost  to  seclu- 
sion ; that  is,  with  a friend  or  two  to  share  his  soli- 
tude and  make  it  human.  He  is  a scholar  without 
pedantry,  a lawyer  uncramped  with  technicalities;  a 
statesman,  but  not  a politician  ; a patriot  with  no 
trace  of  jingoism  and  an  American  hemispherically 
broad.  A man  of  affairs,  he  joins  scope  with  rare 
inerrancy  of  vision.  His  judgment,  enriched  with 
the  observation  and  experience  gained  in  forty  years’ 
journey  along  the  walks  of  learning,  jurisprudence 
and  statesmanship,  from  the  Waukesha  county  farm 
to  the  United  States  Senate,  joined  to  the  sympa- 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY.  335 

thetic,  manly  and  mastering  qualities  of  character 
which  have  made  that  journey  a logical  progression, 
marks  him  a man  fitted  to  fill  any  higher  position 
'to  which  he  may  aspire,  and  to  which  he  may  be 
called  by  the  preference  of  his  countrymen. 


336 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


STEPHEN  B.  ELKINS. 

ROMANTIC  CAREER-A  POOR  BOY  WITHOUT  INFLUENTIAL  FRIENDS— 

SUCCESSES  IN  LAW,  BUSINESS  AND  POLITICS-HIS  SYMPATHY  WITH 

WAGE-EARNERS. 

By  Congressman  Alston  G.  Dayton  of  West  Virginia. 

Senator  Elkins  has  always  been  an  earnest,  active, 
vigorous  and  aggressive  Republican,  a firm  believer 
in  protection  and  all  the  cardinal  principles  of  the 
party.  Senator  Elkins  is  a many-sided  man,  blessed 
with  good  common  sense  and  sound  judgment,  a 
man  of  affairs  and  a successful  business  man.  Our 
country  has  passed  the  formative  period  in  the  evolu- 
tion of  Government;  it  has  survived  foreign  and  civil 
war,  and  our  Government  is  now  firmly  established 
on  enduring  foundations.  We  have  reached  the 
point  where  we  are  now  a business  people,  living  in 
an  economic  age.  Economic  and  business  questions 
engage  the  attention  of  the  people  and  press  for 
solution.  Most  of  the  problems  to  be  solved  relate 
to  our  material  advancement  and  progress,  Why 
not  place  at  the  front  one  who  has  by  his  life,  unaided 
but  by  his  own  will  and  energy,  shown  himself  so 
capable  to  meet  and  solve  such  problems,  and  whose 
first  act  in  the  Senate  saved  the  country  millions  of 
dollars?  The  administration  of  the  Government 
and  its  affairs  should  be  intrusted  to  a business  man  ; 
more  than  ever  at  this  time  trained  and  experienced 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


337 


business  men  should  control  and  shape  the  commer- 
cial and  financial  policy  of  the  Government.  The 
reforming  of  our  currency  system,  the  building  up  of 
our  shipping  interests,  our  home  and  foreign  com- 
merce, our  manufactures,  and  encouraging  our  agri- 
cultural interests,  are  the  pressing  questions.  Much 
of  the  confusion  and  chaos  that  now  exist  in  our 
methods  of  finance,  and  taxation  and  the  administra- 
tion of  the  same,  is  largely  due  to  a want  of  knowl- 
edge of  true  business  principles.  Strange  to  say,  in 
a land  of  business  men,  our  first  President  was  the 
only  successful  business  man  that  ever  occupied  the 
presidential  chair.  Since  his  time  our  Presidents 
have  been  statesmen,  lawyers  and  military  men.  The 
time  is  at  hand  in  our  history  when  the  people  want 
a man  for  President  who  is  something  more  than  a 
statesman  or  a politician.  They  want  a business 
man,  with  administrative  ability,  who  knows  the  peo- 
ple, the  whole  country,  and  understands  its  business 
interests ; one  who  sympathizes  with  the  wage- 
earners  and  at  the  same  time  knows  what  capital 
deserves. 

Standing  and  Credit  as  a Business  Man. 

Senator  Elkins  started  in  life  a poor  boy,  without 
influence  and  without  friends  to  help  him.  He  was 
born  and  brought  up  on  a farm.  Whatever  he  has 
in  the  way  of  means  or  capital  he  has  acquired  by  his 
own  efforts.  He  is  a large  employer  of  wage-earners, 
and  enjoys  their  sympathy  and  confidence.  He  has 
for  more  than  a quarter  of  a century  taken  an  active 
interest  in  national  politics ; but  during  all  this  time 


POLITICAL  GIAJVTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


338 

he  has  been  a hard-working  business  man,  and  known 
as  such  rather  than  as  a politician.  During  his  ser- 
vice as  a member  of  Congress  and  a Cabinet  officer, 
and  in  all  his  business  transactions,  which  have  ex- 
tended from  one  ocean  to  the  other,  there  has  never 
been  a reflection  on  his  fairness  or  integrity.  His 
standing  and  credit  as  a business  man  is  good,  not 
only  where  he  has  lived,  but  all  over  the  country.  In 
all  the  walks  of  life  he  has  made  himself  popular  with 
all  who  have  known  him.  He  is  unostentatious, 
plain  and  simple  in  his  manners,  and  is  easily  ap- 
proached by  all  classes  of  his  fellow-citizens. 

Early  Life. 

A brief  sketch  of  his  life  will  show  how  his  great 
experience,  his  wide  acquaintance  with  men,  and 
knowledge  of  the  country  has  been  acquired.  He 
was  born  in  Ohio,  reared  and  educated  in  Missouri, 
lived  ten  years  in  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  is  familiar 
with  the  Pacific  Coast.  He  lived  eight  years  in 
Washington  city,  twelve  years  in  New  York  city 
during  the  winters,  spending  the  summers  in  his 
adopted  State  of  West  Virginia,  where  he  now  re- 
sides in  the  town  bearing  his  name.  Having  lived  in 
the  East  and  in  the  West,  he  knows  both  sections  and 
their  people  as  no  other  man  in  public  life.  Mr. 
Blaine  once  said  that  Mr.  Elkins  knew  more  men 
and  had  a wider  acquaintance  than  any  other  man  in 
the  country.  He  served  as  member  of  the  Legisla- 
ture, Attorney-General  and  United  States  Attorney 
for  New  Mexico.  He  has  been  a member  of  Con- 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


341 


gress,  served  in  the  Cabinet,  and  is  now  a Senator  of 
the  United  States.  Senator  Elkins  was  a member 
of  the  Republican  National  Committee  for  twelve 
years,  and  a notable  figure  m four  national  conven- 
tions. He  was  the  ardent  personal  friend  of  Mr. 
Blaine,  and  he  is  the  trusted  friend  of  ex-President 
Harrison. 

As  a Lawyer. 

Mr.  Elkins  is  a lawyer  by  profession.  Judge 
Thurman  once  wrote  Judge  Edmunds,  when  they 
were  both  serving  in  the  Senate  and  Mr.  Elkins  in 
the  House,  that  he  was  one  of  the  able  lawyers  of 
the  country.  He  practiced  law  with  success  until 
1879,  when  he  gave  up  the  profession  and  went  into 
general  business  in  the  East,  and  became  conspicu- 
ously identified  with  the  development  of  the  resources 
of  West  Virginia,  ^dis  railroad,  financial  and  other 
business  interests  bring  him  into  close  touch  with 
the  leading  business  men  of  the  country,  which  gives 
him  a large  acquaintance  with  capitalists  and  knowl- 
edge of  financial  methods. 

Active  Interest. 

In  1880  he  invested  in  coal  and  timber  lands  in 
West  Virginia,  and,  with  others,  began  the  building 
of  railroads  through  the  State  to  develop  the  same. 
In  1884  he  took  up  his  residence  in  the  State,  and 
since  then,  as  a Republican,  has  taken  an  active 
interest  in  all  State  and  National  political  campaigns. 
He  has  always  believed  that  West  Virginia,  with 
other  Southern  States,  would  favor  protection  and 


342 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


become  Republican  as  soon  as  the  prejudices  and 
passions  of  the  Civil  War  should  disappear,  because 
only  on  lines  of  protection  to  American  industry 
could  the  vast  resources  of  the  Southern  States  be 
developed. 

In  the  campaign  of  1894  he  carried  the  State  for 
the  Republican  party  by  a handsome  majority,  broke 
the  solid  South,  and  received  the  unanimous  vote  of 
his  party  for  United  States  Senator.  Senator  Elkins 
is  conservative  by  nature,  and  brings  to  the  considera- 
tion of  public  questions  experience  and  a practical 
mind. 

Abreast  with  the  Best  Modern  Thought  and  Literature. 

He  speaks  and  writes  Spanish  fluently,  is  a close 
student,  and  has  always  found  time  from  his  business 
and  public  duties  to  keep  up  his  studies.  He  spends 
his  spare  time  in  his  library  among  his  books.  He 
is  widely  read,  acquainted  with  the  best  authors,  and 
fully  abreast  with  the  best  modern  thought  and  litera- 
ture. He  is  a ready  writer  and  an  impressive 
speaker.  He  has  given  much  time  to  the  study  of 
economic  questions. 

The  speech  delivered  by  him  in  1885  on  the  in- 
dustrial question  before  the  University  of  Missouri, 
where  he  graduated,  was  widely  noticed  in  this  country 
and  in  Europe.  It  was  regarded  at  the  time  as  an 
able  statement  of  the  case  of  labor  and  capital,  and 
he  received  congratulations  from  wage-earners  and 
business  men  throughout  the  country. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


343 


Sympathizing,  with  the  Wage-earners. 

Showing  how  he  sympathized  with  the  wage- 
earners,  here  is  what  he  said  in  that  address:  “To 

prevent  industrial  war,  to  bring  about  a better  distri- 
bution of  wealth,  to  regulate  the  forces  of  competi- 
tion, to  secure  to  labor  a larger  share  of  the  products 
it  helps  to  create,  shorter  hours  for  work,  longer 
hours  for  leisure  and  improvement,  and  to  lessen  the 
cares  and  distress  of  poverty,  is  an  ambition  worthy 
of  American  manhood.” 

In  speaking  of  competition  for  foreign  markets,  he 
used  this  language : “ It  is  only  a question  of  time 
when  the  countries  for  whose  markets  there  is  such 
a struggle  by  the  more  enlightened  nations,  through 
machinery  and  inventions,  will  not  only  largely  pro- 
duce what  they  need,ybut  become  competitors  in  trade 
and  commerce.  India  and  China  are  learning  more 
than  the  lessons  of  war  from  Europe.  They  are 
learning  the  uses  of  machinery.  Both  have  coal  and 
iron  ; both  can  produce  wool  and  cotton.  India  with 
250,000,000,  and  China  with  400,000,000  of  popula- 
tion, with  their  workers  often  living  on  a shilling  a 
day  or  less,  and  with  their  cheap  labor,  will  become 
not  only  competitors  of  England,  but  all  other 
nations.” 

He  saw  with  clear  vision  many  years  ago  that  our 
relations  with  the  far-off  Orient  would  become  im- 
portant, and  sooner  or  later  competition  in  manufact- 
ured products  from  that  quarter  of  the  world  would 
be  more  dangerous  to  our  interests  than  European 
competition. 


344 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


Selling  of  Government  Bonds. 

Although  a new  member  of  the  Senate,  Senator 
Elkins  takes  an  active  interest  in  the  leading  ques- 
tions that  come  before  that  body.  His  resolution  in- 
troduced to  prevent  the  selling  of  Government  bonds 
under  private  contract,  which  President  Cleveland 
did  in  February,  1895,  attracted  the  widest  attention, 
and  his  forcible  speech  in  support  of  the  same  gave 
him  a commanding  position  at  once  in  the  Senate. 
For  the  stand  he  took  on  the  bond  question,  so  firm 
and  so  timely,  he  received  congratulations  and  flatter- 
ing expressions  from  all  over  the  country.  The  re- 
sult showed  that  Senator  Elkins  was  rig-ht,  as  the 
$100,000,000  of  bonds  were  subscribed  for  by  the  peo- 
ple nearly  six  times  over  at  1 1 1 thus  saving  to  the 
Government  $7,000,000.  One  of  the  greatest  finan- 
ciers in  the  country  wrote  Senator  Elkins  the  day 
after  his  speech  in  the  Senate  that  his  resolution 
would  save  the  country  over  $6,000,000.  It  did  even 
more.  The  offering  of  the  bonds  to  the  public,  and 
the  overwhelming  subscriptions,  that  were  received 
at  a price  much  higher  than  when  sold  under  private 
contract,  showed  at  once  that  the  country  was  not 
bankrupt,  and  restored  confidence,  well  nigh  lost,  in 
the  ability  of  the  Government  to  float  its  loans  among 
its  own  people. 

Senator  Elkins  showed  in  his  speech  that  the  en- 
tire expenses  of  floating  the  great  loan  did  not  cost 
the  Government  as  much  as  the  sale  of  $62,000,000 
made  by  Mr.  Cleveland  to  a syndicate  under  a pri- 
vate contract.  He  said,  “ I want  the  people  to  have 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


345 

a chance  to  take  these  bonds.  It  is  their  Govern- 
ment and  their  credit,  and  their  money  that  is  at 
stake ; ” and  added,  “ In  a republic,  there  should  be 
nothing  secret,  nothing  hidden  from  the  people  by 
their  public  servants.” 

Restoring  Discrimination  Duties. 

Senator  Elkins  introduced  a bill  to  revive  Ameri- 
can shipping  by  restoring  the  discriminating  duties 
advocated  in  the  early  history  of  the  Government  by 
Washington  and  Madison,  and  under  which  Ameri- 
can shipping  prospered  so  much. 

The  bill  provides  that  a discriminating  duty  of  ten 
per  centum  ad  valorem,  in  addition  to  the  duties  im- 
posed by  law,  shall  be  paid  on  all  goods  which  shall 
be  imported  in  vessels  not  belonging  to  citizens  of 
the  United  States. 

The  bill  has  attracted  much  attention  and  has  been 
favorably  received.  It  is  a significant  fact  that  the 
Republican  State  Convention  of  Massachusetts  re- 
cently endorsed  this  principle  by  making  it  a part  of 
its  platform.  This  is  the  first  time  in  the  history  of 
the  country  that  in  any  State  or  National  convention 
the  principle  of  discriminating  duties  as  the  best 
means  to  restore  American  shipping  has  been 
enunciated. 

18 


! 


346 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


SHELBY  M.  CULLOM* 

SENATOR  FROM  ILLINOIS— HIS  RISE  FROM  POVERTY  TO 
INFLUENCE  IN  THE  NATION’S  COUNCILS. 

Shelby  M.  Cullom,  of  Illinois,  stands  before  the 
people  of  the  United  States  as  a presidential  possi- 
bility at  the  age  of  66  years,  ripe  in  experience,  with 
an  extensive  knowledge  of  legislation  and  fully  de- 
monstrated executive  ability,  and  with  an  almost 
continuous  public  service  reaching  back  to  1855. 

Environment  a Leading  Factor. 

Considering  the  subject  of  environment  as  affecting 
and  determining  the  characters  of  men,  it  is  to  be 
remembered  that  Illinois  occupies  a position  between 
the  North  and  the  South,  and  so  far  east  that  those 
returning  from  beyond  the  Missouri  and  .Mississippi 
rivers  in  large  numbers,  having  gone  thence  far 
enough  east,  settled  permanently  within  her  borders. 
Many  hundreds  of  thousands  of  the  present  citizens 
of  Illinois  were  among  those  who  crossed  the  plains 
in  1849  and  1850,  or  in  later  years,  and  have  finally 
settled  in  the  Prairie  State. 

From  Virginia,  Kentucky,  and  farther  south,  as 
well  as  from  the  East,  people  have  gone  to  Illinois  in 
preference  to  the  Eastern  or  more  Western  States, 
to  such  a number  as  to  form  there  a central  point  of 
forces,  social,  commercial,  manufacturing,  financial 


By  Congressman  Edward  D.  Cooke,  of  Chicago,  condensed  by  the  Editor. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


34  7 


and  political,  and  which  forces  in  a large  sense  bal- 
ance each  other,  with  a strong  tendency  to  produce 
an  equilibrium  throughout  the  country. 

It  is  this  natural  operation,  thus  briefly  outlined, 
which  has  made  what  Eastern  people,  who  do  not 
travel  continually  and  extensively,  regard  as  a Far 
Western  State — in  fact,  the  greatest  railroad  State, 
and  the  third  State  of  the  Union  in  point  of  popula- 
tion. It  was  this  balancing  of  forces  under  the  nat- 
ural law  of  selection  and  development  that  brought 
the  World’s  Fair  to  Chicago  and  made  that  fair  a 
success  beyond  the  dream  of  the  most  sanguine 
patriot. 

As  it  is  with  Illinois  as  a State,  so  it  is  with  the 
candidate  for  the  Presidency  from  Illinois.  Shelby 
M.  Cullom  is,  by  for\:e  of  his  own  character  as  an 
average  representative  of  all  the  people,  a most 
commanding  figure  in  national  political  life. 

For  many  years  a leader  in  Illinois,  he  has  grown 
naturally  to  be  one  of  the  striking  characters  among 
the  remarkable  and  able  men  now  receiving  the 
attention  of  the  country  as  presidential  possibilities. 
Rapid  transportation,  extended  mail  service,  cheaper 
telegraphy  and  marvelous  newspaper  enterprise  have 
made  every  leading  candidate,  together  with  his 
history  and  character,  far  better  known  to  the  people 
of  every  section,  than  was  the  case  in  the  days  of 
Webster  and  Clay,  Seward  and  Lincoln. 

Hence  the  people  are  themselves  everywhere 
figuring,  considering  and  prognosticating  as  to  the 
chances  of  the  various  candidates  with  a completeness 


348  POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 

of  information  and  shrewdness  of  observation  never 
known  before. 

The  name  of  Shelby  M.  Cullom,  of  Illinois,  ap- 
pears upon  the  large  eligible  list  which  this  year 
cannot  be  tabooed  as  mere  favorite-sonism,  and,  when 
his  name  is  read  by  the  thoughtful  observers  of  the 
natural  movements  in  political  bodies,  it  is  at  once 
coupled  with  that  of  Lincoln,  not  merely  because 
Cullom  somewhat  resembles  Lincoln  in  face,  figure 
and  personality,  but  because  his  location,  history, 
temperament,  sympathies,  attainments,  intellectuality 
and  character  are  quite  distinctly  those  of  Lincoln. 

As  Lincoln  was  not  an  Abolitionist  in  the  heated 
politics  of  his  time,  but  a Union  man,  so  Cullom  is 
not  a specialist  or  a radical  upon  protection  or  any 
other  subject ; as  Lincoln  prudently  and  with  pro- 
found wisdom  limited  his  hostility  to  the  slave  power 
so  as  to  meet  the  judgment  of  the  nation,  progress- 
ing only  as  the  people  moved,  so  Cullom  has  de- 
fined his  position  upon  protection  and  reciprocity, 
inter-state  commerce,  foreign  relations  and  finance, 
along  the  lines  the  country  can  adopt  without  radical- 
ism. Cullom  responds  to  the  sentiments  of  the 
people  he  represents. 

The  law  of  selection  prevails  in  the  election  of 
leaders,  and  the  needed  man  stands  ever  ready  to  be 
chosen.  Looking  closely  into  the  situation,  it  will  be 
seen  that,  in  the  same  sense  in  which  Blaine  was  a 
follower  of  Clay  and  Hamilton,  Cullom  is  a follower 
of  Lincoln’s  methods  and  system  in  politics  and 
statesmanship. 


\ 


>HELBY  M.  CULEOM.  CHARLES  F.  MANDERSON. 

Senator  from  Illinois.  Senator  from  Nebraska. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


35 


Cullom  is  available  for  President  for  substantially 
the  same  reasons  for  which  Lincoln  was  selected. 
Candidates  not  close  enough  to  the  people  at  the 
very  many  important  points  of  contact  were  rejected 
by  the  wise  fathers  of  our  party  until  it  came  to  Lin- 
coln, whose  selection  is  now  regarded  as  an  almost 
direct  intervention  of  Providence. 

Shelby  M.  Cullom  is  a genuine  man,  accustomed 
only  to  a high  plane  of  statesmanship,  with  a great 
capacity  for  friendship  and  loyalty.  “ Once  a friend 
of  Cullom,  always  so,”  is  an  Illinois  maxim,  within 
which  is  enfolded  the  character  of  the  man  and  is 
seen  the  sure  guarantee  of  his  steadiness  of  purpose 
and  elevation  of  motives.  His  career  shows  he  has 
never  made  a political  mistake. 

CullonVs  Great  Public  Career. 

As  no  man  can  be  safely  trusted  to  entertain  sym- 
pathies apart  from  his  environments,  or  to  act 
against  the  settled  habits  of  his  lifetime,  it  is  im- 
portant to  know  what  have  been  the  circumstances 
of  Cullom’s  life,  and  what  are  his  habits,  attitude  and 
inclinations  as  a public  man. 

The  general  surroundings,  character  and  genius 
of  the  State  which  produced  Cullom  have  been  al- 
ready discussed  as  deeply  affecting  his  eligibility.  In 
Illinois  Senator  Cullom  has  steadily  risen  from  the 
humble  position  of  a farmer’s  boy,  who  at  the  plow 
earned  his  own  education,  to'  that  of  a member 
and  Speaker  of  the  lower  House  of  the  State  Legis- 
lature, member  of  Congress  thrice  elected,  again 


352 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


elected  to  the  Legislature,  and  again  elected  Speaker, 
elected  Governor  and  re-elected  to  that  office — and 
three  times  elected  as  United  States  Senator  from 
his  State  ; he  now  holds  a conspicuous  position  as 
one  of  the  foremost  men  in  America. 

Advancing  steadily  without  serious  protest  from 
any  source,  he  has  stood  and  now  stands  before  the 
people  a poor  man  in  wordly  goods,  but  rich  in  the 
confidence  and  good  opinions  of  his  fellow-citizens. 
Transferred  from  one  high  position  to  another 
through  a lifetime  of  strenuous  public  labor  and  ac- 
ceptable service,  maintaining  all  his  friendships,  his 
high,  unsullied  character,  his  ideals,  his  purity  of  de- 
votion to  the  public  good,  and  coping  all  the  while 
with  the  vicissitudes  of  shifting  politics,  he  certainly 
has  possessed  and  displayed  a high  order  of  judg- 
ment, temperament,  humanity,  force  and  powers  of 
leadership,  which,  combined  with  wide  and  profound 
knowledge  pertaining  to  the  history,  wants  and  inter- 
ests of  the  country,  place  him  in  the  first  order  of 
statesmen.  That  statesmanship  is  exemplified  by 
the  things  he  has  done. 

Following  the  example  of  Lincoln  and  Douglas, 
in  1856  Cullom  began  his  political  life  by  entering 
the  race  for  membership  in  the  lower  House  of  the 
General  Assembly,  was  successful,  and  took  his  seat 
at  the  succeeding  session.  He  had  always  been 
in  sympathy  with  the  principles  of  the  then  new 
Republican  party,  and  being  a warm  personal  friend 
of  Abraham  Lincoln,  was  one  of  his  strongest  sup- 
porters for  the  United  States  Senate  in  1858. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


353 


Living  in  the  same  city  with  Mr.  Lincoln,  Cullom 
enjoyed  the  closest  intimacy  with  that  great  man,  and 
his  friends  constantly  observe  the  influence  Lincoln 
has  exerted  upon  the  character  and  career  of  Cullom. 
In  i860  he  again  became  a candidate  for  the  Legisla- 
ture, and  although  the  county  gave  the  Douglas 
electors  a small  majority,  such  was  his  personal 
popularity  that  he  was  returned  to  the  House  by  a 
majority  of  sixty-two  votes. 

The  Republicans  then,  for  the  first  time,  secured 
ascendency  in  the  Legislature,  and  Cullom,  on  ac- 
count of  his  generally  admitted  qualifications  for  the 
position,  received  the  caucus  nomination  for  Speaker, 
and  was  elected,  being  the  youngest  member  upon 
whom  that  honor  had  ever  been  conferred  in  Illinois. 
As  a presiding  officer  he  graced  the  position  with 
rare  dignity,  fairness  and  courtesy,  evincing  a com- 
prehensive grasp  of  its  complicated  duties  such  as 
had  rarely  been  seen  in  any  American  parliamentary 
body  since  the.days  of  Henry  Clay. 

In  1862  Cullom  was  appointed  by  President  Lin- 
coln, in  connection  with  Governor  Boutwell,  of  Mass- 
achusetts, and  Charles  A.  Dana,  of  New  York 
(now  editor  of  the  Sun),  a commissioner  to  exam- 
ine and  pass  upon  the  accounts  of  quartermasters 
and  United  States  disbursing  officers.  This  was  an 
important  service,  which  required  the  exercise  of  dis- 
criminating care  and  sound  judgment,  as  is  shown 
by  the  able  report  which  was  presented. 


354 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


Elected  to  Congress. 

In  1864  he  received  the  Republican  nomination 
for  Congress.  The  canvass  was  most  exciting,  and 
its  issue  showed  that  Cullom  had  succeeded  in  over- 
coming a Democratic  majority  of  1,365,  and  trans- 
forming it  into  one  of  1,785  in  his  favor.  During  the 
interesting  period  of  reconstruction,  when  the  best 
thoughts  of  the  ablest  men  of  the  nation  were  brought 
into  constant  requisition  in  the  effort  to  solve  the 
multitude  of  perplexing  problems  presented,  an  ex- 
amination of  the  Congressional  Globe  reveals  the 
fact  that  he  was  an  active  and  aggressive  member, 
taking  his  full  share  in  the  debates. 

He  heartily  favored  the  various  amendments  to 
the  Constitution,  and  in  the  memorable  contest  be- 
tween the  legislative  and  executive  branches  of  the 
Government  gave  his  support  to  the  Congressional 
policy  of  reconstruction.  Having  been  appointed 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Territories,  he  was 
the  first  to  recognize  the  necessity  of  promptly  deal- 
ing with  the  difficult  question  growing  out  of  the 
practice  of  polygamy  in  Utah.  He  introduced  a bill 
on  that  subject,  entitled,  “ An  act  in  aid  of  the  execu- 
tion of  the  laws,”  providing  stringent  measures  for 
the  suppression  of  polygamy,  and  succeeded  in 
securing  its  passage  by  the  House. 

Cullom  was  re-elected  in  1866,  and  again  in  1868, 
but  in  1870  a factious  opposition  to  him  had  been 
fomented,  which  resulted  in  the  nomination  of  another 
candidate  and  in  the  loss  of  the  district  to  the  Repub- 
licans. In  1872  he  was  again  returned  as  a mem- 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  TttE  DAY. 


355 


ber  of  the  State  Legislature,  and  was  once  more 
elected  Speaker.  In  1874  he  was,  for  the  fourth 
time,  chosen  as  the  Representative  of  Sangamon 
county  in  the  General  Assembly,  and  would  un- 
doubtedly again  have  succeeded  to  the  Speakership 
but  for  the  successful  combination  of  Independents 
and  Democrats  which  controlled  the  organization. 


In  the  Governor’s  Chair. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  the  friends  of  Mr.  Cullom 
began  to  put  forward  his  name  as  a candidate  for 
Governor  of  the  Prairie  State.  His  fitness  for  the 
position,  by  reason  pf  his  ability  and  large  experience 
in  public  affairs,  although  yet  a young  man,  was  ad- 
mitted on  all  hands,  and  when  the  State  Convention 
met  in  the  Centennial  year,  it  was  found  that  a large 
majority  of  the  delegates  were  favorable  to  his  nomi- 
nation. 

His  election  followed,  and  in  the  administration  of 
the  State  Government,  Governor  Cullom  developed 
the  highest  qualities  of  statesmanship,  was  able  to 
keep  expenditures  within  due  and  economical  bounds, 
to  discharge  the  last  cent  of  State  indebtedness,  and 
to  exercise  an  intelligent  supervision  over  the  State 
institutions,  benevolent,  educational,  penal  and  re- 
formatory. These  were  tasks  to  the  accomplishment 
of  which  he  bent  the  the  best  powers  of  his  mind. 
Wherever  the  interests  of  the  State  fell  within  the 
purview  of  the  executive  department,  the  most 
patient  and  thoughtful  attention  was  bestowed  upon 
them. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


356 

At  the  end  of  his  four  years’  administration  of  State 
affairs  not  a word  could  be  urged  against  the  Gover- 
nor’s executive  policy  even  by  his  political  oponents, 
and  he  was  elected  to  serve  a second  consecutive 
term,  the  first  instance  of  the  kind  in  the  history  of 
the  State. 

At  the  expiration  of  the  term  of  David  Davis  as 
United  States  Senator  from  Illinois,  in  March,  1883, 
Cullom  was  only  midway  through  his  second  Guber- 
natorial term,  but  the  Republican  caucus  nominated 
him  to  represent  Illinois  in  the  United  States  Senate, 
and  he  was  accordingly  elected.  He  was  again 
elected  to  the  Senate  in  1889,  and  was,  in  1895, 
elected  to  his  third  Senatorial  term,  which  he  now 
fills. 

Cullom  became  Governor  of  Illinois  soon  after 
the  enactment  of  the  so-called  Granger  legislation  in 
several  Western  States,  looking  tq  the  regulation  by 
the  States  of  the  rates  of  transportation  by  railroads. 
The  law  of  Illinois  on  that  subject  provided,  at  first 
in  a crude  way,  against  the  charging  of  discriminat- 
ing rates,  and  oppressive  or  unreasonable  rates. 
Much  litigation  ensued,  followed  by  amendments  of 
the  law,  which,  on  the  cases  reaching  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  were  finally  sustained, 
rendering  the  statutes  operative  in  the  interest  of  the 
people. 

Unswerving  Rectitude. 

That  series  of  statutes  and  legal  decisions  is  the 
first  in  the  history  of  any  State  or  Nation  by  the  re- 
sult of  which  the  State  regulation  of  railroad  charges 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


357 

was  established.  Other  States  in  America  and 
Europe  followed  along  similar  lines.  During  thas 
pioneer  period  of  Granger  law-making  Cullom  was 
Governor  of  Illinois.  He  took  steps  to  test  and 
enforce  the  laws  and  became,  through  his  thorough 
and  painstaking  methods  as  a representative  of  the 
people,  standing  between  the  railroad  corporations 
and  the  shipping  interests,  the  best  posted  and 
equipped  man  in  America  upon  the  great  and  far- 
reaching  subject  of  railroad  transportation  as  affected 
by  the  operation  and  restrictions  of  law. 

The  unswerving  rectitude  and  absolutely  judicial 
fairness  of  judgment  and  motives  displayed  by  the 
Governor  in  dealing  with  the  subject  of  the  railroads 
under  the  law  was  only  equaled  by  the  heroic  cour- 
age and  adamantine  will  displayed  in  grappling  with 
the  subject ~at  all.  A mere  time-server,  dallying  with 
vital,  far-reaching  interests,  would  have  let  the  ques- 
tion severely  alone,  for  fear  of  the  gigantic  influences 
supposed  to  be  controled  by  railroad  magnates. 

Here,  again,  as  in  the  case  of  polygamy,  Cullom, 
undaunted  by  the  delicacy  or  magnitude  of  the  task, 
pursued  the  method  of  Lincoln  by  boldly  and  calmly 
grasping  the  entire  subject  with  an  iron  hand,  guided 
by  a gentle  tact  which  meant  no  harm  to  any  honest 
interests.  As  soon  as  he  entered  the  United  States 
Senate,  Cullom  took  up  the  task  of  providing  a law 
of  the  United  States  for  the  regulation  of  inter-State 
commerce. 


358 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


Courage  and  Strength  as  a Public  Servant. 

Perhaps  his  commanding  courage  and  strength  as 
a public  servant  have  been  made  most  prominently 
known  to  the  country  through  his  introduction  and 
championship  of  the  inter-State  commerce  bill,  which 
he  successfully  guided  through  both  Houses  of  Con- 
gress. The  importance,  if  not  the  necessity,  of  govern- 
mental control  of  railways  had  long  been  recognized, 
but  the  persistent  agitation  had  no  practical  outcome, 
and  little  had  been  done  on  the  subject  in  the  Senate 
until  the  task  was  assumed  by  the  new  Senator  from 
Illinois.  The  opposition  to  this  class  of  legislation 
was  exceedingly  difficult  to  overcome,  and  it  required 
the  utmost  tact  and  patient  skill  to  insure  success. 
How  this  was  eventually  compassed  by  Senator 
Cullom  is  a matter  of  history  and  full  of  interest ; 
but  present  lack  of  space  forbids  describing  it  at 
length. 

Suffice  it  to  say  that  the  law  was  passed  and  has 
been  in  full  operation  ever  since.  While  it  is  doubt- 
less imperfect  and  is  not  accomplishing  all  that  its 
friends  had  hoped,  it  has  afforded  a large  measure  of 
relief  to  the  shipping  interests  of  all  sections,  and  it 
forms  an  essential  entering  wedge,  which,  in  the  end, 
will  very  largely  contribute  to  a more  just  and  equit- 
able, if  not  finally  perfect  solution  of  the  problem  of 
inter-State  commerce  and  transportation. 

Amendments  of  the  law  have  been  found  neces- 
sary from  time  to  time  to  render  its  provisions  opera- 
tive. The  latest  advance  toward  perfecting  the  law 
was  made  by  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 


Populist  Senator  from  Kansas. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY.  36! 

the  United  States  some  time  ago.  That  important 
and  far-reaching  decision,,  by  an  almost  evenly  di- 
vided court,  after  able  arguments,  upheld  as  legal  and 
constitutional  the  amendment  of  February  11,  1893, 
which  was  introduced  by  Senator  Cullom,  in  sub- 
stance compelling  witnesses  to  testify  upon  prose- 
cutions for  illegal  practices  forbidden  by  the  act,  even 
though  their  testimony  might  tend  to  criminate  them 
as  individuals,  immunity  from  the  criminal  prosecu- 
tion of  such  witnesses,  in  such  cases,  being  guaran- 
teed by  the  amendment  so  sustained.  No  more  just 
or  important  legislation  has  ever  been  passed  in 
America  than  the  inter-State  commerce  law. 

Early  Life  and  Education. 

Shelby  Moore  Cullom,  son  of  Richard  Northcraft 
Cullom  and  Elizabeth  Coffey  Cullom,  was  born  in 
Monticello,  Wayne  county,  Ky.,  November  22,  1829. 
His  father  removed  to  Tazewell  county,  111.,  the  fol- 
lowing year ; he  was  a prominent  and  influential  Whig 
in  his  time  and  frequently  represented  his  district  in 
both  Houses  of  the  General  Assembly. 

He  was  a farmer,  and  the  embryo  Senator  was 
early  accustomed  to  the  homely  fare  and  rough  work 
incident  to  farm  life  in  a comparatively  new  country. 
His  hands  soon  learned  to  swing  the  ax  and  guide  the 
plow,  and  it  was  in  such  pursuits  as  these  that  he  ac- 
quired that  magnificent  physical  strength  which,  in 
the  long  years  devoted  to  public  service,  has  made 
labor  easy  and  toil  a pleasure.  Young  Cullom  had 


362  POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 

early  in  life  decided  to  adopt  the  law  as  his  chosen 
profession. 

His  ambition  and  determination  led  him  to  the 
practical  consideration  of  the  ways  and  means  neces- 
sary to  his  educational  equipment.  He  prevailed 
upon  his  father  to  lend  him  a team  of  oxen  and  a 
plow,  and  with  this  primitive  outfit  began  the  battle 
of  life  on  his  own  responsibility,  and  engaged  at 
breaking  prairie  at  $2  per  acre. 

During  his  boyhood  days  educational  advantages 
in  the  West  were  limited,  but  the  curriculum  of  the 
country  schools  was  sufficient  to  equip  a young  man 
for  the  practical  battle  of  life.  Fortunately,  he  was 
enabled  to  spend  two  years  in  study  at  Rock  River 
Seminary,  at  Mount  Morris,  though,  in  order  to 
maintain  himself,  he  found  it  necessary,  as  did  Blaine, 
Garfield  and  others,  to  devote  some  time  to  teaching. 
In  1853  he  entered  the  office  of  Stuart  & Edwards, 
at  Springfield,  and  began  the  study  of  law. 

H is  health  becoming  impaired  through  over-exer- 
tion, his  progress  was  slow;  but  persevering,  after  a 
rest  on  his  father’s  farm,  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar 
and  began  the  practice  of  law  in  1855.  Soon  after 
this  he  was  elected  City  Attorney  in  Springfield  and 
was  initiated  into  active  practice.  He  recommended 
himself  to  his  brother  lawyers  by  his  studious  and 
abstemious  habits,  and  his  faithful  attention  to  the 
interests  of  his  clients. 

The  bar  of  Springfield  at  this  time  was  the  ablest 
in  the  State.  That  Nestor  of  the  Illinois  bar,  Stephen 
T.  Logan,  headed  the  list,  closely  followed  by  Stuart, 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


363 

Lincoln,  Edwards,  Conkling,  Hay,  McClernand,  Zane, 
and  others.  Springfield,  being  the  capital  of  the 
State,  was  also  the  rallying  point  of  all  its  leading 
lawyers. 

After  trying  petty  municipal  cases  and  passing 
through  the  ordeal  of  the  Justice’s  Courts,  young  Cul- 
lom  entered  upon  a broader  field  of  practice.  In  the 
Circuit  Court  he  found  a higher  plane  for  the  exer- 
cise of  his  talents,  and  here  he  was  pitted  against 
some  of  the  foremost  practitioners  of  those  days. 
As  an  advocate,  his  presentation  of  a case  before  the 
jury  was  always  concise  and  logical.  His  object  was 
to  explain  rather  than  to  confuse;  to  convince  rather 
than  to  dazzle. 

Mental  Characteristics — Domestic  Life. 

From  the  foregoing  sketch  and  estimate  of  Senator 
Cullom’s  national  status,  public  services  and  private 
career,  it  will  be  naturally  inferred  that  his  mental 
characteristics  are  not  those  of  outward  brilliance 
and  show;  but  of  solid,  practical  force,  keen  and  un- 
erring discernment,  blended  by  a superb  temperament, 
common  sense  and  tact  of  the  highest  order. 

It  will  be  seen  also  that  he  is  endowed  with  great 
firmness  of  decision,  will  power  and  continuity  of 
purpose,  which,  guided  by  a sound  moral  courage 
and  enlightened  sense  of  right  and  justice,  renders 
him  a positive  force  and  original  character,  who  has 
come  legitimately  to  the  position  he  holds.  He  pos- 
sesses a strong  intellect,  carefully  trained  and  disci- 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


364 

plined  to  the  unerring  habit  of  reaching  safe,  reason- 
able and  right  conclusions. 

As  a speaker,  he  is  entertaining  and  convincing 
rather  than  ornate  or  rhetorical  in  style.  Yet  he 
possesses,  and  when  aroused  displays  great  powers 
of  oratory,  as  was  demonstrated  when,  in  1872,  he 
placed  General  Grant  in  nomination  at  the  national 
convention,  and  at  a similar  gathering  when  he  per- 
formed the  same  service  for  General  Logan,  surpris- 
ing and  delighting  his  friends  by  his  masterly  pre- 
sentation of  the  merits  of  those  illustrious  men. 

In  person  Senator  Cullom  is  tall  and  spare,  his 
hair  is  black,  but  turning  gray,  his  forehead  high  and 
massive,  his  eye  firm,  but  kindly,  and  often  seen  to 
twinkle  with  merriment,  as,  half  mournfully,  his  deep, 
pleasant  voice  gives  utterance  to  some  good-natured 
jest  or  humorous  story.  When  in  earnest,  there  is 
no  mistaking  the  meaning  of  the  light  in  Cullom’s 
eye.  His  whole  nature  is  there  revealed. 

The  Senator’s  natural  ease  of  carriage  and  grace 
of  manner,  his  constant  attitude  of  welcoming  every- 
body to  his  friendship  and  confidence,  without  the 
slightest  condescension,  have  contributed  in  no  small 
degree  to  his  popularity.  He  is  in  excellent  vigor 
and  strength  at  a little  over  66  years  of  age,  and  has 
the  prospect  of  many  years  of  usefulness  before 
him. 

Senator  Cullom,  being  a poor  man,  necessarily 
lives  in  a quiet,  unostentatious  style.  Mrs.  Cullom, 
the  youngest  sister  of  Mr.  Cullom’s  first  wife,  is 
one  of  the  most  modest  and  retiring  women  at  the 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


365 

capital,  but  a woman  of  marked  intelligence  and  ster- 
ling character,  in  every  way  as  unbending  as  her  Pres- 
byterian faith. 

In  discharging  the  duties  of  her  high  position  she 
is  most  affable  and  cordial  to  all.  Ever  since  her 
marriage  to  Senator  Cullom  he  has  occupied  most 
distinguished  positions,  and  she  has  fulfilled  her  du- 
ties with  great  credit  to  herself  and  fidelity  to  her 
husband’s  interests.  Her  equipoise  of  temperament 
is  most  attractive  and  has  left  its  impress  upon  her 
handsome,  not  to  say  beautiful  face,  which  is  that  of 
a very  much  younger  woman  than  the  calendar  shows 
her  to  be. 


19 


AN  INDIAN  WARRIOR. 


366 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY. 


CHARLES  H.  PARKHURST, 

THE  CHAMPION  OF  MUNICIPAL  REFORM. 

Few  names  have  of  late  been  more  prominently 
brought  before  the  notice  of  the  people  than  that  of 
Charles  H.  Parkhurst  of  New  York  city,  a reformer 
in  the  truest  sense  of  the  word.  He  was  born  in 
Framingham,  Massachusetts,  February  17,  1842. 
When  he  was  about  eleven  years  old  the  family 
moved  to  Clinton,  in  the  same  State.  Here  young 
Parkhurst  attended  school,  was  clerk  for  a time  in  a 
store,  and  prepared  himself  for  college.  He  entered 
Amherst  in  1862  and  was  graduated  in  1866. 


The  Formative  Period  of  His  Life. 

He  was  Principal  of  the  Amherst  High  School  for 
two  years,  and  continued  in  the  profession  of  teaching 
for  some  time  afterward  ; but  feeling  that  he  was  called 
to  the  ministry,  he  went  to  Germany,  studying  at 
Halle,  Leipzig,  and  Bonn.  During  this  formative 
period  of  his  life  he  was  greatly  influenced  by  his 
mother,  who  helped  him  with  his  studies,  having  been 
a teacher  herself.  But  aside  from  home  training,  the 
most  salient  influences  of  his  life  came  from  his  fortu- 
nate association  while  at  Amherst  College  with  its 
late  President,  Julius  H.  Seelye.  It  was  on  the 
recommendation  of  President  Seelye  that  the  Congre- 
gational Church  at  Lenox,  Massachusetts,  engaged 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DA  Y.  367 

young  Parkhurst  as  their  pastor  on  his  return  from 
Europe.  Indirectly,  President  Seelye  was  the  means 
of  bringing  the  future  reformer  to  New  York.  As  a 
preacher  his  style  is  not  specially  finished,  but  his 
discourses  are  epigrammatic,  independent,  practical 
and  full  of  force.  He  is  far  from  being  what  is  known 
as  a popular  preacher. 

Municipal  Reform. 

In  the  course  of  his  parish  work,  he  became  much 
interested  in  young  men,  and  was  led  to  look  into  the 
opportunities  which  they  had  in  the  great  city  for 
rational  enjoyment  and  recreation.  He  was  much 
impressed  in  discovering  how  much  vice  abounded, 
and  how  great  are  the  allurements  in  a large  city  to 
draw  young  men  away  from  purity  of  life  and 
manners.  He  found  that  within  a very  short  distance 
of  his  own  church  there  were  haunts  of  the  grossest 
vices,  accompanied  by  manifold  devices  to  attract  and 
hold  young  men.  In  the  course  of  further  investiga- 
tion he  became  satisfied  that  these  places,  though  well 
known  to  the  police,  were  left  unharmed,  or  were 
connived  at ; that,  of  the  numerous  saloons,  not  a few 
were  unlicensed,  and  that  a large  Sunday  trade  was 
carried  on  in  spite  of  the  law.  He  had  become 
a member  of  the  New  York  Society  for  the  Prevention 
of  Crime,  and  in  1891,  on  the  death  of  its  president, 
Dr.  Howard  Crosby,  he  was  chosen  to  succeed  him. 
He  made  a point  of  his  acceptance  that  the  society 
should  devote  itself  mainly,  not  to  the  bringing  of 
lawbreakers  to  justice,  but  that  it  should  use  all  the 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


368 

influence  and  power  it  had  to  make  those  who  were 
bound  to  see  that  laws  should  be  enforced,  do  their 
duty.  In  other  words,  that  the  society  should  attack  the 
police  officers,  and  men  who,  in  conniving  at  crime 
and  infraction  of  the  laws,  were  “ the  abettors  and 
accessories  of  those  crimes  which  are  the  result  of 
the  disposition  to  immorality,  to  gambling,  and  to 
drink.”  “We  shall  never  suppress  these  crimes,” 
he  said,  “until  we  suppress  the  influences  which 
make  it  possible  for  them  to  exist.”  As  a part  of 
the  campaign  he  preached  a sermon  February  14, 
1892,  in  which  he  attacked  the  administration  of  the 
city  with  unsparing  hand. 

“ I Know.” 

During  the  next  four  weeks,  through  detectives 
and  through  personal  visits,  Dr.  Parkhurst  secured 
two  hundred  and  eighty-four  cases  of  gross  violation 
of  law,  and  on  March  13th  he  preached  his  second 
sermon,  in  which  he  could  say  : “ I know.”  When 
summoned  before  the  Grand  Jury,  his  testimony  was 
unimpeachable  and  had  great  effect,  for  the  jury 
in  its  charge  boldly  condemned  the  police.  It  is  need- 
less to  say  that  Dr.  Parkhurst’s  arraignment  created 
a great  sensation,  for  his  sermons  were  reported  and 
commented  upon  in  every  newspaper  of  the  city. 
The  individuals  who  were  attacked  at  first  smiled  and 
paid  little  attention.  Many  who  were  his  friends 
said  he  was  righteous  overmuch ; others  said  he  was 
an  alarmist ; others,  that  he  sought  notoriety  ; others 
ridiculed  him,  or  showed  indignation  at  his  methods ; 


CHARTS  H.  PARKHURST. 

The  Champion  of  Municipal  Reform. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


371 


some  even  said  he  was  a public  nuisance.  Still  he 
kept  on  until  by  his  charges  and  proofs  he  forced  an 
investigation  by  the  Legislature.  The  revelations 
made  before  the  investigating  committee  abundantly 
confirmed  Dr.  Parkhurt’s  allegations.  Police  officers 
in  high  positions  were  brought  to  trial  and  convicted 
and  others  fled.  The  community  was  shocked  and 
disgusted  by  the  revelations,  and,  as  a result  of  the 
movement  begun  by  the  fearless  reformer,  the  elec- 
tions of  November,  1894,  completely  overthrew  the 
political  ring  in  control  of  the  city,  which  was  now 
placed  in  charge*  of  men  pledged  to  reform,  and 
to  honest  and  faithful  administration  of  the  laws. 

Triumph. 

It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  had  it  not  been  for  the 
able  and  untiring  efforts  of  Dr.  Parkhurst,  this  revolu- 
tion would  not  have  taken  place.  He  well  deserves 
the  triumph  he  has  gained.  Every  newspaper  speaks 
of  him  with  respect,  and  no  one  dares  to  ignore  him. 
It  is  a personal  victory  probably  unequaled  in  this 
country,  and  the  effect  has  not  been  limited  to  New 
York.  Encouraged  by  his  success,  men  elsewhere, 
who  were  hopeless  of  accomplishing  anything  in 
the  direction  of  reform,  have  been  nerved  to  greater 
efforts,  and  good  citizens  have  been  roused  to  do 
their  part  in  supporting  Municipal  Reform  by  their 
voice,  their  influence  and  their  votes. 


372 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


RICHARD  P.  BLAND, 

ORIGINATOR  OF  THE  “ BLAND  DOLLAR.” 

Richard  Parks  Bland  was  born  near  Hartford, 
Kentucky,  in  1835,  aQd  while  very  young  was  de- 
prived by  death  of  both  of  his  parents.  It  was  never 
his  good,  or  possibly  ill,  fortune  to  be  nursed  in  the 
lap  of  luxury,  for  he  was  obliged  to  work  hard 
throughout  the  summer  months  in  order  to  gain  the 
privilege  of  attending  school  during  winter ; but  the 
lad  met  all  these  hardships  cheerfully  and  applied 
himself  so  closely  to  his  studies  that  he  easily  took 
rank  among  the  very  best  scholars  in  school. 

While  so  many  of  his  classmates,  however,  were 
satisfied  with  such  a moderate  amount  of  schooling, 
it  only  served  to  whet  the  appetite  of  young  Bland. 
It  did  not  require  any  profound  knowledge  in  those 
days  for  a youth  to  fit  himself  to  “ keep  school” — a 
little  book-learning,  an  aptitude  in  imparting  instruc- 
tion, and  most  important  of  all,  the  will  and  muscular 
power  to  restrain  and  hold  in  subjection  the  burly 
lads,  being  the  requirements.  Bland  possessed  all 
these,  and,  determined  to  advance  further  along  the 
line  upon  which  he  had  started,  he  taught  school, 
lived  with  the  closest  economy  and  saved  all  he  could 
until  he  had  enough  to  permit  him  to  attain  to  a 
higher  education. 

His  academic  course  completed,  young  Bland  bent 
all  his  energies  to  the  study  of  law,  in  which  in  due 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


373 


course  he  successfully  passed  examination,  and  en- 
tered upon  the  career  which  has  proved  for  so  many 
the  path  to  honor  and  distinction.  He  held  no  pub- 
lic office  until  elected  a Democratic  representative 
from  Missouri  in  the  43d  Congress,  He  entered 
upon  his  duties  December  1,  1873,  and  was  re-elected 
regularly  thereafter  until  1894,  when  he  met  defeat 
at  the  hands  of  Joel  D.  Hubbard,  Republican. 

The  “ Bland  Dollar.” 

Mr.  Bland  is  most  widely  known  as  a powerful 
and  uncompromising  advocate  of  the  free  coinage  of 
silver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  1.  As  chairman  of  the 
coinage  committee,  he  reported  the  bill  for  free  coin- 
age, in  1875.  Under  the  provisions  of  this  act  the 
secretary  of  the  treasury  was  to  purchase  each  month 
sufficient  bullion  to  coin  2,000,000  of  silver  dollars  of 
41 2 y2  grains  each,  to  be  considered  as  legal  tender. 
This  coin  is  popularly  known  as  the  “ Bland  Dollar.” 
The  Senate,  however,  substituted  the  Allison  Bill, 
providing  for  limited  coinage,  the  amount  to  be  not 
less  than  $2,000,000  nor  more  than  $4,000,000  a 
month.  Coinage  under  this  law  began  in  1878. 

Mr.  Bland  possesses  the  courage  of  his  convictions, 
for,  in  his  advocacy  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  he 
has  never  stopped  to  ask  whether  such  advocacy  was 
acceptable  to  his  party  or  whether  it  would  help  or 
mar  its  prospects.  He  has  continued  its  unswerving 
champion  throughout.  This  fact  has  served  to  di- 
rect national  attention  to  him,  especially  during  the 
last  few  years.  The  growth  of  silver  mining  in  the 


374 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


West,  where  it  has  become  an  industry  of  stupendous 
proportions,  has  strengthened  the  demand  for  the 
unlimited  coinage  of  silver,  until  the  advocates  have 
made  themselves  felt  in  both  parties.  Important  as 
the  tariff  issue  unquestionably  is,  there  are  many  who 
maintain  that  it  should  be  subordinated  to  the  currency 
question.  While  the  East  is  strenuously  in  favor  of 
“sound  money,”  or  the  single  gold  standard,  the 
West  is  equally  strenuous  for  two  standards — gold 
and  silver — with  the  aim  to  keep  a parity  between  the 
two  values.  This  dispute,  referred  to  elsewhere,  is 
one  which  must  play  a prominent  part  in  the  great 
questions  of  the  day  for  an  indefinite  time  to  come. 


OLD  DUTCH  CHURCH,  NEW  UTRECHT,  LONG  ISLAND. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


375 


WILLIAM  R.  MORRISON, 

EX-CONGRESSMAN  FROM  ILLINOIS. 

William  R.  Morrison  is  a native  of  Illinois,  hav- 
ing been  born  in  Monroe  county,  September  14,  1825. 
At  that  day,  so  comparatively  recent,  the  wolves 
howled  on  the  present  site  of  the  imperial  city  of 
Chicago,  and  the  State  itself  was  sparsely  settled ; 
but  the  fertility  of  the  soil  and  the  natural  resources 
of  the  commonwealth  were  beginning  to  attract  at- 
tention. It  was  admitted  to  the  Union  seven  years 
before  the  birth  of  Morrison,  and  when  he  was  seven 
years  old  the  Black  Hawk  War  broke  out.  Stirring 
as  were  the  events  of  that  brief  struggle,  they  caused 
less  excitement  in  some  parts  of  the  State  than  did 
the  advent  of  the  Mormons  in  1840.  It  was  during 
that  intense  agitation  that  Jo  Smith,  the  founder 
of  the  order,  was  killed  and  the  sect  finally  driven 
westward. 

Like  so  many  of  our  public  men,  young  Morrison 
spent  his  boyhood  on  a farm,  toiling  industriously 
and  attending  the  country  schools  as  opportunity 
offered.  He  acquired  a good  common-school  educa- 
tion, and  later  became  a student  at  Kendree  College, 
in  his  native  State. 

He  had  just  attained  his  majority  when  the  Mex- 
ican War  broke  out,  and  he  was  among  the  first  to 
volunteer  as  a private  in  Colonel  Bissell’s  regiment 
of  Illinois  volunteers.  As  in  all  stations  of  life,  he 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


376 

did  his  duty  manfully,  and  served  to  the  close  of 
hostilities. 

In  the  House  of  State  Representatives. 

He  returned  to  his  native  country,  where  he  was 
elected  clerk  of  the  supreme  court  in  1852-1854. 
His  predilection  was  in  the  direction  of  law,  and, 
pursuing  his  studies,  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in 
1855,  the  town  of  Waterloo  being  chosen  as  the 
opening  field  for  the  profession  in  which  he  was  des- 
tined to  become  distinguished.  At  the  close  of  his 
term,  he  was  elected  to  the  House  of  State  Repre- 
sentatives, of  which  he  was  a member  until  i860, 
being  elected  Speaker  during  each  of  the  last  two 
years. 

Soldier. 

The  clouds  of  civil  war  were  then  gathering  over 
the  land,  and  again  he  volunteered  in  the  service  of 
his  country.  That  he  had  not  forgotten  the  training 
on  the  plains  of  Mexico  was  proved  by  his  appoint- 
ment as  Colonel  of  the  Forty-ninth  Illinois  infantry, 
which  he  commanded  at  Fort  Donelson.  In  that 
terrific  battle,  fought  in  February,  1862,  15,000  Con- 
federate prisoners  were  captured  by  General  Grant, 
who  thus  won  the  first  important  victory  of  the  war. 
Colonel  Morrison  was  among  the  bravest  of  the 
Union  officers,  and  was  dangerously  wounded. 

In  the  Congress. 

Retiring  from  the  army,  he  was  elected  a Repre- 
sentative from  Illinois  in  the  Thirty-eighth  Congress, 
as  a Democrat,  receiving  10,999  votes  against  6,854 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


377 


for  Smith,  Republican.  He  served  from  December 
7,  1863,  to  March  3,  1865.  He  ran  again  for  the 
Thirty-ninth  Congress,  but  was  defeated  by  Jehu 
Baker,  who,  in  a total  vote  of  more  than  23,000,  re- 
ceived a majority^of  less  than  100.  Morrison  was 
again  defeated  by  Baker  at  the  next  election,  when, 
turning  his  attention  to  State  politics,  he  was  sent  to 
the  Legislature,  where  he  served  in  1870-1871.  In  the 
election  for  the  Forty-third  Congress  his  Republican 
opponent  was  John  B.  Hay,  whom  he  defeated. 

The  “Morrison  Bill.” 

Morrison  now  had  plain  sailing  until  1887,  when 
his  evil  genius,  Jehu  Baker,  again  defeated  him  by  a 
small  majority.  Morrison  was  chairman  of  the  Ways 
and  Means  Committee  from  1873  to  1875. 
capacity  he  reported  the  tariff*  bill  which  is  known  by 
his  name  ; but,  as  will  be  remembered,  the  bill  failed 
to  become  a law.  The  Inter-State  Commission  was 
appointed  by  act  of  Congress,  February  4,  1887,  with 
jurisdiction  of  rates  on  inter-State  traffic,  and  power 
to  inquire  into  the  management  of  the  business  of 
all  common  carriers  subject  to  the  provisions  of  an 
“Act  to  regulate  commerce.” 

o 

The  “ Reagan  Bill.” 

In  1884,  Representative  Reagan  of  Texas  had  sub- 
mitted a bill  to  the  House  for  the  regulation  of  inter- 
State  commerce,  and  about  the  same  time  a similar 
bill  passed  the  Senate,  but  both  failed.  Discussion 
followed  with  each  session  of  Congress  until,  on  the 


POLITICAL  GLANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


373 

date  above  named,  the  Reagan  Bill  was  passed  and 
approved.  It  provided  for  the  appointment  of  a 
commission  consisting  of  five  persons,  whose  duty  it 
was  to  see  that  railroad  and  other  such  companies  es- 
tablished and  preserved  a just  and  uniform  rate  of 
transportation.  This  bill  specially  affected  such  cor- 
porations as  control  continuous  lines  from  one  State 
to  another,  either  by  land  or  by  water  or  both.  It 
has  been  very  effective  in  preventing  unfair  discrim- 
inations in  charges  for  freight  and  issuing  of  passes. 
Mr.  Morrison  was  appointed  a member  of  this  com- 
mission by  President  Cleveland,  and  subsequently 
became  chairman  in  place  of  Hon.  T.  M.  Cooley, 
which  position  he  still  holds. 

The  Proper  “ Timber.” 

He  is  one  of  the  most  prominent  of  the  Demo- 
cratic leaders,  and  has  been  mentioned  more  than 
once  as  the  proper  “ timber  ” from  which  to  make 
presidential  candidates.  He  is  an  able,  conscien- 
tious, and  high-minded  man,  and,  should  it  ever 
become  his  fortune  to  occupy  the  chair  of  the  Chief 
Executive,  he  is  certain  to  give  his  country  a worthy 
and  creditable  administration. 


HORACE  BOIES. 
Ex-Governor  of  Iowa. 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


38 1 


HORACE  BOIES, 

EX-GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA. 

Like  many  of  the  foremost  men  of  our  country, 
Horace  Boies  was  a farmer’s  boy,  having  been  born 
on  a farm  near  Aurora,  N.  Y.,  some  eighteen  miles 
south  of  Buffalo,  on  the  7th  of  December,  1827.  His 
father  was  of  remote  French  descent,  and  his  mother 
of  English  stock. 

The  son  worked  industriously  on  the  farm  during 
the  summer  months  and  attended  school  in  winter. 
The  country  schools  of  those  days  were  in  wide  con- 
trast to  the  educational  institutions  of  the  present ; 
the  text  books  were  poor,  the  seats  hard  and  the 
teachers  were  generally  selected  more  with  a view  of 
“keeping  order”  among  the  large  and  unruly  boys 
than  for  their  skill  in  imparting  knowledge.  Young 
Boies  was  a good  student,  and  by  close  attention 
to  his  studies  stored  his  mind  with  helpful  knowl- 
edge. Yielding  to  his  desire  to  go  west  and  “grow 
up  with  the  country,”  he  left  New  York  at  the 
age  of  sixteen,  but  was  hardly  settled  amid  his  new 
surroundings  when  he  received  news  of  the  death  of 
his  mother.  He  immediately  returned  to  his  old 
home,  where  with  his  usual  energy  he  resumed  his 
school  studies  and  read  law,  supporting  himself  by 
doing  chores  for  his  neighbors. 

Young  Boies  laid  the  foundations  broad  and  deep, 
and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1852.  He  hung  out  his 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DAY. 


332 

sign  at  Hamburg,  near  Buffalo,  where  he  became  so 
favorably  known  that  three  years  later  he  was  elected 
to  the  Legislature  as  a Republican,  that  party  then 
being  in  its  infancy.  While  he  did  not  attain  marked 
prominence  as  a leader,  his  talents,  ability  and  integ- 
rity won  the  respect  of  political  enemies  as  well  as 
friends. 

Mr.  Boies,  some  time  later,  was  married  to  Miss 
Adelia  King  of  Aurora.  Her  health  became  so  frail 
that  the  young  husband  saw  that  if  he  would  pre- 
serve her  life,  a permanent  and  radical  change  of 
climate  was  necessary.  His  eyes  were  once  more 
turned  westward,  and,  in  1867,  he  took  up  his  resi- 
dence in  Iowa.  Despite  the  removal  and  the  loving 
care  of  her  husband,  the  wife  soon  died. 

Mr.  Boies  has  always  been  a sagacious  and  far-see- 
ing man.  He  was  quick  to  perceive  the  future  of 
the  State  which  he  had  now  made  his  home.  The 
moderate  savings  which  he  brought  with  him  were 
invested  in  fertile  farm  land,  to  which  he  added  from 
time  to  time  as  he  was  able,  until  his  possessions 
numbered  nearly  4,000  acres,  including  a farm  and 
1,000  acres  in  Palo  Alto  county.  He  had  fully  500 
cattle,  and  when  not  in  public  office  Mr.  Boies  has 
personally  managed  his  property.  The  rugged  out- 
door life,  to  which  he  became  accustomed  in  his 
youth,  not  only  resulted  in  giving  him  a splendid 
physique,  but  imbued  him  with  a love  for  a farmers 
life  which  will  always  remain  with  him.  Although  pro- 
foundly interested  in  politics,  it  is  safe  to  believe  that 
he  finds  more  real  enjoyment  in  looking  after  his  big 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OP  THE  DAY.  383 

farm  than  he  does  in  all  that  politics  can  bring  him. 
By  his  second  wife,  formerly  Miss  Versalia  Barber, 
he  has  two  sons  and  one  daughter. 

Mr.  Boies  is  one  of  the  most  effective  jury  lawyers 
in  the  country.  He  has  a winning,  persuasive  way 
which  few  people  can  resist,  while  he  is  logical,  inci- 
sive and  convincing  with  those  that  are  more  cul- 
tured than  the  majority  of  his  fellows.  Had  he 
chosen  to  locate  in  one  of  our  large  cities,  he  would 
have  earned  a princely  income  from  the  practice 
of  his  profession. 

Popularity  with  the  Democrats. 

Having  started  out  as  a Republican,  Mr.  Boies  re- 
mained with  the  party  until  1882,  when  he  joined  the 
Democrats,  because  of  his  dissatisfaction  with  the 
sumptuary  legislation  in  Iowa.  He  was  strongly  op- 
posed to  the  Prohibitory  law,  and  fought  it  vigorously 
up  to  the  last  hour.  He  voted  for  Cleveland,  and 
in  1884  stumped  Iowa  in  the  interest  of  tariff  reform. 
Th-is  course  increased  his  popularity  with  the  Demo- 
crats, who  nominated  him  for  Governor  in  1889.  He 
was  elected  by  a plurality  of  6,523.  Two  years  later 
he  received  a plurality  of  8,216,  on  the  largest  vote 
ever  cast  in  the  State. 

Governor. 

Few  public  men  increase  their  strength  and  per- 
sonal following  by  their  manner  of  administering  the 
affairs  of  office.  As  a rule,  at  the  . end  of  his  first 
term,  the  incumbent  finds  that  the  majority  of  his 
supporters  have  become  his  enemies,  and  that  a re- 


POLITICAL  GIANTS  OF  THE  DA  Y. 


3^4 

nomination  is  out  of  the  question,  but  the  figures 
just  given  prove  that  Mr.  Boies  is  one  of  the  excep- 
tions whose  popularity  grows  with  his  public  service. 

One  of  the  “ Idols  of  his  Party.” 

To-day  there  is  no  member  of  his  party  held  in 
higher  esteem,  and  it  is  no  disparagement  to  his 
rivals  in  politics  to  say  that  not  one  of  them  could 
poll  a larger  vote  than  he,  should  he  become  a presi- 
dential candidate.  He  was  among  the  prominent 
men  put  forward  for  the  nomination  in  1892,  and  re- 
ceived 103  votes  against  114  for  Senator  Hill,  who 
was  regarded  as  the  most  formidable  opponent  of 
Cleveland,  and  whose  nomination,  as  will  be  remem- 
bered, was  ardently  supported  by  the  delegates 
from  his  own  State. 

• Since  1892  Mr.  Boies  has  lived  on  his  farm  in 
Iowa,  dividing  the  practice  of  his  profession  with  his 
duties  as  a farmer,  but  he  is  one  of  the  “ idols  of  his 
party,”  and  to  those  who  carefully  note  the  trend  of 
the  times,  it  will  not  come  as  a surprise  to  hear  of  his 
nomination  for  the  highest  office  in  the  gift  of  the 
American  people. 


Our  Former  Presidents. 


PERSONAL  CHARACTERISTICS — ORIGIN  OF  POLITICAL 
PARTIES LEADING  EVENTS  OF  EACH  ADMINISTRA- 
TION  INFORMATION  NECESSARY  TO  UNDERSTAND 

QUESTIONS  OF  TO-DAY. 

When  the  office  of  President  was  to  be  filled  for 
first  time,  grave  problems  were  to  be  solved.  The 
hardship  and  suffering  of  the  struggle  for  indepen- 
dence were  yet  present  in  the  minds  of  all  men  ; the 
weakness  and  failure  of  the  Government  instituted 
by  the  Articles  of  Confederation  had  compelled  an 
attempt  “ to  form  a more  perfect  Union;”  the  eyes 
of  the  civilized  world  were  upon  the  struggling  peo- 
ple, and  to  men  who  had  not  an  abiding  faith  in  the 
principles  for  which  the  battles  of  the  Revolution  had 
been  fought,  it  seemed  that  the  experiment  of  popu- 
lar Government  was  to  end  in  early,  complete,  and 
appropriate  catastrophe. 

In  such  circumstances,  it  was  well  that  the  public 
needs  were  so  great  and  so  immediate  as  to  make 
men  willing  to  forget  their  differences  and  consider 
measures  for  the  common  good  ; and  particularly  was 
it  well  for  the  future  of  our  country  that  there  was 
one  man  upon  whom  all  could  agree  as  uniting  the 
wisdom,  the  moderation,  the  experience,  the  dignity 
necessary  to  the  first  President  of  the  United  States. 

20  (3^5) 


386 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


George  Washington,  1732-1799.  Two  Terms,  1789-1797. 

George  Washington  was  the  only  man  ever  unani- 
mously elected  President.  He  undertook  the  duties 
of  the  Chief  Magistracy  with  a deep  sense  of  their 
importance  and  their  difficulty,  but  with  the  courage 
and  devotion  which  characterized  all  his  conduct. 
He  selected  for  his  Cabinet  men  of  widely  different 
political  views,  but  men  whose  names  were  not  new 
to  Americans,  men  whose  past  services  justified  the 
belief  that  they  would  find  means  of  leading  the 
country  out  of  its  present  difficulties,  and  of  setting 
the  affairs  of  the  Government  on  a sure  foundation. 
Jefferson,  Hamilton,  Knox  and  Randolph  might  well 
be  trusted  to  concert  wise  measures. 

Washington’s  second  election  was,  like  the  first, 
without  opposition,  and  for  four  years  more  he  con- 
tinued to  guide  the  affairs  of  State.  A national  bank 
had  been  established  early  in  his  first  term,  and  also 
the  Philadelphia  Mint,  and  the  currency  of  the  coun- 
try was  now  on  a fairly  satisfactory  basis  ; a census 
had  been  taken  in  1790  and  showed  that  the  country 
had  already  begun  to  grow  in  population,  and  the 
outlook  was  much  more  favorable  than  four  years 
earlier. 

John  Adams,  1735-1826.  One  Term,  1797-1801. 

Upon  the  announcement  of  Washington’s  retire- 
ment, the  two  parties,  which  had  been  gradually  de- 
veloping an  organization,  prepared  to  contest  the 
election  of  the  second  President.  The  Federalists, 
who  advocated  a strong  central  Government,  favored 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS.  387 

John  Adams,  and  the  Republicans,  who  “ claimed  to 
be  the  friends  of  liberty  and  the  rights  of  man,  the 
advocates  of  economy,  and  of  the  rights  of  the 
States,”  desired  the  election  of  Thomas  Jefferson. 
The  Federalists  were  in  a slight  majority,  and  Mr. 
Adams  was  elected.  He  was  a native  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  had  borne  a leading  part  in  the  struggle 
for  independence  and  the  development  of  the  Govern- 
ment. He  was  one  of  the  leaders  in  Massachusetts 
in  resisting  the  oppressive  measures  which  brought 
on  the  Revolution  ; he  seconded  the  resolution  for 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  assisted  in 
framing  that  remarkable  document ; with  Franklin 
and  Jay,  he  negotiated  the  treaty  which  established 
our  independence ; he  had  represented  his  country 
as  Minister  to  France,  and  to  Holland,  and  was  the 
first  United  States  Minister  to  England  ; he  had  been 
Vice-President  during  Washington’s  two  adminis- 
trations, and  was  now  to  assume  office  as  the  second 
President. 

His  Presidency  opened  with  every  prospect  of  war 
with  the  French.  That  nation  had  taken  offence  be- 
cause we  preserved  an  attitude  of  neutrality  in  their 
contest  with  Great  Britain.  They  actually  began  war 
by  capturing  our  merchant  ships,  and  the  French 
Directory  refused  to  receive  the  new  United  States 
Minister,  while  three  commissioners,  who  were  sent 
to  make  one  more  effort  for  peace,  were  insulted. 
Under  the  influence  of  the  war  spirit  thus  excited,  the 
Federalists  in  Congress  passed  two  acts,  known  as 
the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws,  which  resulted  in  the 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


388 

downfall  of  their  party.  The  former  gave  the  Presi- 
dent authority  to  order  out  of  the  country  any  alien 
whom  he  considered  dangerous  to  its  welfare,  and  the 
latter  was  intended  to  suppress  conspiracies  and  ma- 
licious abuse  of  the  Government.  They  excited 
great  opposition  and  were  almost  immediately  re- 
pealed. The  war  had  already  been  terminated  on 
the  accession  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte  to  power  in 
France. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  1743 — 1826.  Two  Terms,  1801—1809. 

Mr.  Adams  failed  of  re-election,  largely  because  of 
the  division  of  sentiment  in  regard  to  the  French  war. 
His  great  patriotism,  high  moral  courage,  and  his 
ability  as  a statesman,  were  somewhat  marred  by  a 
strange  lack  of  tact,  and  a stupendous  vanity,  which 
sometimes  made  him  ridiculous,  but  his  countrymen 
could  well  afford  to  forget  such  minor  faults,  and  re- 
member only  his  manifold  services  in  their  common 
cause.  He  was  succeeded  by  a man  no  less  great. 
Thomas  Jefferson  was  the  son  of  a Virginia  planter, 
received  his  education  at  William  and  Mary  College, 
studied  law  and  engaged  in  its  practice.  He  resolved, 
on  entering  public  life,  never  to  engage,  while  in 
public  office,  in  any  kind  of  enterprise  for  the  improve- 
ment of  his  fortune,  nor  to  wear  any  other  character 
than  that  of  a farmer.  When  he  came  to  the  Presi- 
dency, his  country  already  owed  him  much.  As  a 
member  of  the  Continental  Congress  he  wrote  the 
draft  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence;  returning 
to  Virginia,  he  inaugurated  a reformed  system  of 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


39* 


laws  in  that  State,  and  becoming  its  Governor,  ren- 
dered invaluable  aid  to  the  army  during  the  closing 
years  of  the  Revolution  ; he  shared  with  Gouverneur 
Morris  the  credit  of  devising  our  decimal  system  of 
money;  he  succeeded  Franklin  as  Minister  to 
France,  and  on  his  return  from  that  post,  was  in- 
formed that  Washington  had  chosen  him  for  the  first 
Secretary  of  State.  He  wished  to  decline  further 
public  service,  but,  “ It  is  not  for  an  individual/'  said 
he  to  the  President,  “to  choose  his  post;  you  are  to 
marshal  us  as  may  be  best  for  the  public  good.”  A 
difference  of  three  electoral  votes  made  Adams  Pres- 
ident and  Jefferson  Vice-President,  but  in  1800  a 
political  revolution  reversed  the  majority  and  made 
him  the  third  President.  Although  a leader  of  a 
party,  he  exerted  himself  to  allay  partisan  rancor, 
and  he  resolutely  refused  to  make  official  positions 
for  his  political  friends  by  removing  from  office  men 
whose  only  offence  was  a difference  of  political 
opinion. 

Jefferson  was  re-elected  by  a largely  increased  ma- 
jority. During  his  administration,  the  territory  of 
Louisiana  was  purchased  from  France ; the  famous 
expedition  of  Lewis  and  Clarke  set  out  to  explore 
this  new  domain  ; the  importation  of  slaves  was  for- 
bidden ; the  pirates  of  Tripoli  and  Algiers  were  sup- 
pressed ; the  first  steamboat  began  to  navigate  the 
Hudson,  and  the  growing  troubles  with  Great  Britain 
and  France  caused  the  enactment  of  laws  called  the 
Embargo  and  Non-intercourse  Acts,  intended,  by 
cutting  off  our  commerce  with  those  countries,  to 


392 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


compel  them  to  respect  our  neutrality.  These  two 
measures  resulted  in  little  but  failure,  as  they  caused 
great  distress  at  home,  and  were  repealed  before  they 
could  have  much  effect  abroad. 

James  Madison,  1751-1836.  Two  Terms,  1809-1817. 

When  James  Madison  came  to  be  the  fourth 
President,  he  found  the  difficulties  with  England  and 
France  still  unsettled.  These  countries  being  an- 
cient enemies,  and  being  almost  continually  at  war, 
it  was  almost  impossible  to  be  on  friendly  terms  with 
one  without  making  an  enemy  of  the  other;  neither 
would  respect  our  rights  as  a neutral  nation ; each 
was  in  the  habit  of  seizing  and  selling  our  ships  and 
cargoes  bound  for  the  ports  of  the  other,  and  Eng- 
land, in  addition,  assumed  the  .right  to  search  our 
vessels,  examine  their  crews,  and  compel  to  enter  her 
service  any  sailor  who  had  been  an  English  subject. 
These  troubles  were  not  new.  Jay’s  treaty,  in  1795, 
had  vainly  attempted  to  adjust  a part  of  them,  and  as 
our  country  grew  in  strength,  it  gradually  became 
impossible  for  the  people  longer  to  submit. 

The  War  of  1812,  the  “Second  War  for  Inde- 
pendence,” occupied  most  of  Madison’s  administra- 
tion, and  though  not  vigorously  conducted,  it  demon- 
strated the  military  and  naval  resources  of  the  country 
and  caused  the  American  flag  to  be  respected  all  over 
the  world  ; and  by  cutting  off  the  supply  of  foreign 
goods,  it  compelled  the  starting  of  cotton  and  woolen 
mills  in  this  country,  and  this  resulted  in  the  building 
up  of  home  manufactures. 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE,  AT  WASHINGTON 


(393) 


394 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


The  Presidency  of  Mr.  Madison  is  not  the  portion 
of  his  career  upon  which  his  fame  rests ; his  best 
services  to  his  country  were  in  his  work  as  a con- 
structive statesman.  In  the  shaping  of  the  Constitu- 
tion and  in  securing  its  adoption  he  shared  with 
Hamilton  the  chief  honors.  He  was,  doubtless, 
happy  when,  at  the  close  of  his  second  administra- 
tion, he  could  retire  to  his  Virginia  estate  and  spend 
the  remaining  twenty  years  of  his  life  in  scholarly  ease. 

James  Monroe,  1758-1831.  Two  Terms,  1817-1825. 

Madison  was  succeeded  by  another  Virginian,  a 
gallant  soldier  of  the  Revolution,  who  had  laid  down 
his  books  at  William  and  Mary  College  to  complete 
his  education  in  the  Continental  army.  James  Mon- 
roe was  eighteen  years  old  when  he  took  part  in  the 
battle  of  Trenton,  and  his  record  justified  the  confi- 
dence with  which  his  countrymen  universally  regarded 
him.  In  his  inaugural  address  he  took  as  a symbol 
of  the  enduring  character  of  the  Union,  the  founda- 
tion of  the  Capitol,  near  which  he  stood  to  deliver 
the  address,  and  which  had  survived  the  ruins  of  the 
beautiful  building  recently  burnt  by  the  British. 

“Era  of  Good  Feeling.’’ 

So  popular  was  President  Monroe,  and  so  wisely 
did  he  administer  the  affairs  of  State,  that  on  his  re- 
election  there  was  no  opposing  candidate,  and  he 
lacked  but  one  of  a unanimous  vote  in  the  electoral 
college.  This  vote  was  cast  for  John  Ouincy  Adams, 
simply  in  order  “ that  no  later  mortal  should  stand  in 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


395 

Washington’s  shoes”  in  being  unanimously  elected. 
Monroe’s  two  terms  comprise  an  eventful  period  in 
our  history ; the  Government  pensioned  its  Revolu- 
tionary soldiers  and  their  widows,  spending  in  all 
sixty-five  million  dollars  in  this  noble  work  ; Florida 
was  purchased  from  Spain  ; the  National  Road  was 
begun  at'  Cumberland,  Md.,  finally  to  extend  as  far 
as  Illinois,  and  to  be  of  inestimable  service  in  the 
opening  and  development  of  the  West;  but  the  sub- 
ject which  took  the  deepest  hold  upon  the  minds  of 
the  people  was  that  of  the  extension  of  slavery. 
Following  the  “ Era  of  Good  Feeling  ” ushered  in  by 
Monroe’s  administration,  came  a serious  division  in 
public  feeling  as  to  whether  slavery  should  be  per- 
mitted in  the  northern  part  of  the  territory  west  of 
the  Mississippi.  The  question  arose  so  suddenly 
and  was  so  fiercely  debated,  that  Jefferson  declared 
that  it  terrified  him,  “ like  a fire-bell  in  the  night,” 
and  he  feared  serious  trouble  between  the  States,  the 
actual  outbreak  of  which  was  postponed,  by  a series 
of  compromises,  for  a period  of  forty  years.  Henry 
Clay’s  Missouri  Compromise  quieted  the  quarrel  for 
some  twenty-five  years. 

“ Monroe  Doctrine.” 

President  Monroe  is  perhaps  most  widely  re- 
nowned as  the  author  of  the  “ Monroe  Doctrine” — 
that  no  European  nation  has  a right  to  interfere  with 
the  affairs  of  any  American  State — a doctrine  to 
which  our  Government  has  steadily  adhered.  It  is 
interesting  to  note  that  the  man  who  had  served  his 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


396 

country  so  well  in  the  high  position  of  its  Chief 
Magistrate  was  willing,  after  the  close  of  his  second 
term,  to  accept  so  humble  a post  as  that  of  Justice  of 
the  Peace,  and  so  continue  a public  servant;  but  it  is 
sad  to  relate  that  Mr.  Monroe’s  great  generosity  and 
public  spirit  left  him,  in  his  old  age,  embarrassed  by 
debt,  and  necessitated  the  giving  up  of  his  residence 
at  Oak  Hill,  in  Virginia,  to  end  his  days  in  the  home 
of  a son-in-law,  in  New  York. 

John  Quincy  Adams,  1767-1848.  One  Term,  1825-1829. 

The  “ Era  of  Good  Feeling”  had  left  no  organized 
national  parties  in  politics,  and  there  were  four  can- 
didates voted  for  to  succeed  Monroe.  This  resulted 
in  there  being  no  majority  in  the  electoral  college, 
and  the  final  choice  was  therefore  made  by  the  House 
of  Representatives,  John  Ouincy  Adams  thus  be- 
coming the  sixth  President.  He  was,  perhaps,  as 
well  equipped  for  the  position,  at  least  in  breadth  of 
information,  knowledge  of  state-craft,  and  experience 
in  political  affairs,  as  any  man  who  has  ever  filled  it. 
At  the  age  of  fifteen  he  was  secretary  to  the  Minister 
to  Russia ; after  graduating  at  Harvard,  and  practic- 
ing law  for  a few  years,  he  became  United  States 
Minister  at  the  Hague,  and  afterwards  at  Berlin,  St. 
Petersburg  and  London  ; he  had  represented  Massa- 
chusettes  in  the  National  Senate,  and  during  the 
Presidency  of  Mr.  Monroe  he  had  been  Secretary  of 
State.  His  administration  was  not  marked  by  any 
measure  of  national  importance,  but  is  notable  as  the 
era  in  which  a number  of  projects  for  the  promotion 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


39  7 

of  commercial  intercourse  met  with  the  success  they 
deserved. 

We  have  already  mentioned  the  National  Road. 
It  was  no  more  important  than  the  Erie  Canal, 
“ Clinton’s  Big  Ditch,”  as  it  was  derisively  called, 
which  was  opened  in  1825;  and  the  experiments 
with  “steam  wagons”  resulted,  in  1828,  in  the  open- 
ing of  a line  of  raiload  which  now  forms  part  of  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  system.  The  first  spadeful  of 
earth  was  turned  by  the  venerable  Charles  Carroll, 
of  Carrollton,  the  only  survivor  of  the  signers  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  who  remarked,  in  so 
doing,  that  he  considered  this  among  the  most  impor- 
tant acts  of  his  life,  “ second  only  to  that  of  signing 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  if  second  to  that.” 

It  is  also  to  be  noted  that  this  era  marks  the  be- 
ginninor  of  that  social  movement  which  in  less  than 
seventy  years  has  resulted  in  so  marked  a change  in 
the  views  of  Americans  regarding  the  use  of 
intoxicants. 

Andrew  Jackson,  1767-1845.  Two  Terms,  1829-1837. 

Andrew  Jackson,  the  seventh  President,  was  the 
first  who  was  not  a citizen  either  of  Massachusetts  or 
Virginia.  He  was  also  the  first  who  was  not  already 
known  to  his  countrymen  as  a distinguished  statesman. 
He  was  exceedingly  popular,  however,  owing  to  his 
military  services  and  to  his  energetic,  honest  and 
fearless,  though  headstrong,  character.  He  had  led 
a strange  and  eventful  life.  In  his  boyhood  he  had 
known  all  the  hardships  and  privations  of  absolute 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


398 

poverty;  at  the  age  of  fourteen  he  was  a prisoner  of 
war,  and  nearly  starved  by  his  British  captors.  He 
studied  law  and  emigrated  from  North  Carolina  to 
Tennessee.  After  that  territory  became  a State  he 
represented  it  in  Congress,  and  for  a short  time  in 
the  Senate.  He  was  continually  involved  in  quarrels, 
fought  several  duels  and  made  many  bitter  enemies 
as  well  as  many  warm  friends.  His  success  in  lead- 
ing the  Tennessee  militia  against  the  Indians  gained 
for  him  the  reputation  which  caused  his  appointment 
to  command  in  the  Southwest  near  the  close  of  the 
war  of  1812,  and  his  brilliant  defence  of  New  Orleans 
gave  “Old  Hickory”  a place  in  the  hearts  of  his 
countrymen,  which  resulted  in  their  electing  him  to 
succeed  John  Quincy  Adams  as  President,  and  his 
ability  and  integrity  were  so  manifest  that  he  was 
re-elected  in  1832  by  the  electoral  votes  of  all  the 
States  except  seven. 

An  Interesting  Period. 

No  period  of  our  history  is  more  interesting  than 
the  eight  years  of  Jackson’s  administration.  He  was 
the  first  President  to  dismiss  large  numbers  of  offi- 
cials in  order  to  replace  them  by  his  own  partisans. 
The  anti-slavery  movement  took  definite  shape  dur- 
ing this  time,  and  William  Lloyd  Garrison  began  the 
publication  of  the  famous  Liberator , and  American 
literature  had  its  beginnings. 

At  this  time  came  the  first  serious  danger  of  a 
rupture  between  the  States.  It  grew  out  of  the 
tariff  legislation,  which  South  Carolina,  under  the  lead 


CAMPAIGN  SPEECHMAKING  IN  EAREIER  DAYS. 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


401 


of  John  C.  Calhoun,  undertook  to  nullify.  The 'pay- 
ment of  the  duties  was  refused,  but  the  President 
sent  General  Scott  to  Charleston  to  enforce  the  law, 
and  under  the  advice  of  Henry  Clay  a new  and  more 
satisfactory  tariff  was  adopted.  This  difficulty  and 
Jackson’s'  determined  opposition  to  the  United  States 
Bank,  his  fight  against  it,  resulting  in  its  destruction, 
are  the  events  of  this  administration,  which  produced 
the  most  marked  and  lasting  effect  upon  our  national 
history.  After  the  close  of  his  second  term  he  lived 
in  retirement  at  his  home,  the  famous  “ Hermitage,” 
near  Nashville,  until  his  death,  eight  years  later. 

Martin  Van  Buren,  1782-1862.  One  Term,  1837-1841. 

Martin  Van  Buren  had  hardly  entered  upon  the 
duties  of  the  Presidency  when  the  great  panic  of  1837 
occurred.  It  resulted  from  a variety  of  causes, 
among  which  may  be  mentioned  the  great  number 
of  worthless  banks  which  sprang  up  after  the  discon- 
tinuance of  the  United  States  Bank;  the  prevalence 
of  wild  speculation,  particularly  in  land,  and  the  ac- 
tion of  the  Government  in  demanding  that  the  banks 
should  repay  its  deposits  in  coin.  One  good  effect 
of  this  great  public  calamity  was  the  establishment 
of  a Treasury  of  the  United  States,  independent  of 
any  bank  or  system  of  banks. 

It  was  during  this  administration  that  the  Mor- 
mons formed  their  settlement  in  Nauvoo,  Illinois,  and 
in  1840  a regular  line  of  steamships  was  established 
between  Liverpool  and  Boston. 

Mr.  Van  Buren  was  a native  of  New  York,  had 


402 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


served  his  State  in  various  offices  of  trust,  including 
that  of  Governor,  had  been  its  representative  in  the 
United  States  Senate,  had  been  Minister  to  England, 
Secretary  of  State  during  most  of  Jackson’s  first  ad- 
ministration, and  Vice-President  during  his  second. 
He  continued,  for  several  years  after  the  close  of  his 
term  as  President,  to  take  an  active  part  in  politics, 
and'  in  1848  he  was  the  candidate  of  the  anti-slavery 
Democrats,  or  “ Free  Democracy,”  for  President, 
after  which  he  took  no  part  in  public  affairs,  though 
he  lived  at  his  native  place,  in  Columbia  county,  New 
York,  until  nearly  the  middle  of  the  war  of  the 
Rebellion. 

William  Henry  Harrison,  1773-1841.  One  Month,  1841. 

For  forty  years  the  Democrats  had  retained  con- 
trol of  the  National  Government,  but  the  administra- 
tion of  Van  Buren  had  not  been  popular,  and  the 
change  in  public  sentiment  was  so  great  that  in  the 
election  of  1840  he  was  defeated  by  General  William 
Henry  Harrison,  who  had  been  the  unsuccessful  can- 
didate four  years  before.  The  political  campaign  was 
the  most  exciting  that  had  yet  occurred ; the  enthusi- 
asm for  the  Whig  candidate  was  very  great,  and  the 
“ Log-cabin  and  Hard-cider  ” campaign  will  be  long 
remembered. 

The  character  of  the  successful  candidate  justified 
high  expectations  of  his  administration.  Lelt  at  an 
early  age  to  depend  upon  himself,  he  had  entered 
the  army  and  won  distinction  under  General  Wayne, 
in  the  Indian  wars ; he  had  been  long  identified  with 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


403 


the  development  of  what  are  now  Indiana  and  Ohio ; 
had  represented  Ohio  in  the  United  States  Senate, 
and  filled  several  other  offices  of  more  or  less  note, 
and  was  living,  when  elected,  on  his  farm,  not  far 
from  Cincinnati.  He  made  a judicious  selection  of 
Cabinet  officers,  but  within  a month  after  his  inaugu- 
ration, and  before  any  definite  line  of  policy  had  been 
established,  he  died,  after  a very  brief  illness,  prob- 
ably caused  by  the  fatigue  and  excitement  of  his 
inauguration. 

o 

John  Tyler,  1790-1862.  One  Partial  Term,  1841-1845. 

John  Tyler  was  the  first  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States  to  become  President.  He  had  been 
made  the  Whig  candidate  largely  from  motives  of 
policy,  as  he  had  been  an  active  Democrat,  and  as  a 
member  of  that  party  had  been  elected  Governor  of 
Virginia,  and  had  represented  that  State  in  the  United 
States  Senate.  He  had,  however,  been  opposed  to 
both  Jackson  and  Van  Buren,  and  had  for  some  time 
been  acting  with  the  Whigs.  He  soon  quarreled, 
however,  with  the  Whig  Congress,  the  subject  of 
contention  being  the  proposed  revival  of  the  United 
States  Bank.  This  quarrel  continued  throughout  the 
presidential  term,  to  the  great  hindrance  of  public 
business.  Two  events  which  marked  a new  era,  the 
one  in  our  methods  of  communication,  the  other  in 
the  relief  of  human  suffering,  took  place  during  this 
time  ; they  were  the  invention  of  the  electric  tele- 
graph, and  the  use  of  ether  in  surgery.  The  events 
of  greatest  political  importance  were  the  settlement, 


404 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


by  the  Ashburton  treaty,  of  a troublesome  dispute 
with  Great  Britain,  concerning  the  northeastern  boun- 
dary of  the  United  States,  and,  just  at  the  close  of 
Tyler’s  administration,  the  annexation  of  Texas. 


SHOP  IN  WHICH  THE  FIRST  MORSE  INSTRUMENT  WAS  CONSTRUCTED  FOR 
EXHIBITION  BEFORE  THE  SENATE. 


The  latter  was  a step  which  had  for  some  time  been 
under  discussion,  it  being  advocated  by  the  South  as 
a pro-slavery  measure,  and  opposed  by  the  anti- 
slavery party.  Texas  had  made  itself  independent 
of  Mexico,  and  asked  to  be  annexed  to  the  United 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


405 


States,  a request  which  was  thus  finally  granted. 
Mr.  Tyler  returned  to  private  life  at  the  close  of  his 
presidential  term,  and  took  little  part  in  public  affairs 
until  the  breaking  out  of  the  Civil  War.  At  the  time 
of  his  death  he  was  a member  of  the  Confederate 
Congress. 

James  Knox  Polk,  1795-1849.  One  Term,  1845-1849. 

The  Democrats  were  again  successful  in  1844,  and 
on  March  4,  1845,  James  K.  Polk  became  the  elev- 
enth President.  He  was  a native  of  North  Carolina, 
but  in  boyhood  had  removed  with  his  father  to  Ten- 
nessee. He  was  well  educated,  and  was  unusually 
successful  in  his  profession  of  the  law.  He  was  for 
fourteen  years  a member  of  Congress  and  was 
Speaker  of  the  House  for  five  consecutive  sessions. 
On  his  declining  a re-election  to  Congress  he  was 
made  Governor  of  Tennessee,  and  as  a candidate  for 
the  Presidency  in  1844  was  successful  in  uniting  the 
warring  factions  of  the  Democrats.  He  came  to  the 
Presidency  at  a critical  time.  The  annexation  of 
Texas  had  involved  the  country  in  difficulties  with 
Mexico,  and  the  question  of  the  northern  boundary 
west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  threatened  to  interrupt 
the  cordial  relations  between  the  United  States  and 
England.  The  latter  question  was  settled  by  accept- 
ing the  parallel  of  forty-nine  degrees  of  north  latitude, 
thus  making  the  boundary  continuous  with  that  east 
of  the  mountains,  but  the  trouble  with  Mexico  culmi- 
nated in  war,  which  resulted,  in  less  than  two  years, 
in  the  complete  conquest  of  that  country.  California 

21 


4o6  OUR  former  presidents. 

and  New  Mexico  were  ceded  to  the  United  States 
on  the  payment  of  fifteen  millions  of  dollars  and  the 
assumption  of  certain  debts  of  Mexico.  It  was  just 
at  this  time  that  gold  was  discovered  in  California, 
and  the  wonderful  emigration  to  that  Territory  began. 
Mr.  Polk  survived  his  presidential  term  only  some 
three  months. 

Zachary  Taylor,  1784-1850.  One  Partial  Term,  1849-1850. 

The  pendulum  of  popular  favor  had  again  swung 
over  to  the  side  of  the  Whigs,  and  their  candidate 
was  elected  the  twelfth  President.  General  Zachary 
Taylor  had  grown  up  amid  the  privations  and  difficul- 
ties of  frontier  life  in  Kentucky.  By  the  influence  of 
Madison,  the  then  Secretary  of  State,  who  was  a rela- 
tive of  the  family,  he  received  an  appointment  as 
lieutenant  in  the  United  States  Army,  and  served 
with  great  distinction  in  the  Indian  wars  which  then 
harassed  our  frontiers.  At  the  time  of  the  annexa- 
tion of  Texas  he  was  in  command  of  the  army  in  the 
Southwest,  with  the  rank  of  Brigadier-General.  His 
management  of  affairs  during  the  time  which  pre- 
ceded the  Mexican  War  was  marked  by  great  dis- 
cretion, and  his  brilliant  conduct  of  the  opening 
campaign  brought  him  great  popularity  and  led  to 
his  nomination  for  the  Presidency  by  the  Whigs,  to 
the  great  chagrin  of  some  of  the  leaders  of  the  party, 
who  saw  in  his  success  the  disappointment  of  their 
own  ambition,  and  who  distrusted  a candidate  who 
had  no  experience  in  legislative  or  executive  affairs. 
This  distrust,  however,  has  not  been  shared  by  the 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


40  7 


majority  of  the  people,  either  in  the  case  of  General 
Taylor  or  of  other  presidential  candidates  of  purely 
military  renown,  and  such  a candidate  has  usually 
been  sure  of  success. 

The  question  of  the  extension  of  slavery  was  again 
being  fiercely  agitated,  and  seemed  once  more  likely 
to  disrupt  the  country.  General  Taylor  lived  only 
some  sixteen  months  after  his  inauguration,  dying 
before  the  heat  of  the  debate  in  Congress  had  abated. 

Millard  Fillmore,  1800-1874.  One  Partial  Term,  1850-1853. 

The  Vice-President,  who,  by  the  death  of  General 
Taylor,  came  to  be  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the 
country,  was  Millard  Fillmore,  of  New  York.  He 
was  an  admirable  type  of  the  American  citizen,  owing 
this  high  position  to  his  own  attainments,  and  to  his 
own  unaided  exertions.  He  received  no  pecuniary 
assistance  after  his  fourteenth  year,  except  a small 
loan,  which  he  punctually  repaid.  With  exceedingly 
little  previous  education,  he  began,  at  the  age  of  nine- 
teen, the  study  of  law,  which  he  prosecuted  under 
the  most  adverse  circumstances,  but  so  successfully 
as  to  place  him  in  the  front  rank  of  the  lawyers  of  the 
State  of  New  York.  He  was  for  several  terms  a 
member  of  the  lower  House  of  Congress,  where  he 
distinguished  himself  as  a wise,  prudent,  honest  legis- 
lator. He  was  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Ways 
and  Means  which  framed  the  tariff  of  1842,  and 
although  he  claimed  no  originality  for  the  principles 
on  which  it  was  based,  he  is  justly  entitled  to  be 
considered  its  author. 


408 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


“ Uncle  Tom’s  Cabin.” 

His  presidential  term  is  chiefly  remembered  by 
the  debate  in  Congress  on  the  extension  of  slavery 
in  the  territory  gained  by  the  Mexican  War,  resulting 
in  the  adoption  of  the  compromise  measures  proposed 
by  Henry  Clay,  including  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law. 
This  law,  which  gave  the  owners  of  runaway  slaves 
the  right  to  call  on  all  citizens  to  assist  in  arresting 
and  restoring  them  to  their  owners,  was  exceedingly 
unpopular  in  the  North,  and  did  much  to  prevent  Mr. 
Fillmore’s  renomination,  and  to  increase  anti-slavery 
sentiment  in  the  North. 

Mrs.  Stowe’s  famous  story,  “ Uncle  Tom’s  Cabin,” 
was  published  in  1852,  and  had  a great  influence  in 
hastening  the  impending  conflict.  At  the  close  of  his 
term  Mr.  Fillmore  retired  to  Buffalo,  where  he  re- 
sided until  his  death,  in  1874. 


Franklin  Pierce,  1804-1868.  One  Term,  1853-1857. 

Again  the  Whigs  were  retired  from  control  of  the 
National  Government  and  a Democratic  President 
elected.  Franklin  Pierce  had  been  a life-long  resi- 
dent of  New  Hampshire.  He  was  a graduate  of 
Bowdoin  College,  was  widely  known  as  an  able  and 
sucessful  lawyer,  and  though  his  name  was  not  espe- 
cially connected  with  any  great  measure,  he  had  repre- 
sented his  State  in  both  Houses  of  Congress.  He 
expressed  in  his  inaugural  address  the  belief  that  all 
questions  concerning  slavery  should  be  considered 
settled  by  the  compromise  measures  of  1850,  and  the 
hope  that  “ no  sectional,  or  ambitious,  or  fanatical 


1 


JAMES  A.  GARFIElyD. 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


411 

excitement  might  again  threaten  the  durability  of  our 
institutions  or  obscure  the  light  of  our  prosperity.” 

“ Crystal  Palace.” 

Among  the  notable  events  of  his  administration 
may  be  mentioned  the  international  exhibition  in  the 
“Crystal  Palace”  in  New  York,  in  1853,  in  which 
the  pre-eminence  of  Americans  in  the*  invention  of 
labor-saving  machinery  was  manifested ; the  expedk 
tion  of  Commodore  Perry  to  Japan,  which  resulted  in 
opening  to  American  commerce  the  ports  of  that  in- 
teresting country,  which  no  foreigners  had  previously 
been  allowed  to  enter;  and  the  adjustment  of  a dis- 
pute with  Mexico  concerning  the  western  portion  of 
the  boundary  between  the  two  countries,  resulting  in 
the  purchase  by  the  United  States  of  a considerable 
district,  included  in  the  present  territories  of  Arizona 
and  New  Mexico.  But  the  facts  which  chiefly 
characterize  this  administration  concern  the  irrepres- 
sible conflict  about  slavery.  The  Kansas-Nebraska 
Act  in  1854  repealed  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and 
made  the  question  of  slavery  in  all  the  Territories 
optional  with  the  people  of  the  Territories,  as  had 
been  done  by  the  Compromise  of  1850  for  the  terri- 
tory acquired  from  Mexico.  The  passage  of  this 
law  led  to  much  ill-feeling  and  to  great  efforts  by 
both  Northern  abolitionists  and  Southern  slave- 
holders to  encourage  the  emigration  of  their  sympa- 
thizers to  Kansas,  in  order  to  govern  the  decision  in 
regard  to  slavery.  The  strife  of  these  opposing 
parties  became  so  serious  as  to  result  in  much  blood- 


412 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


shed,  and  from  1854  to  1859  that  Territory  deserved 
the  name  of  the  “ Bleeding  Kansas,”  and  during 
much  of  that  time  it  was  in  a state  of  civil  war. 

James  Buchanan,  1791-1868.  One  Term,  1857-1861. 

Mr.  Pierce  took  no  prominent  part  in  public  affairs 
after  his  retirement  for  the  Presidency.  The  Whig 
party  had  now  finally  disappeared,  and  in  the  election 
of  1856  the  Democrats  were  once  more  successful. 
James  Buchanan  was  a Pennsylvania  lawyer,  a grad- 
uate of  Dickinson  College,  and  so  prominent  in  his 
profession  that  his  name  appears  in  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Reports , between  1812  and  1831,  more  fre- 
quently than  that  of  any  other  lawyer.  He  had 
served  ten  years  in  Congress,  had  represented  his 
country  as  Minister  to  Russia  and  to  England,  and  as 
Secretary  of  State  under  President  Polk  had  been 
called  upon  to  adjust  questions  of  the  gravest  and 
most  delicate  character. 


“ Dred  Scott  Decision.” 

At  the  opening  of  his  administration  the  public 
strife  was  greatly  allayed  by  the  general  confidence 
in  the  ability  and  the  high  patriotism  of  the  Presi- 
dent; but  the  announcement  of  the  “Dred  Scott 
Decision,”  which  had  been  deferred  so  as  not  to  give 
new  cause  for  excitement  during  a presidential  cam- 
paign, stirred  the  nation  to  a degree  before  unknown. 
This  decision  declared  the  Missouri  Compromise 
unconstitutional,  and  therefore  void,  that  Congress 
has  no  right  to  forbid  the  carrying  of  slaves  into  any 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS . 


413 


State  or  Territory,  and  opened  all  the  Free  States  to 
at  least  a temporary  establishment  of  slavery.  This 
was  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  the  contest.  The 
attempt  of  John  Brown,  a citizen  of  Kansas,  with 
about  twenty  men,  to  liberate  the  slaves  in  Virginia, 
their  seizure  of  the  Government 'buildings  at  Har- 
per’s Ferry,  their  capture,  and  the  hanging  of  the 
leader,  with  six  of  his  men,  only  hastened  the  final 
conflict. 

Panic  of  1857. 

A great  business  panic  occurred  in  1857,  and  the 
discovery  of  silver  in  Nevada  and  Colorado  the  fol- 
lowing year;  the  no  less  important  discovery  of 
petroleum  and  natural  gas  in  Pennsylvania  occurred 
in  1859. 

After  the  presidential  election  of  i860  it  became 
evident  that  the  South  would  not  quietly  submit 
to  the  defeat  which  they  had  received,  and  South 
Carolina,  followed  by  six  other  Southern  States, 
adopted  “ordinances  of  secession,”  assuming  to  dis- 
solve their  union  with  the  other  States,  and  declaring 
themselves  free  and  independent  nations.  The 
President  took  no  action  to  prevent  secession,  and 
most  of  the  forts,  arsenals,  and  other  national  prop- 
erty within  these  States  were  seized.  Mr.  Buchanan 
retired  to  private  life  at  the  close  of  his  term  as 
President. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  1809-1865.  Two  Terms  (Died  in  Office)  1861-1865. 

Of  all  the  men  since  Washington  who  have  been 
Presidents  of  the  United  States,  Abraham  Lincoln 


tion,  gave  him  a place  in  the  hearts  of  the  common 
people  not  held  by  any  other  American,  while  his  un- 
equaled  knowledge  of  men,  his  ability  to  cope  with 
unforeseen  difficulties,  his  lofty  purpose  and  perfect 
honesty,  together  with  his  practical  good  sense,  not 
only  brought  him  the  respect  and  esteem  of  all  who 
came  to  know  him,  but  place  him  among  the  greatest 


4x4  OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS 

holds  the  largest  share  in  the  affections  of  the  people. 
His  lowly  origin,  his  early  poverty  and  privation,  the 
never-failing-  kindness  with  which  throughout  his  life 
he  met  all  classes  of  men,  and  the  homely  and  genial 
wit  which  enlivened  his  discussion  of  grave  matters 
of  State  as  well  as  his  casual  and  friendly  conversa- 


LINCOLN’S  BOYHOOD  HOME  IN  KENTUCKY. 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


415 

statesmen,  not  of  America  alone,  but  of  all  countries 
in  all  times. 


Born  and  reared  in  the  backwoods,  with  nothing  in 
his  surroundings  to  stimulate  ambition,  chopping 
wood  and  splitting  rails,  learning  to  read  from  the 


HOME  OF  LINCOLN  AT  GENTRYYILLE,  INDIANA- 


spelling-book  and  the  Bible,  sitting  up  half  the  night 
to  read  Pilgrim’s  Progress  and  /Esop’s  Fables  “ by 
the  blaze  of  the  logs  his  own  axe  had  split,”  he  came 
to  manhood  with  little  education,  but  with  perfect 
health  and  gigantic  strength.  At  the  age  of  twenty- 
five  he  took  up  the  study  of  law,  and  early  began  to 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


416 

take  part  in  the  local  political  movements.  He  had 
represented  his  district  in  Congress,  but  at  the  time 
of  his  nomination  for  President  had  little  repu- 
tation outside  of  Illinois. 

The  Civil  War. 

He  came  to  the  Presidency  amid  a multitude  of 
adverse  circumstances.  With  seven  States  already  se- 
ceded, the  border  States  apparently  ready  to  follow, 
with  the  capital  surrounded  by  a hostile  population, 
and  without  the  confidence  of  the  leaders  of  his  own 
party,  his  would  indeed  seem  a difficult  task.  His  first 
measures  were  intended  to  convince  the  people  of  the 
South,  if  they  were  willing  to  be  convinced,  that  he 
had  no  hostile  intention,  but  at  the  same  time  that  he 
proposed  to  “ preserve,  protect,  and  defend  ” the 
Union,  and  to  maintain  the  rights  and  the  authority 
of  the  Government.  The  story  of  the  War  of  the 
Rebellion  cannot  be  told  here.  It  is  a story  the  like 
of  which  forms  part  of  the  history  of  no  other 
nation — the  story  of  a war  engaging  at  one  time 
1,700,000  men,  the  war  debt  of  the  North,  represent- 
ing but  a part  of  the  cost  of  the  war,  amounting  to 
$3,000,000,000,  and  the  expense  frequently  exceed- 
ing  $3,500,000  a day. 

Emancipation  Proclamation. 

Aside  from  the  essentially  military  features  of  the 
war,  the  most  notable  event  of  Mr.  Lincoln’s  admin- 
istration was  the  freeing-  of  the  slaves,  which  was 
done  as  a war  measure,  by  the  Emancipation  Procla- 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


417 


mation,  January  1,  1863,  thus  finally,  after  the  expira- 
tion of  nearly  a hundred  years,  making  good  in  our 
country  the  words  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence, that  “all  men  are  created  equal.” 

It  can  be  truthfully  said  that  President  Lincoln 

carried  the  administration  of  the  Government  in  this 

* 

troublous  time,  not  only  as  a load  upon  his  brain, 
but  as  a burden  in  his  heart;  a united  country  was 
the  object  of  all  his  efforts,  and  when,  only  a month 
after  his  second  inauguration,  he  was  assassinated  by 
a misguided  and  mistaken  Southern  sympathizer,  the 
bullet  of  the  murderer  removed  as  true  a friend  as 
the  South  possessed.  The  war  was  already  at  an 
end,  and  had  Abraham  Lincoln  lived  to  rebuild  and 
reconstruct  the  Union  he  had  saved,  many  of  the 
difficulties  of  the  era  of  reconstruction  mioffit  have 
been  avoided — difficulties  whose  evil  effects  have  not 
yet  disappeared  from  our  national  politics. 

No  fact  in  our  history  demonstrates  more  fully  the 
perfection  of  our  system  of  Government  and  the  hold 
which  it  has  upon  the  confidence  of  our  people  than 
the  quiet  change  of  Chief  Magistrates  at  the  close 
of  a presidential  term.  Four  times  in  our  history 
this  change  has  been  caused  by  death,  and  now,  when 
the  beloved  President  had  been  assassinated,  when 
the  whole  country  was  excited  and  alarmed,  when 
grave  questions  were  pending  and  matters  of  the 
utmost  delicacy  required  adjustment,  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent quietly  assumed  the  office,  and  the  routine  of 
Government  proceeded  as  before, 


418 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


Andrew  Johnson,  1808-1875.  One  Partial  Term,  1865-1869. 

Andrew  Johnson  was  a native  of  North  Carolina. 
He  was  the  son  of  poor  parents,  and,  learning  the 
tailor’s  trade,  he  earned  his  living  for  a number  of 
years  as  a journeyman.  He  taught  himself  to  read, 
and  after  emigrating  to  Tennessee  he  learned  from 
his  wife  to  write  and  cipher.  He  represented  his 
district  for  several  terms  in  Congress,  and  was  chosen 
United  States  Senator  in  1857.  He  was  nominated 
for  Vice-President  by  the  Republicans  in  1864,  mainly 
to  invite  votes  from  the  opposite  party,  as  until  the 
war  he  had  been  a consistent  Democrat.  Unfortu- 
nately, he  differed  with  the  leading  Republicans  in 
Congress  on  the  question  of  the  manner  in  which  the 
States  lately  in  rebellion  were  to  resume  their  places 
in  the  Government,  and  the  difference  grew  into  a 
violent  quarrel,  which  lasted  till  the  close  of  his  term, 
and  resulted,  in  1868,  in  the  impeachment  of  the 
President  by  Congress.  He  was  acquitted,  however, 
the  vote  in  the  Senate  lacking  one  of  the  two-thirds 
necessary  to  convict.  The  chief  political  events  of 
the  administration  were  the  readmission  of  six  of  the 
seceded  States  and  the  adoption  of  three  amend- 
ments to  the  Constitution — ^he  Thirteenth,  abolishing 
slavery;  the  Fourteenth,  making  the  negro  a citizen 
and  the  Fifteenth,  giving  him  the  right  to  vote. 

During  this  time,  also,  the  Government  began  the 
payment  of  the  war  debt,  the  first  Atlantic  cable  was 
laid,  and  Alaska  was  added  to  our  national  domain. 


DANIEL,  W.  VOORHEES. 


Senator  from  Indiana. 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


421 


Ulysses  Simpson  Grant,  1822-1885.  Two  Terms,  1869-1877. 

The  success  which  had  attended  the  Union  armies 
after  they  passed  under  the  command  of  General 
Ulysses  S.  Grant  made  him  the  popular  idol  and  ob- 
viously the  most  available  candidate  for  President. 
He  was  a native  of  Ohio,  a graduate  of  West  Point, 
and  had  served  in  the  Mexican  War,  where  he  was 
promoted  for  meritorious  conduct  in  battle.  At  the 
opening  of  the  civil  war  he  raised  a company  of  volun- 
teers in  Illinois,  of  which  State  he  was  then  a citizen, 
was  soon  made  a brigadier-general,  and  from  that 
point  the  story  of  his  life  is  a part  of  the  history  of 
the  war. 

General  Grant  was  the  recipient  of  honors  from 
foreign  rulers  and  Governments  such  as  have  been 
bestoWed  upon  no  other  American  President.  His 
fame  as  a general  was  recognized  throughout  the 
world,  and  although  he  had  no  experience  in  civil 
affairs,  he  had  the  tact  to  call  into  his  Cabinet  men 
of  great  ability,  and  while  he  may  have  been  some- 
times misled  by  designing  men,  his  administration 
was  so  popular  that  he  was  re-elected  by  a greatly 
increased  majority,  and  indeed  might  have  been 
chosen  for  a third  term  had  not  the  public  feeling 
been  found  so  strongly  opposed  to  violating  the 
custom  inaugurated  by  Washington  of  giving  to  no 
President  more  than  two  terms  of  office.  During 
these  two  terms  the  first  Pacific  Railway  was  com- 
pleted; representatives  from  all  the  remaining  se- 
ceded States  were  admitted  to  Congress ; a treaty 
was  concluded  with  England  providing  for  the  arbi- 


422 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


tration  of  the  Alabama  and  other  claims,  which 
seemed  at  one  time  likely  to  involve  the  two  coun- 
tries in  war ; the  great  fires  in  Chicago  and  Boston 
destroyed  many  millions  of  property ; a panic  of 
almost  unprecedented  severity  occurred  (1873),  and 
the  Centennial  Exhibition  took  place  at  Philadelphia. 
After  the  close  of  his  term  as  President,  General 
Grant  made  a tour  of  the  world,  being  everywhere 
received  with  the  greatest  honor,  after  which  he  re- 
sided in  New  York  until  attacked  by  the  disease 
which  ended  his  life  on  Mount  McGregor,  in  1885. 

Rutherford  Burchard  Hayes,  1822-1893.  One  Term,  1877-1881. 

It  has  frequently  happened  that  when  several  rival 
leaders  of  the  same  political  party  have  been  candi- 
dates for  President,  the  Presidential  Convention  has 
found  it  wisest  to  nominate  some  less  prominent  man, 
thus  avoiding  the  loss  which  might  result  from  the 
choice  of  either  of  the  more  conspicuous  aspirants 
for  the  office,  and  the  consequent  offence  to  the  sup- 
porters of  the  others.  This  was  the  case  when  a 
successor  to  General  Grant  was  to  be  chosen. 
While  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  had  been  a Brigadier- 
General  in  the  Union  army,  and  had  twice  been 
elected  Governor  of  Ohio,  he  was  by  no  means  con- 
spicuous as  a national  leader.  There  was  great  dis- 
satisfaction with  the  course  of  the  men  who  had  ob- 
tained control  of  the  political  machinery  of  the  Re- 
publican party,  and  the  election  depended  on  the 
counting  of  the  electoral  votes  of  Louisiana  and 

o 

Florida.  To  settle  the  legality  of  these  votes,  the 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


423 


famous  Electoral  Commission  was  appointed  by  Con- 
gress, and  decided  in  favor  of  General  Hayes  as 
against  his  competitor,  Samuel  J.  Tilden.  The  quiet 
and  peaceful  solution  of  this  dispute  is  one  of  the 
greatest  triumphs  of  our  system  of  Government. 
The  Republican  party  had  been  in  office  for  four 
Presidential  terms,  had  successfully  conducted  the  af- 
fairs of  the  nation  during  the  trying  and  dangerous 
periods  of  the  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction.  Many 
of  the  measures  which  had  been  during  this  time 
adopted  as  a part  of  our  system  had  been  consistently 
and  strenuously  opposed  by  the  Democrats.  Under 
these  circumstances  the  Republicans  viewed  the  pos- 
sible accession  to  power  of  the  Democratic  party  with 
a degree  of  alarm,  which  has  since  proved  to  be  un- 
justifiable. Each  party  claimed,  and  probably  be- 
lieved, that  its  candidate  had  been  elected,  and  each 
was  disposed  to  insist  on  its  rights  under  the  Consti- 
tution. Such  a dispute  in  a country  where  men’s 
passions  are  less  under  the  control  of  their  reason, 
would  inevitably  have  led  to  civil  war.  The  two 
Houses  of  Congress  were  of  different  politics,  and 
their  agreement  upon  what  seemed  an  equitable 
method  of  adjusting  the  dispute,  together  with  the 
acquiescence  of  all  parties  in  the  decision  of  the  trib- 
unal thus  created,  make  it  a remarkable  instance  of 
the  adaptability  of  our  institutions,  and  go  far  to  jus- 
tify the  most  complete  faith  in  their  permanence. 
General  Hayes  was  a successful  lawyer,  a lifelong 
citizen  of  Ohio,  and  while  his  administration  gave 
great  offence  to  many  political  leaders,  it  was  gener- 


/ 


424  OUR  FORMER  presidents. 

ally  satisfactory  to  the  people.  At  the  close  of  his 
term  he  retired  to  his  native  State. 

The  chief  events  of  his  Presidency  were  : his  with- 
drawal of  troops  from  the  South,  thus  leaving  the 
people  of  that  section  to  settle  their  own  questions 
in  their  own  way ; the  great  railroad  and  coal  strikes, 
during  which  United  States  troops  had  to  be  em- 
ployed to  suppress  violence  at  Pittsburg,  and  the 
resumption  of  specie  payments,  in  1879. 

James  Abram  Garfield,  1831-1881.  One  Partial  Term,  1881. 

The  twentieth  President  was  likewise  a citizen  of 
Ohio.  The  early  life  of  James  A.  Garfield  was  some- 
what similar  to  that  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  He  had, 
however,  the  advantage  of  early  contact  with  culti- 
vated people,  and  while  he  at  one  time  drove  mules 
upon  the  tow-path  of  a canal,  and  paid  for  his  tuition 
by  acting  as  janitor  of  the  school-house,  he  had  op- 
portunities for  education  of  which  he  availed  himself 
to  the  utmost,  paying  his  own  way  through  school, 
and  finally  graduating  at  Williams  College.  At  the 
opening  of  the  war  he  entered  the  Union  army,  and 
was  promoted  for  his  services  at  the  battle  of  Chicka- 
mauga  to  the  rank  of  Major-General.  He  left  the 
army  to  enter  Congress,  where  he  took  a leading  part, 
and  was  chosen  Senator  for  Ohio,  but  before  taking 
his  seat  was  elected  President.  He  surrounded  him- 
self with  able  advisers,  and  high  hopes  were  enter- 
tained of  a notably  successful  administration,  when 
he  was  shot  by  a disappointed  office-seeker,  dying 
after  two  months  of  suffering,  during  which  the 


GARFIELD  ON  THE  TOW-PATH 


(425) 


22 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


426 

public  sympathy  was  excited  to  an  extraordinary  de- 
gree and  was  manifested  in  every  possible  way. 

The  single  event  for  which  the  few  months  of  his 
Presidency  are  remarkable  is  the  quarrel  between 
the  President  and  Senator  Conkling,  of  New  York, 
as  to  some  of  the  Federal  appointments  in  that  State. 
The  Senator  from  New  York  resigned,  and  the 
difficulty  was  not  adjusted  at  the  time  of  the  Presi- 
dent’s death. 

Chester  Alan  Arthur,  1830-1886.  One  Partial  Term,  1881-1885. 

The  Vice-President  elected  with  Garfield  was 
Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  New  York.  He  was  not 
widely  known  outside  his  own  State  before  his  nomi- 
nation, and  he  was  made  the  candidate  in  order  to 
retain  the  favor  of  a large  portion  of  the  Republican 
party  in  New  York  which  had  advocated  the  claims 
of  another  candidate,  and  it  was  feared  would  not 
otherwise  assist  in  the  election  of  Garfield. 

Mr.  Arthur  had  great  experience  as  a political 
manager,  but  little  knowledge  of  the  manner  in  which 
the  Government  is  conducted ; but  he  proved  a 
careful,  conscientious  President,  and  the  country  was 
well  satisfied  with  his  administration.  As  he  had 
been  an  adherent  of  the  political  faction  with  which 
President  Garfield,  at  the  time  of  his  assassination, 
was  at  war,  he  was  placed  in  an  exceedingly  delicate 
position,  and  grave  fears  were  entertained  by  many 
people  that  backward  steps  would  be  taken  ; but  the 
new  President  extricated  himself  from  his  difficulties 
with  a dignity  and  a tact  which  astonished  even  those 


THE  HOME  OF  GARFIELD’S  CHILDHOOD. 


(427) 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


428 

who  knew  him  best,  and  which  gained  for  him  the 
respect  of  the  entire  country. 

During  the  term  of  President  Arthur,  Congress 
passed’  the  Civil  Service  Act,  providing  for  the  ap- 
pointment of  subordinate  employees  of  the  Govern- 
ment on  the  basis  of  merit  rather  than  that  of  political 
influence ; the  completion  of  the  great  East  River 
Bridge  united  the  cities  of  New  York  and  Brooklyn, 
and  the  immense  growth  and  prosperity  of  the  New 
South  justified  the  brightest  anticipations  for  the 
future  of  that  section.  Mr.  Arthur  died  in  New  York 
a few  months  after  the  close  of  his  term. 

Stephen  Grover  Cleveland,  1837.  First  Term,  1885-1889;  Second 
Term,  1893-1897. 

The  Republican  party  had  now  held  control  of 
the  Government  for  twenty-five  years,  and  Grover 
Cleveland  was  the  first  Democratic  President  since 
Buchanan.  Although  a native  of  New  Jersey,  he  had 
been  since  boyhood  a citizen  of  New  York.  He  began 
the  study  of  law  in  Buffalo  at  the  age  of  eighteen, 
and  early  took  an  active  part  in  politics.  Having 
filled  several  local  offices,  he  was,  in  1882,  elected 
Governor  of  the  State  by  a phenomenal  majority,  and 
in  1884  was  the  successful  candidate  for  President. 

The  transfer  of  the  Government  from  the  hands  of 
one  political  party  to  its  opponent  resulted  in  no  dis- 
turbance to  the  business  or  social  relations  of  the 
people,  and  although  a large  number  of  office-holders 
were  replaced  by  men  of  the  opposite  political  faith, 
the  business  of  the  Government  went  on  as  before. 


BENJAMIN  R.  TIEEMAN.  ROGER  Q.  MIEES. 

Senator  from  South  Carolina.  Senator  from  Texas. 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


431 


During  Cleveland’s  administration  laws  were  en- 
acted providing  for  the  succession  to  the  Presidency 
of  the  various  members  of  the  Cabinet  in  case  of  the 
death  or  disability  of  the  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent; laying  down  rules  for  the  counting  of  the  elec- 
toral votes,  thus  supplying  the  strange  deficiency  of 
the  Constitution  in  this  respect ; regulating  inter- 
state commerce,  and  forbidding  Chinese  laborers  to 
emigrate  to  this  country.  Events  of  great  importance 
were  the  extended  labor  strikes,  which  occurred  in 
1886,  and  the  Anarchist  riot  in  Chicago  in  May  of 
that  year.  Although  his  administration  had  been 
very  satisfactory  to  the  country  at  large,  Mr.  Cleve- 
land failed  of  re-election,  the  principal  question  at 
issue  being  that  of  a protective  tariff.  He  left 
Washington  to  take  up  the  practice  of  law  in  New 
York  city. 

Benjamin  Harrison,  1833.  One  Term,  1889-1893. 

Mr.  Cleveland  was  succeeded  by  General  Ben- 
jamin Harrison,  who  secured  233  electoral  votes  to 
168  cast  for  Mr.  Cleveland.  Mr.  Harrison  is  the 
grandson  of  the  ninth  President,  and  the  great-grand- 
son of  one  of  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence. He  is  a native  of  Ohio,  is  well  educated, 
and  was  for  many  years  one  of  the  leading  lawyers 
of  Indiana.  He  entered  the  Union  army  in  1862, 
and  was  promoted  until,  near  the  close  of  the  war, 
he  reached  the  rank  of  Brigadier-General.  He  was 
made  a United  States  Senator  in  1880,  and  came  to  the 
Presidency  well  equipped  for  the  discharge  of  its  duties. 


432 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


During  his  four  years  of  service  many  events  took 
place  which  have  had  great  weight  in  moulding  the 
future  of  the  country.  A Congress  of  the  American 
Republics  met  in  Washington,  in  1889,  and  devised 
measures  by  which  it  is  hoped  to  bring  about  a closer 
commercial  union  between  the  Americas ; six  new 
States  were  added  4o  the  Union  ; the  tariff  laws  were 
revised  and  clauses  added  granting  to  such  nations 
as  offer  us  reciprocal  advantages  free  admission  for 
certain  of  their  exports;  the  country  is  being  rapidly 
furnished  with  a new  and  efficient  navy ; the  long- 
standing difficulty  with  England  concerning  seal  fish- 
ing in  Behring  Sea  was  adjusted  by  a treaty  provid- 
ing for  arbitration,  and  annoying  difficulties  with 
Germany,  Italy  and  Chili  were  happily  settled. 

Republican  Land-Slide. 

The  presidential  campaign  of  1892  was  remarkable 
in  several  respects.  The  leading  candidates,  ex- 
President  Cleveland  and  President  Harrison,  were 
both  men  of  the  highest  character  and  integrity,  each 
of  whom  had  served  the  country  with  notable  ability 
as  President  for  a term  of  four  years.  The  people 
were,  therefore,  so  well  acquainted  with  the  candi- 
dates that  personalities  entered  little  into  the  cam- 
paign, and  the  canvass  was  conducted  with  less  pop- 
ular enthusiasm  and  excitement  than  ever  before. 
The  question  most  largely  discussed  was  that  of  the 
McKinley  tariff,  but  other  important  questions,  such 
as  the  free  coinage  of  silver  and  the  revival  of  State 
banks,  entered  largely  into  the  discussion,  and  had 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


433 


much  to  do  with  influencing  the  result,  especially  in 
the  Western  States,  where  party  lines  were  very 
largely  broken  up.  The  result  of  the  election  was 
almost  a political  revolution,  ex-President  Cleveland 
being  elected  by  an  overwhelming  majority.  The 
Populists  also  polled  a very  large  vote. 

The  result  of  the  election  was  generally  accepted 
as  meaning  a condemnation  of  the  McKinley  tariff. 
For  the  first  time  in  thirty  years  the  Democratic  party 
had  full  possession  of  all  branches  of  the  Government. 

Panic  of  1893. 

In  the  spring  and  summer  of  1893  the  country  ex- 
perienced an  unexpected  and  remarkable  stringency 
in  the  money  market,  which  was  largely  attributed  to 
the  operations  of  what  is  known  as  the  Sherman  Law, 
by  which  the  Government  was  compelled  to  purchase 
four  and  one-half  million  ounces  of  silver  every 
month.  President  Cleveland  called  an  extra  session 
of  Congress  to  meet  early  in  August,  for  the  purpose 
of  repealing  the  purchasing  clause  of  the  “ Sherman 
Law.”  This  appeared  to  bring  some  relief  in  the  way 
of  restoring  confidence,  but  it  did  not  come  until  the 
country  had  suffered  greatly  from  the  general  depres- 
sion of  trade  and  the  withdrawal  of  credits.  The 
banks  in  New  York,  Philadelphia  and  Boston  de- 
clined to  pay  large  sums  on  the  checks  of  their  cus- 
tomers in  currency,  but  insisted  upon  payments  being 
accepted  in  Clearing  House  certificates.  President 
Cleveland  was  very  generally  commended  for  his 
wise  and  patriotic  action  in  dealing  with  the  questions 


434 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


affecting  the  public  interest  during  this  critical  period, 
though  he  met  with  serious  opposition  within  his  own 
party. 

The  Hawaiian  Difficulty. 

One  of  the  most  unusual  and  important  events  of 
189,3  was  the  movement  for  the  annexation  of  the 
Sandwich  Islands.  Early  in  the  year,  by  a successful 
revolution,  without  bloodshed,  the  native  Queen,  Lil- 
iuokalani,  was  overthrown  and  a provisional  govern- 
ment established,  the  chief  officers  of  which  were 
Americans  by  birth  or  parentage.  A proposition  for 
annexation  was  made  by  them  to  the  United  States, 
and  a treaty  looking  to  that  end  was  negotiated  under 
the  administration  of  President  Harrison,  and  sent  to 
the  Senate  for  ratification.  On  President  Cleveland’s 
accession  to  office  in  March,  he  withdrew  the  treaty, 
and  sent  Hon.  James  H.  Blount  as  commissioner  to 
Hawaii  to  make  further  investigation.  After  some 
months  Mr.  Blount  made  a report,  stating  that  the 
Hawaiian  revolution  had  been  accomplished  by  the 
active  aid  of  the  American  minister,  who  had  used 
American  war  vessels  and  troops  for  that  purpose. 
The  President  thereupon  made  a demand  upon  the 
provisional  government  that  the  Queen  should  be 
restored,  and  in  a special  message  to  Congress  urged 
that  view.  The  provisional  government  of  Hawaii, 
however,  declined  to  comply,  and  Congress  took  no 
measures  to  restore  the  monarchy.  The  affair  occa- 
sioned intense  feeling  in  the  United  States,  public 
opinion  in  regard  to  annexation  and  the  policy  of  the 
President  being  sharply  divided. 


(435) 


436 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS. 


China  and  Japan. 

During  the  war  between  China  and  Japan,  in  1894, 
President  Cleveland  had  a conspicuous  opportunity 
to  show  to  the  world  the  great  advantage  this  country 
enjoys  as  a mediator  between  other  belligerent  na- 
tions, owing  to  our  well-known  policy  of  avoiding 
foreign  entanglements. 

Conflict  Between  Labor  and  Capital. 

In  July,  1894,  occurred  the  most  tremendous  con- 
flict between  capital  and  labor  that  has  ever  taken 
place  in  this  country.  The  American  Railway  Union, 
a labor  organization  of  railway  employees,  ordered  a 
general  strike  on  all  railroads  running  Pullman  cars. 
For  two  weeks  traffic  was  almost  at  a standstill,  and 
a reign  of  terror  existed  in  Chicago,  and  also  in  parts 
of  California  and  other  States  of  the  West.  The 
railroad  tracks  entering  Chicago  were  besieged 
by  a violent  mob  ; cars  were  derailed  and  burned, 
. switches  torn  up,  miles  of  loaded  freight  cars  set  on 
fire,  and  every  means  employed  to  stop  completely 
the  movement  of  trains.  President  Cleveland  finally 
sent  troops  of  the  regular  army  to  Chicago,  and  the 
riot  was  soon  quelled.  In  December,  1894,  Eugene 
V.  Debs  and  other  leaders  of  the  strike  were  sen- 
tenced to  terms  of  imprisonment. 

Another  Political  Revolution. 

The  autumn  of  1894  brought  a political  revolution 
even  greater  than  that  of  1892 — the  Republicans 
being  nearly  everywhere  victorious.  The  universal 


OUR  FORMER  PRESIDENTS . 


437 


depression  of  business,  and  die  failure  of  Congress 
to  deal  with  the  tariff  and  financial  measures,  created 
a great  revulsion  of  feeling  against  the  Democrats, 
who  were  overwhelmingly  defeated  in  nearly  every 
State  of  the  Union.  The  extent  of  the  revolution  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  while  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives elected  in  1892  contained  219  Democrats 
and  127  Republicans,  the  House  elected  in  1894  con- 
tains 100  Democrats  and  245  Republicans. 

The  twenty-three  men  who  have  filled  the  presi- 
dential chair  have  varied  in  ability;  they  have  repre- 
sented all  classes  of  our  American  people  and  widely 
different  schools  of  political  thought,  but  in  the  cen- 
tury of  their  aggregate  terms  no  country  of  the 
world  has  had  better  men  as  chief  executives. 


RAILWAY  STATION  WHERE  GARFIELD 
WAS  SHOT. 


The  Republican  Convention. 


A REMARKABLE  PRESIDENTIAL 
CONVENTION. 

“bosses”  set  aside  and  nomination  made  by  the 

PEOPLE A CYCLONE  OF  ENTHUSIASM HOW  THE 

VICE-PRESIDENT  WAS  CHOSEN ACTION  OF  THE  SIL- 
VER MEN UNPRECEDENTED  SCENES. 

The  National  Republican  Convention  which  assem- 
bled in  St.  Louis,  on  June  16,  1896,  was  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  and  unique  in  the  history  of  that 
organization,  whose  first  candidate,  Colonel  John  C. 
Fremont,  was  presented  for  the  suffrages  of  the 
people  forty  years  before.  That  pioneer  candidate 
was  defeated,  but  the  great  Lincoln,  the  second  nom- 
inee, was  swept  into  the  President’s  chair  while  the 
skies  were  darkening  with  the  clouds  of  civil  war,  and 
he  swayed  the  destinies  of  the  nation  throughout  that 
terrific  struggle,  until  removed  by  the  assassin’s  bul- 
let, when  the  country  could  the  least  spare  him.  His- 
tory has  told  the  story  of  the  quadrennial  battles 
since  then  for  political  supremacy,  and  of  none  can  a 
more  interesting  story  be  given  than  of  that  which 
placed  William  McKinley  of  Ohio  in  nomination. 


Many  Brilliant  and  Able  Men. 

At  no  time  were  there  a greater  number  of  brilliant 

(438) 


MARK  A.  HANNA. 

Chairman  of  the  Republican  National  Committee. 


TIIE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


44I 


and  able  men  prominently  named  for  the  honor  than 
during  the  few  months  preceding  decisive  action. 
“Tom”  Reed  of  Maine  has  no  superior  in  brains, 
wit  and  ability,  and  there  can  be  no  question  that  had 
he  been  nominated  and  elected  as  Chief  Magistrate, 
he  would  have  given  the  country  a worthy  and  dis- 
tinctively American  administration  ; William  B.  Alli- 
son, who  was  a delegate  to  the  Chicago  convention 
of  i860,  a Congressman  and  Senator,  has  made  a 
national  reputation  for  statesmanship,  and  had  already 
been  a prominent  candidate  for  the  presidential  nom- 
ination ; Levi  P.  Morton  was  governor  of  the  imperial 
State  of  New  York,  and  served  as  Vice-President 
and  in  other  conspicuous  positions,  and  in  all  had 
added  to  his  popularity  and  earned  the  respect  of 
political  foes  as  well  as  friends ; there  were  Quay, 
Alger,  and  others  of  hardly  less  prominence,  with  the 
proverbial  dark  horse  looming  mistily  in  the  back- 
ground. 

Morton  a Candidate. 

Governor  Morton  announced  that  he  would  not  be 
a candidate,  unless  a real  one.  That  is  to  say,  he 
did  not  mean  to  be  put  up  as  a compliment,  or  with 
the  idea  of  using  him  as  a means  to  secure  the  nomi- 
nation for  some  one  else.  Through  the  manipulation 
of  that  wonderful  “boss,”  Tom  Platt,  he  secured  the 
pledge  of  the  regular  delegates  from  New  York,  and 
any  candidate  who  can  go  into  a convention  with  the 
thirty-four  electoral  votes  of  the  Empire  State  behind 
him,  has  a backing  of  which  he  may  well  be  proud. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


442 

and  which  is  certain  to  command  the  deference  of  all 
the  other  delegates. 

New  England  feels  a special  pride  in  her  brilliant 
son,  and  most  of  the  States  declared  for  Reed,  though 
there  was  incipient  revolt  here  and  there.  But  worst 
of  all,  the  leader  of  the  Reed  forces,  Congressman 
Manley  of  Maine,  “flunked”  at  the  very  time  when 
pluck  and  undaunted  courage  were  needed.  Scared 
by  the  array  in  favor  of  McKinley,  he  publicly  gave 
up  the  fight  and  brought  dismay  and  disorganization 
into  the  camp  of  his  champion.  The  resentment 
against  Manley  was  so  intense  that  he  was  charged 
in  many  quarters  with  treachery. 

McKinley  Buttons  Everywhere. 

But  while  all  this  preliminary  skirmishing  was 
going  on,  a potent  fact  became  apparent.  From 
somewhere  a boom  had  started  for  Governor  Mc- 
Kinley of  Ohio,  and  it  had  steadily  grown  and  spread 
until  it  swept  the  country  like  a prairie  fire.  For 
weeks  before  the  convention  “Bill  McKinley”  had 
been  in  everybody’s  mouth ; the  newspapers  were 
full  of  him  ; all  the  readers  had  become  familiar  with 
his  handsome  face  and  with  the  leading  facts  of  his 
life;  buttons  bearing  his  features  and  some  apt  ex- 
pression were  in  the  cars,  on  the  streets  and  in  the 
houses ; and  thousands  who  generally  showed  little 
interest  in  politics  declared  themselves  in  favor  of  the 
man  from  Ohio. 

What  brought  about  this  remarkable  state  of  af- 
fairs? Such  things  do  not  grow  into  life  spontane- 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 


443 


ously.  A presidential  “ boom  ” must  be  planted  and 
skilfully  nursed,  or  it  withers  before  bearing  fruitage. 
While  the  excellent  qualities  of  Governor  McKinley 
cannot  be  denied,  the  intelligent  reader  hardly  needs 
to  be  told  that  he  was  extremely  fortunate  in  being 
in  the  hands  of  wise,  sagacious  and  far-seeing  friends, 
who  were  adepts  in  the  science  of  politics  and  made 
no  mistakes.  The  soil  was  good  and  they  sowed  the 
seed,  watered  and  tended  it  until  it  sprang  into  vig- 
orous life. 

The  Masses  Against  the  “ Bosses.” 

The  movement  for  McKinley  was  skilfully  pre- 
sented as  that  of  the  masses  against  the  “ bosses,” 
and  in  some  respects  it  was  ; and  when  the  people 
move,  they  are  like  the  car  of  Juggernaut : they  crush 
all  that  gets  in  their  way.  The  politicians  opposed 
to  the  “ Ohio  idea  ” fought  desperately  to  stem  the 
swelling  tide ; Platt,  the  most  adroit  of  them  all, 
threatened,  combined,  cajoled  and  bluffed  ; the  op- 
ponents of  McKinley  met  again  and  again  after  their 
arrival  in  St.  Louis,  and  were  in  session  the  night 
through,  with  a view  of  fixing  upon  some  combina- 
tion against  McKinley,  but  Mark  Hanna,  his  man- 
ager, smiled  at  them  all.  He  is  a past-master  in 
political  strategy  and  he  feared  them  not.  He  heard 
the  roar  of  the  rising  waters  behind  him,  and  knew 
it  would  land  his  man  in  the  White  House. 


444 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 


THE  ELEVENTH  NATIONAL  CONVEN- 
TION OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY, 

Held  in  St.  Louis , June  16,  17  and  18. 


The  Currency  Question. 

It  was  evident  from  the  first  that  there  was  but  one 
possible  rock  upon  which  the  great  convention  could 
split — that  was  the  question  whether  to  declare  in 
favor  of  gold  as  the  single  standard  or  to  favor  un- 
limited silver  coinage.  While  the  tariff  was  and 
always  will  be  a prominent  factor  in  politics,  it  was 
relegated  for  the  time  to  the  background.  The  Re- 
publican party  is  that  of  Protection,  and,  therefore, 
there  could  be  little  if  any  ground  for  dissension  in 
that  respect. 

But  unquestionably  there  was  a wide  variance  in 
many  quarters,  as  we  have  shown,  between  the 
“gold”  and  “silver”  men.  While  the  East  and  the 
elder  sections  of  our  country  were  uncompromising 
in  their  demand  for  gold  as  the  single  standard,  some 
of  the  Republicans  beyond  the  Mississippi  insisted 
upon  a plank  acknowledging  silver,  and  open  threats 
were  made  that  in  case  of  refusal,  they  would  bolt 
the  convention  and  affiliate  with  the  party  represent- 
ing their  views.  The  question  was  as  to  how  far  this 
disaffection  extended.  The  pages  immediately  fol- 
lowing will  answer  that  question. 

Meanwhile,  Governor  McKinley,  at  his  home  in 
Canton,  Ohio,  gave  no  sign.  The  lessons  of  former 


THE  REPUBLICAN' CONVENTION. 


445 


candidates  who  had  undone  themselves  by  tongue  or 
pen  were  not  lost  upon  him,  and  he  remained  reso- 
lutely mute.  He  was  referred  to  as  the  “ wabbling 
candidate,”  and  some  of  his  earlier  expressions  were 
quoted  against  him  ; but  nothing  sufficed  to  draw 
him  out.  He  quietly  bided  his  time,  and  who  shall 
say  he  was  not  wise  ? 

First  Day  of  the  Convention. 

It  was  about  half  an  hour  past  noon,  on  Tuesday, 
June  1 6,  1896,  that  the  eleventh  national  convention 
oi  the  Republican  party  was  called  to  order  by  the 
Hon.  Thomas  Henry  Carter,  chairman  of  the  Repub- 
lican National  Committee.  The  tremendous  structure, 
known  as  the  Auditorium  or  Convention  Hall,  is 
capable  of  accommodating  an  immense  assemblage, 
and  it  is  estimated  that  more  than  40,000  visitors  had 
flocked  to  St.  Louis.  Fortunately,  the  torrid  weather 
for  which  the  Mound  City  is  noted  and  dreaded  held 
off,  though  it  gave  a taste  of  its  terrible  power  to 
smite  before  final  adjournment  came. 

For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  national  conven- 
tions, the  opening  prayer  was  made  by  an  Israelite,  in 
the  person  of  Rabbi  Samuel  Sale,  pastor  of  the 
Shaare  Emeth  congregation.  His  invocation  was 
devout,  and,  at  its  close,  the  secretary  read  the  call 
issued  by  the  National  Committee  for  the  convention. 
He  was  not  heard  fifty  feet  away,  not  so  much  be- 
cause of  his  weakness  of  voice,  as  on  account  of  the 
wretched  acoustic  qualities  of  the  building.  Chair- 
man Carter  then  presented  the  name  of  Hon.  Charles 

23 


446  the  republican  convention 

W.  Fairbanks  of  Indiana  as  temporary  chairman. 
No  voice  was  raised  in  opposition,  and  the  tall,  slen- 
der man,  with  close-cropped  beard  and  mustache, 
came  forward  and  delivered  an  address  that  was 
frequently  interrupted  by  applause.  It  was  an  arraign- 
ment of  the  Democratic  administration  for  its  many 
shortcomings,  and  an  argument  that  the  prosperity 
of  the  country  at  large  could  be  secured  only  by  the 
adoption  of  the  principles  of  the  Republican  party. 
Sound  currency,  protection,  sympathy  for  Cuba,  and 
the  certainty  that  the  candidates  about  to  be  named 
would  be  the  next  President  and  Vice-President  of 
the  United  States,  were  the  principal  features  of 
Chairman  Fairbanks’  speech,  which  was  received  with 
many  expressions  of  approval.  At  its  conclusion,  the 
necessary  officials  of  the  convention  were  appointed, 
the  members  of  the  various  committees  announced, 
and,  after  a session  of  less  than  two  hours,  an  ad- 
journment was  had  to  ten  o’clock  Wednesday. 

Wednesday’s  Proceedings — Adoption  of  the  Gold  Plank. 

Between  $he  adjournment  and  the  coming  together 
on  the  morrow,  much  effective  work  was  done. 
While  the  sentiment  of  the  delegates  was  overwhelm- 
ingly in  favor  of  “sound  currency,”  or  the  single 
gold  standard,  there  was  a diversity  of  opinion  in 
many  quarters  as  to  whether  the  word  “ gold  ” should 
be  used  in  the  platform.  A considerable  number 
thought  the  latter  was  sufficiently  explicit  without  the 
word,  but  the  insistence  of  others  compelled  a yield- 
ing of  the  point:  it  was  decided  that  the  all-potent 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 


44  7 


word  should  appear.  Since  adjournment,  Mr.  Hanna 
has  asserted  that  the  gold  plank  was  agreed  upon  by 
him  or  his  associates  before  the  arrival  of  the  dele- 
gates from  the  East  who  were  popularly  credited 
with  the  formulation  of  the  clause  in  question. 

The  convention  reassembled  at  a quarter  to  eleven 
on  Wednesday,  and  was  opened  with  prayer  by  Rev. 
Dr.  W.  G.  Williams,  after  which  the  real  work  began. 
The  report  of  the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organ- 
ization presented  the  name  of  Senator  J.  N.  Thurs- 
ton of  Nebraska  as  chairman,  made  the  secretaries, 
sergeant-at-arms  and  other  temporary  officers  per- 
manent officers  of  the  convention,  and  gave  a list  of 
vice-presidents,  consisting  of  one  from  each  State. 
It  was  accepted  and  Senator  Thurston  was  loudly 
applauded  as  he  took  his  seat. 

The  address  of  Mr.  Thurston  pleased  all  by  its 
terseness  and  brevity.  Great  as  is  his  ability,  the 
sultry  atmosphere  and  the  general  impatience  to  get 
to  work  led  the  majority  to  look  with  some  dread 
upon  a long  and  labored  speech.  Great,  therefore, 
was  the  gratification  of  the  delegates  when  the  hon- 
orable gentleman  said : 

Speech  of  Chairman  Thurston. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  : The  happy  memory 
of  your  kindness  and  confidence  will  abide  in  my 
grateful  heart  forever.  My  sole  ambition  is  to  meet 
your  expectations,  and  I pledge  myself  to  exercise 
the  important  powers  of  this  high  office  with  absolute 
justice  and  impartiality.  I bespeak  your  cordial 
co-operation  and  support,  to  the  end  that  our  pro- 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


448 

ceedings  may  be  orderly  and  dignified,  as  befits  the 
deliberations  of  the  supreme  council  of  the  Repub- 
lican party. 

Eight  years  ago  I had  the  distinguished  honor  to 
preside  over  the  convention  which  nominated  the  last 
Republican  President  of  the  United  States.  To-day 
I have  the  further  distinguished  honor  to  preside  over 
the  convention  which  is  to  nominate  the  next  President 
of  the  United  States.  This  generation  has  had  its 
object-lesson,  and  the  doom  of  the  Democratic  party 
is  already  pronounced.  The  American  people  will 
return  the  Republican  party  to  power  because  they 
know  that  its  administration  will  mean  : 

The  supremacy  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States. 

The  maintenance  of  law  and  order. 

The  protection  of  every  American  citizen  in  his 
right  to  live,  to  labor  and  to  vote. 

A vigorous  foreign  policy. 

The  enforcement  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 

The  restoration  of  our  merchant  marine. 

Safety  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes  on  every  sea, 
in  every  port. 

A revenue  adequate  for  all  Governmental  expendi- 
tures and  the  gradual  extinguishment  of  the  national 
debt. 

A currency  “as  sound  as  the  Government  and  as 
untarnished  as  its  honor,”  whose  dollars,  whether  of 
gold,  silver  or  paper,  shall  have  equal  purchasing 
and  debt-paying  power  with  the  best  dollars  of  the 
civilized  world. 

A protective  tariff  which  protects,  coupled  with  a 
reciprocity  which  reciprocates,  securing  American 
markets  for  American  products  and  opening  Amer- 
ican factories  to  the  free  coinage  of  American  muscle. 

A pension  policy  just  and  generous  to  our  living 


JOSEPH  B.  FORAKER. 
Ex-Goveruor  of  Ohio. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 


45 1 

heroes  and  to  the  widows  and  orphans  of  their  dead 
comrades. 

The  governmental  supervision  and  control  of  trans- 
portation lines  and  rates. 

The  protection  of  the  people  from  all  unlawful 
combinations  and  unjust  exactions  of  aggregated  cap- 
ital and  corporate  power. 

An  American  welcome  to  every  God-fearing,  lib- 
erty-loving, Constitution-respecting,  law-abiding,  la- 
bor-seeking, decent  man. 

The  exclusion  of  all  whose  birth,  whose  blood, 
whose  conditions,  whose  teachings,  whose  practices, 
would  menace  the  permanency  of  free  institutions, 
endanger  the  safety  of  American  society,  or  lessen 
the  opportunities  of  American  labor. 

The  abolition  of  sectionalism — every  star  in  the 
flag  shining  for  the  honor  and  welfare  and  happiness 
of  every  commonwealth  and  of  all  the  people. 

A deathless  loyalty  to  all  that  is  truly  American 
and  a patriotism  eternal  as  the  stars. 

Since  the  committee  on  credentials  was  not  ready 
to  report,  an  adjournment  was  had  until  two  o’clock, 
but  it  was  nearly  an  hour  later  when  the  gavel  of 
Mr.  Thurston  once  more  called  the  convention  to 
order.  Bishop  Arnett  of  Wilberforce  College,  Ohio, 
offered  the  opening  prayer,  after  which  Mr.  Madden 
of  Chicago  presented  to  the  chairman  a gavel  made 
from  a portion  of  the  house  in  which  Abraham  Lin- 
coln had  once  lived.  This  was  followed  by  the 
presentation  of  a second  gavel  carved  from  the  old 
homestead  of  Henry  Clay,  the  “ Father  of  Protection.” 

The  committee  on  credentials  presented  a majority 
and  minority  report,  the  former  of  which  favored  the 


45  2 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 


seating  of  the  Higgins  delegates  and  those  at  large 
from  Delaware  as  against  the  Addicks  delegates,  and 
the  seating  of  the  list  of  Texas  delegates  which  was 
headed  by  John  Grant.  After  a warm  discussion, 
the  majority  report  was  adopted  by  the  vote  of  545^ 
to  359^2-  This  vote  was  considered  a test  one  be- 
tween McKinley  and  his  opponents  and  removed  all 
doubts  of  the  invincibility  of  the  Ohio  man. 

The  full  committee  on  resolutions  met  at  the  Lin- 
dell  Hotel  in  the  evening  and  went  into  secret  ses- 
sion.  The  proposed  platform  was  read  by  para- 
graphs, the  agreement  being  that  each  paragraph 
should  be  voted  on  separately.  There  was  unani- 
mous accord  upon  the  tariff  plank  and  the  sugar 
plank  was  accepted.  A strong  declaration  was 
formulated  for  a protective  duty  on  wools  and  wool- 
ens and  a demand  made  for  the  protection  of  Ameri- 
can shipbuilding  and  the  development  of  American 
commerce. 

Split  Between  the  Gold  and  Silver  Men. 

When  the  financial  plank  was  reached,  Senator 
Teller  of  Colorado  presented  a minority  report  which 
declared  in  favor  of  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of 
silver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  1.  Mr.  Teller  with  deep 
emotion  declared  that  the  time  had  come  when,  if  the 
single  gold  standard  was  adopted,  he  should  be  com- 
pelled to  leave  the  party  with  which  he  had  been 
associated  for  thirty-five  years.  There  was  much 
sympathy  felt  for  this  able  leader,  whose  association 
with  the  Republican  party  had  earned  for  him  the 
respect  of  political  foes  as  well  as  friends.  Mr. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


453 


Cannon  of  Utah  was  hardly  less  agitated  when  he 
announced  a decision  similar  to  that  of  Teller,  and 
Mr.  Dubois  of  Idaho  declared  that,  much  as  he  re- 
gretted the  step,  he  would  follow  Messrs.  Teller  and 
Cannon.  Then,  after  earnest  argument,  Mr.  Hart- 
man of  Montana  said  that  he  never  would  support  a 
candidate  upon  the  proposed  platform. 

The  substitute  of  Senator  Teller  received  io  votes, 
which  included  the  delegates  from  Colorado,  Cali- 
fornia, Utah,  Montana,  Idaho,  Wyoming,  Arizona, 
Nevada,  North  Carolina  and  New  Mexico.  The  sub- 
stitute was  defeated  by  41  votes.  After  further  dis- 
cussion, the  gold  plank,  as  it  appears  in  the  platform, 
was  adopted  by  a vote  of  yeas  40,  nays  1 1,  the  mem- 
ber from  Oklahoma  having  joined  the  silver  men. 

Thursday’s  Proceedings — Bolt  of  the  Silver  Men.  Wm.  McKinley  of 
Ohio  Nominated  on  the  First  Ballot  Amid  a Whirlwind  of  En- 
thusiasm. Garret  A.  Hobart  of  New  Jersey  Nominated  for  Vice- 
President. 

The  convention  came  together  on  Thursday  morn- 
ing, only  five  minutes  late,  with  all  of  the  delegates 
in  their  seats,  and  the  galleries  packed  to  suffocation, 
many  ladies  being  among  the  spectators.  Rev.  John 
R.  Scott,  of  Florida,  a negro,  opened  with  a brief  and 
appropriated  prayer. 

The  first  order  of  business  was  the  reception  of 
the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions.  Senator- 
elect  Foraker  of  Ohio  was  cheered  as  he  advanced 
to  the  platform  and  said : “ As  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Resolutions  I have  the  honor  to  report  as 
follows.” 


454 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


Reading  of  the  Platform. 

He  then  read  the  platform,  as  printed  else- 
where, in  a clear  ringing  voice  and  with  distinct 
enunciation.  He  emphasized  the  endorsement  of 
President  Harrison  and  was  applauded,  and  when,  in 
a loud  voice  and  with  impressive  manner,  he  declared, 
“The  Republican  party  is  unreservedly  for  sound 
money,”  the  applause  was  greater  than  ever,  it  rising 
to  a still  more  enthusiastic  pitch  when  the  pledge  to 
promote  international  agreement  for  free  coinage  of 
silver  was  read.  Mr.  Foraker  was  compelled  to  stop 
reading  and  the  applause  continued  so  long  that  the 
chairman  rapped  repeatedly  for  order. 

The  demand  for  American  control  of  the  Hawaiian 
Islands  was  warmly  approved,  but  the  convention 
remained  mum  over  the  proposed  building  of  the 
Nicaragua  Canal  by  the  United  States  and  the  pur- 
chase of  the  Danish  Islands  for  a naval  station.  If 
any  enthusiasm  was  felt  in  that  direction  it  did  not 
manifest  itself.  But  the  sympathy  of  the  people 
found  ardent  expression  when  the  Cuban  paragraph 
was  read,  dropping  again  to  zero  over  the  civil  ser- 
vice plank.  The  negro  delegates  applauded  noisily 
the  demand  for  a free  ballot  and  the  condemnation 
of  lynching. 

It  took  twenty-five  minutes  for  the  reading  of  the 
platform,  during  which  the  convention  gave  close 
attention,  breaking  out  again  into  cheers  at  the  close. 
When  the  tumult  had  subsided,  Mr.  Foraker  moved 
the  adoption  of  the  report  as  the  National  platform 
for  1896. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


455 


The  Minority  Report. 

As  Mr.  Foraker  reached  the  closing  paragraph  of 
the  report,  Senator  Teller  left  his  place  with  the 
Colorado  delegation  and  took  his  seat  on  the  plat- 
form. He  was  recognized  by  the  chairman  and  sent 
to  the  secretary’s  desk  and  had  read  the  following 
minority  report : “We,  the  undersigned  members  of 
the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  being  unable  to  agree 
with  that  part' of  the  majority  report  which  treats  of 
the  subjects  of  coinage  and  finance,  respectfully  sub- 
mit the  following  paragraph  as  a substitute  therefor: 
“The  Republican  party  favors  the  use  of  both  gold 
and  silver  as  equal  standard  money,  and  pledges  its 
power  to  secure  the  free,  unrestricted  and  inde- 
pendent coinage  of  gold  and  silver  at  our  mints  at 
the  ratio  of  1 6 parts  of  silver  to  i of  gold.” 

Mr.  Teller  then  advanced  to  the  front  of  the  plat- 
form to  utter  his  “ farewell.”  The  universal  respect 
felt  for  him  was  shown  by  the  cordial  greeting  of  the 
twelve  thousand  people,  who  saw  that  the  distin- 
guished gentleman  was  almost  overcome  with  emo- 
tion. It  may  be  doubted  whether  there  was  one  in 
that  immense  assemblage  who  did  not  feel  a sincere 
sympathy  for  the  man  who  was  taking  the  most 
painful  step  of  his  public  career. 

Mr.  Teller  asserted  that  we  might  as  well  have 
two  flags  in  the  nation,  if  the  present  money  system 
is  to  be  maintained,  for  the  reason  that  two  flags  are 
not  more  important  than  this  all-absorbing  question 
of  gold  and  silver  money.  He  declared  that  he  was 
not  actuated  by  the  fact  that  Colorado  is  a silver- 


456  the  republican  convention. 

producing  State,  but  he  had  come  to  the  earnest 
conclusion,  after  twenty  years  of  study,  that  bimetal- 
lism is  the  only  safe  money  doctrine  for  the  United 
States  and  all  other  countries. 

Mr.  Teller  insisted  that  a protective  tariff  cannot 
be  maintained  on  a gold  standard.  Then,  with  up- 
lifted hands,  he  declared : “ When  God  Almighty 
made  these  two  metals,  He  intended  them  for  use  as 
money.” 

Senator  Teller  said  that  the  years  of  study  which 
he  had  devoted  to  this  question  had  brought  convic- 
tions to  him  which  were  binding  upon  his  conscience, 
and  it  was  because  he  was  an  honest  man  that  he 
could  not  support  the  gold  money  plank.  The  declara- 
tion was  received  with  cheers  and  hisses,  and  moist- 
ure gathered  in  the  eyes  of  the  speaker  as  he  looked 
out  over  the  sea  of  faces  and  felt  that  he  had  at  last 
reached  the  parting  of  the  ways.  Then  the  tears 
coursed  down  his  cheeks  and  his  handkerchief  went 
to  his  eyes.  The  sight  caused  a respectful  hush  to 
fall  over  the  convention,  while  more  than  one  friend 
wept  in  silent  sympathy. 

Bolt  of  the  Silver  Men. 

Recovering  himself,  Senator  Teller  declared  that 
the  best  thoughts  of  the  world  favored  bimetallism, 
and  it  was  advocated  by  the  greatest  teachers  of 
political  economy  in  Europe. 

Do  you  suppose  [he  asked]  that  we  can  take 
this  step  and  leave  the  party  without  distress?  Take 
any  methods  you  please  to  nominate  your  man,  but 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


45  7 


put  him  upon  the  right  platform,  and  I will  support 
him.  I was  for  free  men,  free  speech,  and  a free  Gov- 
ernment. I was  with  the  Republican  party  when  it 
was  born.  I have  become  accustomed  to  abuse,  but 
I have  voted  for  every  Republican  candidate  since  the 
foundation  of  the  party,  and  I have  been  in  close 
communication  with  its  distinguished  men  for  forty 
years.” 

At  this  point,  Senator  Teller  broke  down  again. 
The  tears  streamed  over  his  face  and  he  was  greatly 
distressed.  In  a broken  voice  he  added: 

But  if  I am  to  leave  the  Republican  party,  I do 
not  leave  it  in  anger.  I believe  that  my  doctrine  is 
for  the  good  of  the  people.  I believe  that  the  Repub- 
lican party  will  see  the  error  of  its  way,  and,  although 
I may  never  be  permitted  again  to  address  a Repub- 
lican National  Convention,  I shall  live  in  the  hope  that 
before  I die  this  great  party  will  come  to  a thorough 
understanding  of  the  silver  question  and  treat  it  sol- 
emnly and  with  the  keenest  interest  in  support  of  all 
the  people. 

The  vote  to  lay  Senator  Tellers  motion  on  the 
table  disclosed  an  interesting  state  of  facts.  It  was 
supported  by  seven  friends  in  Alabama,  fifteen  in 
California,  his  eight  delegates  of  Colorado,  two  from 
Florida,  three  from  Georgia,  the  six  from  Idaho,  and 
one  from  Illinois.  In  addition,  his  plank  received  the 
following  support:  Kansas, four  votes;  Michigan,  one; 
Missouri,  one;  Montana,  six;  Nevada,  six;  South 
Carolina,  14^;  South  Dakota,  two;  Tennessee,  one; 
Utah,  six;  Virginia,  five;  Wyoming,  six;  and  in  the 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 


458 

Territories:  Arizona,  six;  New  Mexico,  three,  and 
Oklahoma,  one,  making  105^2  votes  in  all.  The  vote 
for  the  majority  report  was  818 

Senator  Teller,  who  was  still  on  the  platform,  asked 
permission  from  the  chairman  to  introduce  Senator 
Cannon  of  Utah,  who  desired  to  read  a statement 
from  the  silver  men.  The  manner  of  Senator  Can- 
non was  defiant  and  quickly  stirred  up  impatience. 
He  declared  he  would  bow  to  the  majority  in  the 
matter  of  votes,  but  would  never  bow  when  a ques- 
tion of  principle  was  at  stake.  He  said  they  would 
withdraw  from  the  convention,  and  he  predicted  trou- 
ble in  the  future  for  the  Republican  party.  This  was 
greeted  with  hisses  and  urgent  requests  for  him  to 
sit  down.  In  the  midst  of  the  storm,  the  chairman 
turned  to  Senator  Cannon  and  shouted : “ The  Repub- 
lican party  do  not  fear  any  declaration.” 

This  threw  the  convention  into  a tumult  of  enthu- 
siasm. Men  sprang  to  their  feet,  swung  flags  and 
shouted  at  the  top  of  their  voices.  Senator  Cannon 
calmly  awaited  the  subsidence  of  the  storm,  when  he 
continued  with  his  generalities,  and  read  the  list  of 
free  silver  men  who  would  leave  the  convention. 
The  names  of  the  signers  were  greeted  with  hisses, 
and  someone  in  the  rear  called  out,  “Good-by,  my 
lover,  good-by,”  as  Senator  Teller  and  his  associates 
filed  out  of  the  hall,  marching  down  the  main  aisle. 
The  whole  convention  was  again  on  its  feet  yelling, 
waving  flags,  hats  and  fans,  while  the  band  played 
patriotic  airs  and  the  assemblage  sang  the  chorus, 
“Three  Cheers  for  the  Red,  White  and  Blue.” 


ROBERT  T.  IyINCOI,N. 
Ex-Minister  to  England. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION  461 

The  silver  delegates  who  withdrew  were  Congress- 
man Hartman  of  Montana;  Senator  Cannon,  Con- 
gressman Allen  and  Delegate  Thomas  Kearns,  of 
Utah;  Senator  Pettigrew,  of  South  Dakota;  Dele- 
gates Cleveland  and  Strother,  of  Nevada;  the  entire 
Idaho  delegation  of  six,  headed  by  Senator  Dubois; 
the  whole  Colorado  delegation  of  eight,  including 
Senator  Teller,  the  total  number  of  bolters  being 
twenty-one,  including  four  senators  and  two  repre- 
sentatives. 


A Montana  Delegate  Who  Did  Not  Bolt. 

Waiting  until  the  excitement  had  subsided,  the 
chairman  announced  in  deliberative  fashion:  “Gentle- 
men of  the  Convention,  there  seem  to  be  enough 
delegates  left  to  do  business.  (Great  cheering.)  The 
chair  now  asks  that  a gentleman  from  Montana  who 

did  not  go  out”— Cheers  drowned  the  rest  of  the 

sentence,  and  cries  were  made  for  Lee  Mantle,  who 
was  asked  to  come  to  the  platform,  but  declined. 
Climbing  upon  his  chair  in  the  rear  of  the  hall,  he 
said: 

I desire  to  say  that  a majority  of  the  delegation 
from  the  State  of  Montana  has  not  felt  that,  under  all 
the  circumstances  surrounding  this  occasion,  they 
were  justified  in  actually  going  out  of  the  convention. 
(Applause.)  But,  Mr.  Chairman,  I am  bound  to  say, 
in  deference  to  the  opinions  and  wishes  of  the  major- 
ity of  the  Republicans  of  the  State  of  Montana,  that 
we  cannot  give  our  approval  nor  our  endorsement  to 
the  financial  plank  this  day  adopted.  (Applause.)  I 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 


462 

have  never  cast  my  vote  for  any  ticket  but  a Repub- 
lican one,  and  I do  not  propose  to  do  it  now  (applause); 
but,  Mr.  Chairman,  we  have  instructions  from  the 
Republicans  of  our  State,  and  we  would  be  false  to 
to  ourselves  and  false  to  them  if  we  did  not  state 
their  position  and  their  objections  at  this  time.  In 
the  name  and  on  behalf  of  the  Republicans  of  Mon- 
tana I protest  earnestly,  solemnly  and  emphatically 
against  the  financial  plank  of  the  platform  adopted 
this  day.  (Applause.) 

We  cannot  accept  it ; we  cannot  indorse  it;  we 
cannot  support  it  at  this  time.  But  there  is  a differ- 
ence of  opinion  in  this  delegation.  There  are  those 
who  are  satisfied  to  utter  their  protest  and  still  par- 
ticipate in  the  proceedings  of  the  Convention.  (Ap- 
plause.) There  are  others  who  feel  that  in  declining 
to  support  this  great  controlling  issue  they  are  in 
honor  bound  not  to  participate  in  the  placing  of  can- 
didates on  a platform  which  they  cannot  at  this  time 
indorse.  But  whatever  the  action  of  the  delegation 
may  be,  I want  to  say  that  we  reserve  the  right  to  the 
Republicans  of  the  State  of  Montana  to  accept  or  to 
reject  at  such  time  and  in  such  manner  as  they  may 
determine  the  platform  and  the  candidates  put  before 
them  by  this  Convention. 

A Voice  from  Utah. 

Senator  Brown  from  his  seat  on  the  platform  rose 
to  a question  of  privilege  and  said: 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  delegation  from  Utah  does  not 
bolt.  (Cheers.)  We  do  not  believe  that  the  Repub- 
lican party  is  the  oppressor  of  the  people,  but,  the 
guardian  of  liberty  and  the  protector  of  honest  gov- 
ernment. (Applause.)  Three  of  our  delegation  have 
gone,  and  I am  here  to  express  our  sorrow  at  their 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


463 

departure.  We  have  asked  them  to  remain,  and  we 
shall  never  cease  to  regret  their  departure.  (Cries 
of  “Good!”  and  cheers.)  We  have  three  delegates 
left  and  three  alternates— Messrs.  Rogers,  Green  and 
Smith,  all  true  to  the  old  party,  and  who  are  as  loyal 
to  its  principles  and  as  fixed  as  the  everlasting  moun- 
tains where  we  live.  (Cheers.) 

In  saying  this,  we  still  remain  true  to  the  principles 
of  free  orold  and  free  silver  at  the  old  rates.  We  do 

#o 

not  believe  this  question  can  be  settled  by  votes  in  a 
convention.  The  test  of  time  can  only  settle  it,  and 
we  believe  when  it  shall  be  settled  in  this  way,  it  will 
be  for  the  reinstatement  of  silver  as  the  constitutional 
money.  But  I promised  not  to  speak  on  this  subject. 
There  is  one  greater  issue  before  the  American  peo- 
ple, one  to  which  the  Republican  party  was  pledged 
years  and  years  ago.  You  have  promised  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States  an  American  tariff 
(cheers),  an  American  issue.  (Renewed  cheers.) 
You  must  send  protection  to  every  shipowner  and 
every  shipmaker.  You  must  send  protection  to  the 
farmer,  to  the  manufacturer,  and  I say  to  you  that 
Utah,  or  at  least  a part  of  it,  will  endeavor  to  help 
you  in  that  cause.  (Cheers.) 

At  the  request  of  Senator  Brown  the  three  alter- 
nates he  had  named  were  permitted  to  sit  in  the  con- 
vention in  place  of  the  delegates  that  had  left.  The 
States  were  then  called  for  the  choice  of  members  of 
the  National  Committee,  which  being  presented,  the 
chairman  directed  the  call  of  the  States  for  nomina- 
tions for  the  Presidency. 

Nomination  of  Senator  W.  B.  Allison  of  Iowa. 

The  first  response  was  from  Iowa.  R.  M.  Baldwin 


464  THE  REPUBLICAN  convention 

of  Council  Bluffs  advanced  to  the  platform  and 
nominated  Senator  W.  B.  Allison.  After  a glowing 
tribute  to  Mr.  Allison’s  worth  and  public  services,  he 
concluded  as  follows : 

I ask  you  to  nominate  him.  If  you  do,  the  peo- 
ple from  the  sand-shrouded  Mexican  line  to  the  live 
wire  that  separates  us  from  an  unborn  daughter 
on  the  North  will  shout  as  in  one  Morious  Mad 
anthem : “ The  old  temple  of  Republicanism  still 
stands.  Flock  to  it  for  shelter.”  If  you  do,  every 
keynote  of  the  campaign  will  be  kept  at  concert- 
pitch.  If  you  do,  the  White  House  will  be  used 
no  longer  as  an  experiment  station.  Nominate  him, 
and,  not  now,  perhaps,  but  when  the  strife  is  over,  his 
name  will  fall  like  millennial  music  upon  your  ears. 
Nominate  him,  and  a thrill  of  joy  will  go  from  the 
West  to  the  East,  carrying  on  its  trembling  way  the 
song  of  our  reapers,  only  to  be  lost  in  the  roar  of 
your  furnaces.  Nominate  him,  and  when  our  corn 
grows  golden  in  autumn-time,  our  flocks  are  teaming 
and  our  granges  filled,  every  spindle  will  be  turning 
day  and  night  upon  the  Merrimac.  If  you  will  do  this, 
light  will  break  upon  our  darkened  land,  and  in- 
stantly a long-suffering  people  will  hear  the  surges 
of  returning  prosperity. 

May  the  spell  of  Republicanism  have  greater 
power  to  move  you  than  the  spell  of  magic  words. 
In  this  hour  of  anxious  expectancy,  in  this  hour  preg- 
nant with  history,  prophecy  and  destiny,  the  grave 
gives  up  its  mighty  dead,  and  they  are  here — Lin- 
coln, Grant,  Garfield,  Blaine — yea,  all  the  illustrious 
dead  of  the  Republican  party,  and  mingling  with  its 
living  advocates,  martyred  Lincoln’s  spirit  pleads  with 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION  465 

you  to  see  to  it  that  “These dead  shall  not  have  died 
in  vain.  ” 

Several  points  of  this  speech  were  applauded. 

Nomination  of  Thomas  B.  Reed  of  Maine. 

The  next  State  to  answer  was  Massachusetts, 
which,  through 7 Senator  Lodge,  of  that  State,  pre- 
sented the  name  of  Thomas  B.  Reed,  which  evoked 
uproarious  enthusiasm,  many  of  the  delegates  rising 
and  waving  flags  amid  wild  cheering. 

Four  years  ago  we  met  as  we  meet  now,  rep- 
resentatives of  the  great  Republican  party.  Pros- 
perity was  in  the  land.  Capital  was  confident  and 
labor  employed.  There  was  the  good  day’s  wage 
for  the  good  day’s  work,  and  the  spirit  of  American 
enterprise  was  stirring  and  bold.  The  Treasury  was 
full,  the  public  revenues  ample  for  the  public  need. 
We  were  at  peace  with  all  the  world  and  had  placed 
a prudent  hand  on  the  key  of  the  Pacific.  Four 
short  years  have  come  and  gone.  Look  about  you 
now.  The  Treasury  is  empty.  Our  credit  is  im- 
paired. Our  revenues  are  deficient.  We  meet  the 
public  needs,  not  with  income,  but  by  borrowing 
at  high  rates  and  pledging  the  future  for  the  wants 
of  the  present.  Business  is  paralyzed.  Confidence 
has  gone.  Enterprise  has  folded  its  eagle  wings  and 
mopes  and  blinks  in  the  market-place.  Our  mills  are 
idle  and  our  railroads  crippled.  Capital  hides  itself 
and’labor  idly  walks  the  streets.  There  is  neither  a 
good  day’s  wage  nor  a good  day’s  work.  We  have 
met  with  slights  abroad  and  have  curious  differences, 
with  other  nations.  The  key  to  the  Pacific  has 
slipped  from  nerveless  hands.  Foreign  troops 
24 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


466 

have  been  landed  in  this  hemisphere.  Our  own 
boundaries  have  been  threatened  in  Alaska. 

The  Monroe  Doctrine  has  been  defended,  but  is 
not  yet  vindicated.  The  people  of  a neighbor  island, 
fighting  for  freedom,  look  toward  us  with  imploring 
eyes  and  look  in  vain.  The  American  policy  which 
would  protect  our  industries  at  home  and  our  flag 
abroad  has  faded  and  withered  away. 

“ Look  here  upon  this  picture,  and  on  this. 

Could  you  on  this  fair  mountain  leave  to  feed,  and  batten  on  this 
moor  ? ” 

Four  Years  of  Democratic  Rule. 

But  four  short  years  have  come  and  gone,  and 
they  have  brought  this  change.  What  has  happened  ? 
I will  tell  you  in  a word.  The  Democratic  party  has 
been  in  power.  That  is  the  answer.  Upon  us  falls 
the  heavy  burden  of  binding  up  these  wounds 
and  bringing  relief  to  all  this  suffering.  The  Demo- 
crats deceived  the  people  by  promising  them  the 
millennium,  and  the  miserable  results  of  those  lying 
promises  are  all  about  us  to-day.  We  have  no  prom- 
ises to  make.  We  pledge  ourselves  only  to  that  which 
we  believe  we  can  perform.  We  will  do  our  best. 
That  is  all.  And  as  in  i860  we  saved  the  Union  and 
abolished  slavery,  so  now  in  1896  we  will  deal  with 
this  Democratic  legacy  of  blunders,  bankruptcy  and 
misfortune. 

We  are  gathered  here  to  choose  the  next  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States.  That  we  will  win  in  the 
election  no  man  doubts.  But  let  us  not  deceive  our- 
selves with  the  pleasant  fancy  that  the  campaign  is  to 
be  an  easy  one.  It  will  be  a hard  battle  ; it  cannot 
be  otherwise  when  so  much  depends  on  the  result. 
Against  the  Republican  party,  representing  fixed 
American  policies,  strength,  progress  and  order,  will 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 


467 

be  arrayed  not  only  that  organized  feature,  the 
Democratic  party,  but  all  the  wandering  forces  of 
political  chaos  and  social  disorder.  It  is  not  merely 
the  Presidency  which  is  set  before  us  as  the  prize. 
The  prosperity  of  the  country,  the  protection  of  our 
industries,  the  soundness  of  our  currency  and  the 
National  credit  are  all  staked  on  the  great  issue 
to  be  decided  at  the  polls  next  November.  Upon  us 
rests  the  duty  of  rescuing  the  country  from  the 
misery  into  which  it  has  been  plunged  by  three  years 
ot  Democratic  misrule.  To  drive  the  Democrats 
from  power  is  the  first  step  and  the  highest  duty,  but 
we  shall  triumph  in  vain,  and  in  our  turn  meet  heavy 
punishment  at  the  hands  of  the  people,  if  we  do  not 
put  our  victory  to  right  uses. 

Such  a crisis  as  this  cannot  be  met  and  dealt  with 
by  shouts  and  enthusiasm.  We  must  face  it  as 
our  fathers  faced  slavery  and  disunion — with  a grim 
determination  to  win  the  battle ; and  that  done,  to 
take  up  our  responsibilities  in  the  same  spirit 
with  which  we  won  the  fight.  Now,  as  then,  we  can 
hope  to  succeed  only  by  the  most  strenuous  en- 
deavor ; and  now,  as  then,  everything  depends  upon 
the  administration  we  place  in  office.  We  want 
a President  who  will  meet  this  situation  as  Lincoln 
met  that  of  1861  ; with  the  chiefs  of  the  Repub- 
licans about  him,  and  with  party  and  people  at 
his  back.  We  want  a President  who  on  the  fifth  day 
of  next  March  will  summon  Congress  in  extra 
session,  and,  refusing  to  make  appointments  or  to 
deal  with  patronage,  will  say  that  all  else  must  wait 
until  Congress  sends  to  him  a tariff  which  shall  put 
money  in  the  Treasury  and  wages  in  the  pockets  of 
the  American  workingmen.  We  want  a President 
who  will  protect  at  all  hazards  the  gold  reserves  of  the 
Treasury;  who  will  see  to  it  that  no  obligation  of  the 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


468 

Government  is  presented  which  is  not  paid,  in  what- 
ever coin  the  creditor  chooses  to  demand,  and  who 
will  never  forget  that  the  nation  which  pays  with 
honor  borrows  with  ease. 

We  want  a man  who  will  guard  the  safety  and 
dignity  of  the  Nation  at  home  and  abroad,  and  who 
will  always  and  constantly  be  firm  in  dealing  with 
foreign  nations,  instead  of  suddenly  varying  a long 
course  of  weakness  and  indifference  with  a convul- 
sive spasm  of  vigor  and  patriotism.  Above  all,  we 
want  a man  who  will  lead  his  party  and  act  with  it, 
and  who  will  not,  by  senseless  quarrels  between  the 
White  House  and  the  Capitol,  reduce  legislation  and 
execution  alike  to  imbecility  and  failure.  Such  is  the 
man  we  want  for  our  great  office  in  these  bitter  times, 
when  the  forces  of  disorder  are  loosed  and  the  wreck- 
ers with  their  false  lights  gather  at  the  shore  to  lure 
the  Ship  of  State  upon  the  rocks. 

Reed’s  Record. 

Such  a man,  fit  for  such  deeds,  I am  now  to  pre- 
sent to  you.  He  needs  no  praise  from  me,  for  he  has 
proved  his  own  title  to  leadership.  From  what  he  is 
and  what  he  has  done  we  know  what  he  can  do.  For 
twenty  years,  in  victory  and  defeat,  at  the  head  of 
great  majorities  and  small  minorities  alike,  he  has  led 
his  party  in  Congress  with  a power  which  no  man 
could  dispute,  and  with  an  ability  which  never  failed. 
I have  seen  him,  with  a maddened  opposition  storm- 
ing about  him,  carry  through  that  great  reform  which 
has  made  the  House  of  Representatives  the  strong 
and  efficient  body  it  is  to-day.  I have  seen  him 
during  the  last  winter  guide  a great  majority  so  that 
they  have  met  every  demand  put  upon  them,  and 
made  no  errors  which  could  burden  the  Republican 
party  in  the  campaign  before  us. 


WARNER  MILLER.  THOMAS  G.  PLATT. 

Prominent  New  York  Republican.  Republican  Leader,  New  York. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 


4 ;i 


Before  the  people  and  in  the  House  he  has  ever 
been  the  bold  and  brilliant  champion  of  the  great  Re- 
publican policies  which,  adopted,  have  made  us  pros- 
perous, and,  abandoned,  have  left  ruin  at  our  doors. 
He  is  a thorough  American,  by  birth,  by  descent,  by 
breeding  ; one  who  loves  his  country,  and  has  served 
it  in  youth  and  manhood,  in  war,  and  in  peace.  His 
great  ability,  his  originality  of  thought,  his  power  in  de- 
bate, his  strong  will,  are  known  of  all  men,  and  are  part 
of  the  history  of  the  last  twenty  years.  His  public 
career  is  as  spotless  as  his  private  character  is  pure 
and  unblemished.  He  is  a trained  statesman,  fit  for 
the  heaviest  tasks  the  country  can  impose  upon  him. 
He  commands  the  confidence  of  his  party  and  his 
country.  He  is  a leader  of  men.  We  know  it  be- 
cause we  have  seen  him  lead.  To  those  who  have 
followed  him  he  never  said,  “ Go,”  but  always 
“ Come.”  He  is  entirely  fearless.  We  know  it,  for 
we  have  seen  his  courage  tested  on  a hundred  fields. 
He  has  been  called  to  great  places  and  to  great  trials, 
and  he  has  never  failed  or  flinched.  He  is  fit  to 
stand  at  the  head  of  the  Republican  column.  He  is 
worthy  to  be  an  American  President.  I have  the 
honor,  the  very  great  honor,  to  present  to  you  as  a 
candidate  for  your  nomination  the  Speaker  of  the 
National  House  of  Representatives,  Thomas  B. 
Reed. 


Nomination  of  Gov.  Levi  P.  Morton  of  New  York. 

Chauncey  M.  Depew  received  a warm  welcome  as 
he  made  his  way  to  the  platform  to  place  the  name 
of  Governor  Levi  P.  Morton  in  nomination.  He  did 
so  in  his  usual  felicitous  style,  tracing  the  creditable 
career  of  Mr.  Morton,  as  business  man  and  the  occu- 
pant of  high  office,  and  closing  with  the  words : 


472  THE  republican  convention. 

Our  present  deplorable  industrial  and  financial 
conditions  are  largely  due  to  the  fact  that  while  we 
have  a President  and  a Cabinet  of  acknowledged 
ability,  none  of  them  have  had  business  training  or 
experience.  They  are  persuasive  reasoners  upon  in- 
dustrial questions,  but  have  never  practically  solved 
industrial  problems.  They  are  the  book-farmers  who 
raise  wheat  at  the  cost  of  orchids  and  sell  it  at  the 
price  of  wheat.  With  Levi  P.  Morton  there  would  be 
no  deficiency  to  be  met  by  the  issue  of  bonds,  there 
would  be  no  blight  on  our  credit  which  would  call  for 
the  services  of  a syndicate,  there  would  be  no  trifling 
with  the  delicate  intricacies  of  finance  and  commerce 
which  would  paralyze  the  operations  of  trade  and 
manufacture. 

Whoever  may  be  nominated  by  this  Convention 
will  receive  the  cordial  support,  the  enthusiastic  ad- 
vocacy of  the  Republicans  of  New  York,  but  in  the 
shifting  conditions  of  our  commonwealth,  Governor 
Morton  can  secure  more  than  the  party  strength,  and 
without  question,  in  the  coming  canvass,  no  matter 
what  issues  may  arise  between  now  and  November, 
place  the  Empire  State  solidly  in  the  Republican 
column. 

Nomination  of  William  McKinley  of  Ohio. 

Now  came  the  call  for  Ohio.  Amid  intense  inter- 
est and  expectation,  Joseph  B.  Foraker  of  that  State 
came  to  the  platform  and  said : 

Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  : 
It  would  be  exceedingly  difficult,  if  not  entirely  im- 
possible, to  exaggerate  the  disagreeable  situation  of 
the  last  four  years.  The  grand  aggregate  of  the 
multitudinous  bad  results  of  a Democratic  National 
Administration  may  be  summed  up  as  one  stupen- 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


473 


dous  disaster.  It  has  been  a disaster,  however,  not 
without,  at  least,  this  one  redeeming  feature — that  it 
has  been  fair  ; nobody  has  escaped.  (Loud  laughter.) 

It  has  fallen  equally  and  alike  on  all  sections  of 
the  country  and  on  all  classes  of  our  people ; the  just 
and  the  unjust,  the  Republican  and  the  Democrat, 
the  rich  and  the  poor,  the  high  and  the  low,  have 
suffered  in  common.  Poverty  and  distress  have 
overtaken  business:  shrunken  values  have  dissipated 
fortunes ; deficiencies  of  revenue  have  impoverished 
the  Government,  while  bond  issues  and  bond  syndi- 
cates have  discredited  and  scandalized  the  country. 

Over  against  that  fearful  penalty  is,  however,  to 
be  set  down  one  great,  blessed  compensatory  result — 
it  has  destroyed  the  Democratic  party.  (Cheers  and 
laughter.)  The  proud  columns  which  swept  the 
country  in  triumph  in  1892  are  broken  and  hopeless 
in  1896.  Their  boasted  principles  when  put  to  the 
test  have  proved  to  be  delusive  fallacies,  and  their 
great  leaders  have  degenerated  into  warring  chief- 
tains of  petty  and  irreconcilable  factions.  Their  ap- 
proaching National  Convention  is  but  an  approach- 
ing National  nightmare.  No  man  pretends  to  be 
able  to  predict  any  good  result  to  come  from  it.  And 
no  man  is  seeking  the  nomination  of  that  convention 
except  only  the  limited  few  who  have  advertised  their 
unfitness  for  any  kind  of  a public  trust  by  proclaim- 
ing their  willingness  to  stand  on  any  sort  of  a plat- 
form that  may  be  adopted.  (Laughter.) 

The  truth  is,  the  party  which  would  stand  up 
under  the  odium  of  human  slavery,  opposed  to  the 
war  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  to  emancipa- 
tion, to  enfranchisement,  to  reconstruction  and  to 
specie  resumption,  is  at  last  to  be  overmatched  and 
undone  by  itself.  It  is  writhing  in  the  throes  and 
agonies  of  final  dissolution.  No  human  agency  can 


474 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


prevent  its  absolute  overthrow  at  the  next  election, 
except  only  this  Convention.  If  we  make  no  mistake 
here,  the  Democratic  party  will  go  out  of  power  on 
the  4th  day  of  March,  1897  (applause),  to  remain  out 
of  power  until  God,  in  His  infinite  wisdom  and  mercy 
and  goodness,  shall  see  fit  once  more  to  chastise  His 
people.  (Loud  laughter  and  applause.) 

So  far  we  have  not  made  any  mistake.  We  have 
adopted  a platform  which,  notwithstanding  the  scene 
witnessed  in  this  hall  this  morning,  meets  the  de- 
mands and  expectations  of  the  American  people. 

It  remains  for  us  now,  as  the  last  crowning  act  of 
our  work,  to  meet  again  that  same  expectation  in  the 
nomination  of  our  candidates.  What  is  that  expecta- 
tion? What  is  it  that  the  people  want  ? They  want 
as  their  candidate  something  more  than  “a  good  busi- 
ness man  ” (an  allusion  to  Mr.  Depew’s  characteriza- 
tion of  Governor  Morton).  They  want  something 
more  than  a popular  leader.  They  want  something 
more  than  a wise  and  patriotic  statesman.  They 
want  a man  who  embodies  in  himself  not  only  all 
these  essential  qualifications,  but  those,  in  addition, 
which,  in  the  highest  possible  degree,  typify  in  name, 
in  character,  in  record,  in  ambition,  in  purpose,  the 
exact  opposite  of  all  that  is  signified  and  represented 
by  that  free-trade,  deficit-making,  bond-issuing,  labor- 
assassinating,  Democratic  Administration.  (Cheers). 
I stand  here  to  present  to  this  Convention  such  a 
man.  His  name  is  William  McKinley. 


The  Convention  Goes  Wild. 

At  this  point  pandemonium  was  let  loose,  and  the 
Convention  gave  up  to  unrestrained  yelling,  cheering, 
horn-blowing,  whistling,  cat-calling  and  all  the  other 
devices  common  to  such  occasions.  A number  of  red, 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 


475 

white  and  blue  plumes,  which  (carefully  wrapped  up) 
had  been  brought  into  the  Convention  earlier  in  -the 
proceedings,  were  uncovered  and  waved,  while  almost 
every  delegate  seemed  to  be  wildly  gesticulating  with 
either  a fan  or  a flag  in  the  air.  The  band  tried  in 
vain  to  compete  with  the  ear-splitting  clamor,  but  at 
last  the  strains  of  “Marching  Through  Georgia” 
caught  the  ears  of  the  crowd,  and  they  joined  in  the 
chorus  and  gradually  quieted  down. 

Then  a portrait  of  McKinley  was  hoisted  on  a line 
with  the  United  States  flag  on  the  gallery  facing  the 
platform,  and  the  cheering  began  over  again,  to  which 
the  band  responded  by  playing  “Rally  Round  the 
Flag,”  the  Convention  joining  in  the  chorus. 

After  at  least  twelve  minutes  of  this  kind  of  pro- 
ceeding the  Chair  began  to  rap  for  a restoration  of 
order,  but  without  avail. 

Senator-elect  Foraker  stood  during  all  this  wild 
scene  smiling  his  approval.  Mr.  Hepburn,  of  Iowa, 
had  in  the  mean  time  been  called  to  the  chair  by  Sen- 
ator Thurston,  but  just  when  he  had  nearly  restored 
order,  Mrs.  H.  W.  R.  Strong,  of  California,  who  had 
presented  the  plumes  in  honor  of  Ohio’s  choice,  made 
her  appearance  on  the  floor,  waving  one  of  them,  and 
another  uncontrollable  outbreak  of  wholesale  tempo- 
rary insanity  occurred.  During  the  interval  of  con- 
fusion, a three-quarter  face,  life-size  sculptured  bust 
of  McKinley  was  presented  to  Mr.  Foraker  by  the 
Republican  Club  of  the  University  of  Chicago.  The 
portrait  was  in  a mahogany  frame,  decorated  with 
red,  white  and  blue  ribbons,  and  with  a bow  of  maroon- 


476  the  republican  convention. 

colored  ribbons  forming  the  colors  of  the  university. 
The  portrait  was  the  work  of  Harris  Hirsch,  and  was 
presented  by  Dr.  Lisston  H.  Montgomery,  of  Chicago, 
with  a letter  signed  by  H.  L.  Ickes,  president  of  the 
club.  It  was  accepted  by  Senator-elect  Foraker  in 
dumb  show. 

After  twenty-five  minutes  of  incessant  turmoil  Mr. 
Foraker  was  allowed  to  resume  his  speech. 

He  spoke  of  the  great  champions  of  Republicanism 
in  the  past,  eulogizing  Mr.  Blaine  particularly,  and 
continued: 

But,  greatest  of  all,  measured  by  present  require- 
ments, is  the  leader  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, the  author  of  the  McKinley  Bill,  which  gave  to 
labor  its  richest  awards.  No  other  name  so  com- 
pletely meets  the  requirements  of  the  occasion,  and 
no  other  name  so  absolutely  commands  all  hearts. 
The  shafts  of  envy  and  malice  and  slander  and  libel 
and  detraction  that  have  been  aimed  at  him  lie  broken 
and  harmless  at  his  feet.  The  quiver  is  empty,  and 
he  is  untouched.  That  is  because  the  people  know 
him,  trust  him,  believe  in  him,  love  him,  and  will  not 
permit  any  human  power  to  disparage  him  unjustly 
in  their  estimation. 

They  know  that  he  is  an  American  of  Americans. 
They  know  that  he  is  just  and  able  and  brave,  and 
they  want  him  for  President  of  the  United  States. 
(Applause.)  They  have  already  shown  it — not  in 
this  or  that  State,  nor  in  this  or  that  section,  but  in  all 
the  States  and  in  all  the  sections  from  ocean  to  ocean, 
and  from  the  Gulf  to  the  Lakes.  They  expect  of  you 
to  give  them  a chance  to  vote  for  him.  It  is  our  duty 
to  do  it.  If  we  discharge  that  duty  we  will  give  joy 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


4 77 


to  their  hearts,  enthusiasm  to  their  souls  and  triumph- 
ant victory  to  our  cause.  (Applause.)  And  he,  in 
turn,  will  give  us  an  administration  under  which  the 
country  will  enter  on  a new  era  of  prosperity  at  home 
and  of  glory  and  honor  abroad,  by  all  these  tokens 
of  the  present  and  all  these  promises  of  the  future. 
In  the  name  of  the  forty-six  delegates  of  Ohio,  I sub- 
mit his  claim  to  your  consideration.  (More  applause.) 

Senator  Thurston’s  Eloquent  Speech. 

The  high-water  mark  of  enthusiasm  was  reached, 
when  Senator  Thurston  rose  to  second  the  nomina- 
tion of  McKinley,  which  he  did  in  the  following  force- 
ful words : 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  : 
This  is  the  year  of  the  people.  They  are  conscious 
of  their  power;  they  are  tenacious  of  their  rights; 
they  are  supreme  in  this  convention  ; they  are  cer- 
tain of  victory  now  in  November. 

They  have  framed  the  issue  of  this  campaign. 
What  is  it?  Money?  Yes,  money!  Not  that  which 
is  coined  for  the  mine  owner  at  the  mint  or  clipped 
by  the  coupon  cutter  from  the  bond,  but  that  which 
is  created  by  American  muscle  on  the  farms  and  in 
the  factories.  The  Western  mountains  clamor  for 
silver  and  the  Eastern  seashore  cries  for  gold,  but 
the  millions  ask  for  work — an  opportunity  to  labor 
and  to  live. 

Stands  for  All  the  States. 

The  prosperity  of  a nation  is  in  the  employment  of 
its  people,  and,  thank  God  ! the  electors  of  the  United 
States  know  this  great  economic  truth  at  last.  The 
Republican  party  does  not  stand  for  Nevada  or  New 
York  alone,  but  for  both;  not  for  one  State,  but  for 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 


478 

all.  Its  platform  is  as  broad  as  the  land,  as  national 
as  the  flag-.  Republicans  are  definitely  committed 
to  sound  currency,  but  they  believe  that  in  a Govern- 
ment of  the  people  the  welfare  of  men  is  paramount 
to  the  interests  of  money.  Their  shibboleth  for  this 
campaign  is  “ Protection.”  From  the  vantage-ground 
of  their  own  selection  they  cannot  be  stampeded  by 
Wall  Street  panics  or  free-coinage  cyclones.  Re- 
ports of  international  complications  and  rumors  of 
war  pass  them  lightly  by ; they  know  that  the  real 
enemy  of  American  prosperity  is  Free  Trade,  and 
the  best  coast  defence  is  a protective  tariff.  They 
do  not  fear  the  warlike  preparations  of  Europe,  but 
they  do  fear  its  cheap  manufactures.  Their  real 
danger  is  not  from  foreign  navies  carrying  guns,  but 
from  foreign  fleets  bringing  goods. 

This  is  the  year  of  the  people.  They  have  risen 
in  their  might.  From  ocean  to  ocean,  from  lake  to 
gulf,  they  are  united  as  never  before.  We  know 
their  wishes  and  are  here  to  register  their  will.  They 
must  not  be  cheated  of  their  choice.  They  know  the 
man  best  qualified  and  equipped  to  fight  their  battles 
and  to  win  their  victories.  His  name  is  in  every 
heart,  on  every  tongue.  His  nomination  is  certain, 
his  election  sure.  His  candidacy  will  sweep  the 
country  as  a prairie  is  swept  by  fire. 

The  Year  of  the  People. 

This  is  the  year  of  the  people.  In  their  name,  by 
their  authority,  I second  the  nomination  of  their  great 
champion,  William  McKinley.  Not  as  a favorite  son 
of  any  State,  but  as  the  favorite  son  of  the  United 
States.  Not  as  a concession  to  Ohio,  but  as  an  added 
honor  to  the  Nation. 

When  this  country  called  to  arms,  he  took  into  his 
boyish  hands  a musket  and  followed  the  flag,  bravely 


Senator  from  Massachusetts.  Senator  from  Pennsylvania. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION  43 1 

baring  his  breast  to  the  hell  of  battle,  that  it  might 
float  serenely  in  the  Union  sky.  For  a quarter  of  a 
century  he  has  stood  in  the  fierce  light  of  public  place 
and  his  robes  of  office  are  spotless  as  the  driven 
snow.  He  has  cherished  no  higher  ambition  than 
the  honor  of  his  country  and  the  welfare  of  the  plain 
people.  Steadfastly,  courageously,  victoriously  and 
with  tongue  of  fire  he  has  pleaded  their  cause.  His 
labor,  ability  and  perseverance  have  enriched  the 
statutes  of  the  United  States  with  legislation  in  their 
behalf.  All  his  contributions  to  the  masterpieces  of 
American  oratory  are  the  outpourings  of  a pure 
heart  and  a patriotic  purpose.  His  God-given  powers 
are  consecrated  to  the  advancement  and  renown  of 
his  own  country  and  to  the  uplifting  and  ennobling 
of  his  own  countrymen.  He  has  the  courage  of  his 
convictions  and  cannot  be  tempted  to  woo  success  or 
avert  defeat  by  any  sacrifice  of  principle  or  conces- 
sion to  popular  clamor. 

Steadfast  in  the  Hour  of  Gloom. 

In  the  hour  of  Republican  disaster,  when  other 
leaders  were  excusing  and  apologizing,  he  stood 
steadfastly  by  that  grand  legislative  act  which  bore  his 
name,  confidently  submitting  his  case  to  the  judg- 
ment of  events,  and  calmly  waiting  for  that  triumphal 
vindication  whose  laurel  this  Convention  is  impatient 
to  place  upon  his  brow. 

Strengthened  and  seasoned  by  long  Congressional 
service,  broadened  by  the  exercise  of  important  ex- 
ecutive powers,  master  of  the  great  economic  ques- 
tions of  the  age,  eloquent,  single-hearted  and  sincere, 
he  stands  to-day  the  most  conspicuous  and  command- 
ing character  of  this  generation,  divinely  ordained,  as 
I believe,  for  a great  mission,  to  lead  this  people  out 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


482 

from  the  shadow  of  adversity  into  the  sunshine  of  a 
new  and  enduring  prosperity. 

Omnipotence  never  sleeps.  Every  great  crisis 
brings  a leader.  For  every  supreme  hour  Providence 
finds  a man.  The  necessities  of  ’96  are  almost  as 
great  as  those  of ’6i.  True,  the  enemies  of  the  Na- 
tion have  ceased  to  threaten  with  the  sword,  and  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  no  longer  tolerates 
that  shackles  shall  fret  the  limbs  of  men,  but  free 
trade  and  free  coinage  hold  no  less  menace  to  Amer- 
ican progress  than  did  the  armed  hosts  of  treason 
and  rebellion.  If  the  voice  of  the  people  is  indeed 
the  voice  of  God,  then  William  McKinley  is  the  com- 
plement of  Abraham  Lincoln.  Yea,  and  he  will  issue 
a new  Emancipation  Proclamation  to  the  enslaved 
sons  of  toil,  and  they  shall  be  lifted  up  into  the  full 
enjoyment  of  those  privileges,  advantages  and  oppor- 
tunities that  belong  of  right  to  the  American  people. 


The  Flag  will  Never  be  Hauled  Down. 

Under  his  administration  we  shall  command  the 
respect  of  the  nations  of  the  earth  ; the  American 
fla or  will  never  be  hauled  down  ; the  rights  of  Amer- 
ican  citizenship  will  be  enforced  ; abundant  revenues 
provided;  foreign  merchandise  will  remain  abroad; 
our  gold  be  kept  at  home  ; American  institutions  will 
be  cherished  and  upheld;  all  governmental  obliga- 
tions scrupulously  kept,  and  on  the  escutcheon  of 
the  Republic  will  be  indelibly  engraved  the  American 
policy — Protection,  Reciprocity  and  Sound  Money. 

My  countrymen:  Let  not  your  hearts  be  troubled; 
the  darkest  hour  is  just  before  the  day;  the  morning 
of  the  twentieth  century  will  dawn  bright  and  clear. 
Lift  up  your  hopeful  faces  and  receive  the  light ; the 
Republican  party  is  coming  back  to  power,  and 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION  483 

William  McKinley  will  be  President  of  the  United 
States. 

In  an  inland  manufacturing  city,  on  election  night, 
November,  ’94,  after  the  wires  had  confirmed  the 
news  of  a sweeping  Republican  victory,  two  work- 
ingmen started  to  climb  to  the  top  of  a great  smoke- 
less chimney. 

That  chimney  had  been  built  by  the  invitation  and 
upon  the  promise  of  Republican  protective  legisla- 
tion. In  the  factory  over  which  it  towered  was  em- 
ployment for  twice  a thousand  men.  Its  mighty  roar 
had  heralded  the  prosperity  of  a whole  community. 
It  had  stood  a cloud  by  day  and  a pillar  of  fire  by 
night  for  a busy,  industrious,  happy  people.  Now 
bleak,  blackened,  voiceless  and  dismantled,  like  a 
grim  spectre  of  evil,  it  frowned  down  upon  the  hap- 
less city,  where  poverty,  idleness,  stagnation  and 
want  attested  the  complete  disaster  of  the  free-trade 
experiment. 

Unfurled  the  Emblem  of  Hope. 

Up  and  up  and  up  they  climbed,  watched  by  the 
breathless  multitude  below.  Up  and  up  and  up,  until 
at  last  they  stood  upon  its  summit;  and  there  in  the 
glare  of  the  electric  lights,  cheered  by  the  gathered 
thousands,  they  unfurled  and  nailed  an  American  flag. 
Down  in  the  streets,  strong  men  wept — the  happy 
tears  of  hope — and  mothers,  lifting  up  their  babes, 
invoked  the  blessing  of  the  flag;  and  then  impas- 
sioned lips  burst  forth  in  song — the  hallelujah  of 
exulting  hosts,  the  mighty  paean  of  a people’s  joy. 
That  song  the  enthusiastic  millions  yet  sing. 

“ Hurrah  ! Hurrah  ! we  bring  the  jubilee  ; 

Hurrah  ! Hurrah  ! the  flag  that  makes  us  free ; 

So  we  sing  the  chorus  from  the  mountains  to  the  sea 
Hurrah  for  McKinley  and  Protection.” 


484  THE  REPUBLICAN  convention. 

Over  the  city  that  free  flag  waved,  caressed  by  the 
passing  breeze,  kissed  by  the  silent  stars.  And  there 
the  first  glad  sunshine  of  the  morning  fell  upon  it, 
luminous  and  lustrous  with  the  tidings  of  Republican 
success. 

On  behalf  of  those  stalwart  workmen,  and  all 
the  vast  army  of  American  toilers ; that  their  em- 
ployment may  be  certain  ; their  wages  just,  their 
dollars  the  best  in  the  civilized  world ; on  behalf  of 
that  dismantled  chimney,  and  the  deserted  factory  at 
its  base;  that  the  furnaces  may  once  more  flame,  the 
mighty  wheels  revolve,  the  whistles  scream,  the  anvils 
ring,  the  spindles  hum  ; on  behalf  of  the  thousand 
cottages  round  about,  and  all  the  humble  homes  of 
this  broad  land ; that  comfort  and  contentment  may 
again  abide,  the  firesides  glow,  the  women  sing,  the 
children  laugh  ; yes,  and  on  behalf  of  that  American 
flag  and  all  it  stands  for  and  represents ; for  the 
honor  of  every  stripe,  for  the  glory  of  every  star ; 
that  its  power  may  fill  the  earth  and  its  splendor  span 
the  sky,  I ask  the  nomination  of  that  loyal  American, 
that  Christian  gentleman,  soldier,  statesman,  patriot, 
William  McKinley. 

The  Balloting. 

In  the  midst  of  cries  of  “vote,”  Governor  Hastings 
placed  in  nomination  Matthew  Stanley  Quay,  at  the 
conclusion  of  which,  amid  a profound  hush,  the  con- 
vention began  balloting  for  a nominee  for  President 
of  the  United  States. 

Alabama  led  off  with  1 for  Morton  and  19  for 
McKinley,  Arkansas  and  California  following  with  a 
solid  vote  for  McKinley.  Connecticut  gave  5 for 
Reed  and  7 for  McKinley;  Delaware,  its  full  vote  for 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION  485 

McKinley;  Florida,  8 for  McKinley;  Georgia,  2 for 
Reed,  2 for  Quay,  and  22  for  McKinley. 

At  this  point  one  of  the  colored  delegates  from 
Florida  challenged  the  vote  of  his  State,  and,  on  a 
recount,  2 of  the  votes  went  to  Morton  and  6 to 
McKinley.  The  vote  of  Georgia  was  also  challenged, 
but  the  vote  as  announced  was  confirmed.  Then  a 
colored  delegate  from  Alabama  demanded  a recount 
of  his  State,  with  the  result  that  Morton  received  1 
vote,  Reed  2,  and  McKinley  19. 

Illinois  gave  46  to  McKinley,  and  2 to  Reed ; In- 
diana all  of  its  30  votes  for  McKinley,  while  Iowa  cast 
her  26  for  Allison  ; Kansas,  20  for  McKinley ; Ken- 
tucky, 26  for  McKinley.  The  vote  of  Louisiana  was 
curious — 11  for  McKinley,  4 for  Reed,  half  a vote  for 
Allison  and  half  a vote  for  Quay. 

So  the  vote  progressed  with  the  McKinley  column 
steadily  growing,  Massachusetts  casting  1 of  her 
votes  for  him.  New  York  cast  54  for  Morton  and 
1 7 for  McKinley.  It  was  a curious  fact  that  when 
Ohio  was  reached,  her  vote  gave  her  candidate  the 
requisite  number  to  secure  his  nomination,  recogniz- 
ing which,  the  Convention  broke  into  cheers. 

McKinley  Nominated. 

When  all  of  the  States  had  been  called,  the  Chair- 
man stated,  before  the  announcement  of  the  result, 
that  application  had  been  made  to  him  for  recognition 
by  delegates  of  the  defeated  candidates  to  make  a 
certain  motion.  He  thought  it  the  fairest  way  to 

recognize  them  in  the  order  in  which  the  nominations 
25 


486  the  republican  convention. 

had  been  made.  He  then  announced  that  William 
McKinley  had  received  66i*/£  votes. 

Wild  Enthusiasm. 

Before  the  Chairman  could  get  any  further,  the  en- 
thusiasm of  the  Convention  broke  all  bounds.  Every 
man  was  on  his  feet,  shouting,  hurrahing,  cheering, 
swinging  hats  and  canes  in  the  air,  waving  flags  and 
banners  and  the  pampas  plumes  of  California,  while 
through  the  Niagara-like  rush  and  roar  were  caught 
the  notes  of  “ My  Country,  ’Tis  of  Thee,”  as  the 
band  played  with  might  and  main  in  its  attempt  to 
gain  the  mastery  of  the  cyclone.  The  women,  if 
possible,  were  more  frantic  than  the  men.  Parasols, 
fans,  opera-glasses,  gloves — anything,  everything — 
were  compelled  to  help  in  the  magnificent  burst  of  en- 
thusiasm which  swept  over  and  submerged  all  alike, 
until  it  looked  as  if  order  could  never  again  be 
evolved  from  the  swirling  pandemonium. 

One  fancy  caught  on  with  wonderful  effect.  A 
young  man  on  the  platform  waved  on  the  point  of 
the  national  banner  a laced  cocked  hat,  such  as  ap- 
pears in  most  of  popular  representations  of  the  mighty 
Napoleon.  This  symbol  of  enthusiasm  was  greeted 
with  rapturous  applause,  to  which  the  booming  of 
artillery  on  the  outside  contributed. 

Finally,  after  a long,  long  time,  the  Chairman  gained 
a chance  to  complete  the  announcement  of  the  vote. 
It  was:  Thomas  B.  Reed,  84^;  Senator  Quay,  61  y2\ 
Levi  P.  Morton,  58;  Senator  Allison,  35^,  and  Don 
Cameron  1. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


487 


The  Vote  by  States : 

The  vote  by  States  was  as  follows: 


McKinley.  Morton. 

Quay. 

Reed. 

Maine 

12 

Maryland 

• i5 

1 

Massachusetts.. 

1 

29 

Michigan 

. 28 

Minnesota 

. 18 

Mississippi 

• 17 

1 

Missouri 

• 34 

^Montana 

1 

Nebraska 

. 16 

Nevada 

• 3 

New  Hampshire 

8 

New  Jersey 

• !9 

1 

New  York 

• 17 

55 

North  Carolina 

?9/^ 

2 

North  Dakota 

. 6 

Ohio 

. 46 

Oregon 

. 8 

Pennsylvania 

. 6 

53 

Rhode  Island 

*8 

South  Carolina 

. 18 

South  Dakota 

. 8 

Tennessee 

. 24 

Texas 

. 21 

5 

Utah 

• 3 

Vermont 

. 8 

Virginia 

• 23 

1 

Washington 

. 8 

West  Virginia 

. 12 

Wisconsin 

24 

Wyoming 

6 

Arizona  

..  6 

New  Mexico 

••  5 

Oklahoma 

..  4 

1 

Indian  Territory... 

..  6 

D.  of  Columbia.... 

1 

Alaska 

. 4 

Allison. 


3 

3 


Totals 661  58  61  ^ 84^  35  ^ 

* Blank,  4,  and  one  vote  for  Cameron  from  Montana. 

Necessary  for  choice,  454.  Total  number  of  delegates  present, 
906. 


488 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 


The  Nomination  Made  Unanimous. 

Senator  Lodge,  rising  in  his  delegation,  in  a force- 
ful speech  moved  to  make  the  nomination  of  Mr. 
McKinley  unanimous.  Mr.  Hastings  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, who  had  nominated  Quay,  seconded  the  motion, 
as  did  Thomas  C.  Platt  on  behalf  of  New  York,  Mr. 
Henderson,  of  Iowa,  and  J.  Madison  Vance,  of 
Louisiana.  In  answer  to  loud  calls  Mr.  Depew 
mounted  his  chair  in  the  back  of  the  room,  where  the 
rays  of  the  sun  beamed  on  his  countenance,  which 
itself  was  beaming  with  good  humor,  and  said: 

I am  in  the  happy  position  now  of  making  a 
speech  for  the  man  who  is  going  to  be  elected. 
(Laughter  and  applause.)  It  is  a great  thing  for  an 
amateur,  when  his  first  nomination  has  failed,  to  come 
in  and  second  the  man  who  has  succeeded.  New 
York  is  here,  without  bitter  feeling  and  no  disap- 
pointment. We  recognize  that  the  waves  have  sub- 
merged us,  but  we  have  bobbed  up  serenely.  (Loud 
laughter.)  It  was  a cannon  from  New  York  that 
sounded  first  the  news  of  McKinley’s  nomination. 
They  said  of  Governor  Morton’s  father  that  he  was 
a New  England  clergyman  who  brought  up  a family 
of  ten  children  on  $300  a year,  and  was  notwith- 
standing gifted  in  prayer.  (Laughter.)  It  does  not 
make  any  difference  how  poor  he  may  be,  how  out 
of  work,  how  ragged,  how  next  door  to  a tramp  any- 
body may  be  in  the  United  States  to-night,  he  will  be 
“gifted  in  prayer”  at  the  result  of  this  convention. 
(Cheers  and  laughter.)  There  is  a principle  dear  to 
the  American  heart.  It  is  the  principle  which  moves 
American  spindles,  starts  its  industries,  and  makes 
the  wage-earners  sought  for  instead  of  seeking  em- 
ployment. That  principle  is  embodied  in  McKinley. 


SUSAN  B.  ANTHONY. 

The  Great  Advocate  of  Woman  Suffrage. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 


49I 


His  personality  explains  the  nomination  to-day.  And 
his  personality  will  carry  into  the  Presidential  Chair 
the  aspirations  of  the  voters  of  America,  of  the 
families  of  America,  of  the  homes  of  America,  pro- 
tection to  American  industry,  and  America  for 
Americans.  (Cheers.) 

The  Chair  then  put  the  question,  “ Shall  the  nomi- 
nation be  made  unanimous?”  and  by  a rising  vote  it 
was  so  ordered,  and  the  Chair  announced  that  Mr. 
William  McKinley  of  Ohio  was  the  candidate  of  the 
Republican  party  for  President  of  the  United  States. 

The  Nominations  for  Vice-President. 

This  great  step  having  been  taken,  Senator  Lodge 
moved  to  proceed  to  the  nomination  of  a candidate 
for  Vice-President ; and,  although  the  convention  had 
been  in  continuous  session  for  eight  and  a half  hours, 
the  motion  was  carried,  and  at  twenty  minutes  past  six 
the  roll  of  the  States  was  called  for  such  nominations. 

Mr.  Fessenden  nominated  the  Hon.  Morgan  G. 
Bulkeley  of  Connecticut,  while  Judge  Franklin  Fort 
of  New  Jersey  placed  the  Hon.  Garret  A.  Hobart  in 
nomination.  Judge  Fort  concluded  one  of  the  most 
telling  speeches  with  the  following  tribute  to  his 
nominee : 

His  capabilities  are  such  as  would  grace  any  posi- 
tion of  honor  in  the  Nation.  Not  for  himself,  but  for 
our  State;  not  for  his  ambition,  but  to  give  to  the 
Nation  the  highest  type  of  public  official,  do  we  come 
to  this  convention  by  the  command  of  our  State  and 
in  the  name  of  the  Republican  party  of  New  Jersey 
— unconquered  and  unconquerable,  undivided  and  in- 


49  2 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 


divisible — with  one  united  voice  speaking  for  all  that 
counts  for  good  citizenship  in  our  State,  and  nomi- 
nate to  you  for  the  office  of  Vice-President  of  this 
Republic,  Garret  A.  Hobart  of  New  Jersey. 

Mr.  Humphrey  seconded  the  nomination  of  Mr. 
Hobart  in  the  name  of  the  State  of  Illinois.  Dele- 
gate Randolph  of  Tennessee  nominated  Henry  Clay 
Evans  of  that  State,  the  nomination  being  seconded 
by  colored  Delegate  Smith  of  Kentucky,  who  de- 
clared the  Republican  party  “ the  grandest  organiza- 
tion this  side  of  eternity.”  Mr.  I.  C.  Walker  (col- 
ored) of  Virginia,  put  his  fellow-delegate  in  nomi- 
nation. 

Garret  A.  Hobart  of  New  Jersey  Nominated. 

By  the  time  the  balloting  reached  South  Dakota  it 
was  so  evident  that  Hobart  was  to  be  the  fortunate 
one  that  many  of  the  delegates  began  leaving  the 
hall.  The  result  of  the  ballot  as  announced  by  the 
Chair  was:  Hobart,  535 ]/2  ; Evans,  277^  ; Bulke- 
ley,  39 ; Lippitt,  8 ; Walker,  24 ; Reed,  3 ; Thurston, 
2 ; Frederick  Grant,  2 ; Depew,  3 ; Morton,  1 ; 
absent,  23. 

The  following  is  the  detailed  vote  for  Vice- 
President  : 

Alabama — Hobart,  10;  Bulkeley,  1;  Evans,  11. 

Arkansas — Hobart,  10;  Bulkeley,  1;  Evans,  5. 

California — Hobart,  14;  Bulkeley,  1;  Evans,  3. 

Connecticut — Bulkeley,  12. 

Delaware — Hobart,  6. 

Florida — Hobart,  5 ; Evans,  3. 

Georgia — Hobart,  5 ; Evans,  21. 

Illinois — Hobart,  44;  Evans,  4. 

Indiana — Hobart,  12;  Evans,  16;  Reed,  1;  Thurston,  1 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


493 


Iowa — Hobart,  8;  Bulkeley,  io ; Evans,  5;  Grant,  2. 

Kansas — Hobart,  20;  Reed,  1. 

Kentucky — Hobart,  8;  Evans,  17;  Depew,  1. 

Louisiana — Hobart,  8 ; Evans,  8. 

Maine— Hobart,  2 ; Bulkeley,  2 ; Evans,  5 ; Depew,  2 ; Mor- 
ton, 1. 

Maryland — Hobart,  14;  Bulkeley,  1 ; Evans,  1. 

Massachusetts — Hobart,  14;  Bulkeley,  4;  Evans,  12. 

Michigan — Hobart,  21  ; Evans,  7. 

Minnesota — Hobart,  6;  Evans,  12. 

Mississippi — Hobart,  13  ; Evans,  5. 

Missouri — Hobart,  10;  Evans,  23;  Thurston,  1. 

Montana — Hobart,  1;  five  absent. 

Nebraska — Hobart,  16. 

Nevada — Hobart,  3. 

New  Hampshire — Hobart,  8. 

New  Jersey — Hobart,  20. 

New  York — Hobart,  72. 

North  Carolina — Hobart,  ij4  ; Evans,  2oj£. 

North  Dakota — Hobart,  3 ; Evans,  3. 

Ohio — Hobart,  25  : Bulkeley,  6 ; Evans,  15. 

Oregon — Hobart,  8. 

Pennsylvania — Hobart,  64. 

Rhode  Island — Lippitt,  8. 

South  Carolina — Hobart,  3;  Evans,  15. 

South  Dakota — Hobart,  8. 

Tennessee — Evans,  24. 

Texas — Hobart,  11;  Evans,  12. 

Utah — Hobart,  5. 

Vermont — Hobart,  8. 

Virginia — James  A.  Walker,  24. 

Washington — Hobart,  8. 

West  Virginia — Hobart,  3;  Evans,  20;  Reed,  1. 

Wyoming— Hobart,  6. 

Arizona — Hobart,  4;  Bulkeley,  1;  Evans,  1. 

Oklahoma — Hobart,  4 ; Evans,  2. 

Indian  Territory — Hobart,  6. 

District  of  Columbia — Hobart,  2. 

Alaska — Hobart,  4. 

Totals — Hobart,  535  ; Bulkeley,  39  ; Evans,  277 Lippitt, 

8 ; James  A.  Walker,  24 ; Reed,  3 ; Thurston,  2 ; Depew,  3 ; 
Morton,  1 ; Grant,  2. 

Absent — Montana,  5 ; Nevada,  3 ; Texas,  7 ; Colorado,  8. 
Total  absent,  23.  Necessary  to  a choice,  448. 


494 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 


Then  at  ten  minutes  to  eight  o’clock,  the  eleventh 
National  Republican  Convention  adjourned  sine  die. 

At  McKinley’s  Home. 

Six  hundred  miles  away,  in  the  State  of  Ohio,  is 
the  pleasant  town  of  Canton,  the  home  of  the  nominee 
of  the  Republican  party  for  the  Presidency  of  the 
United  States.  What  an  impressive  illustration  of 
the  wonderful  studies  in  discovery  it  was,  that  Wil- 
liam McKinley,  during  the  tempestuous  scenes  we 
have  attempted  to  describe,  sat  in  his  library  and 
heard  the  cheering,  the  shouts,  the  speeches  and  the 
whirlwind  which  accompanied  his  nomination  and 
kept  as  close  track  of  the  proceedings  as  if  he  were 
sitting  on  the  platform  and  looking  into  the  sea  of 
upturned  faces!  Such  was  the  amazing  fact,  for  the 
telephone  to  which  his  ear  was  turned  reported 
everything  almost  as  faithfully  as  his  own  eyes  and 
ears  could  have  done,  and  he,  more  than  half  a 
thousand  miles  distant,  knew  the  result  as  soon  as 
did  the  excited  delegates  themselves. 

An  Ideal  Home. 

A sweet  and  winsome  picture  is  that  home  in 
Ohio.  Ida  Saxton  was  the  daughter  of  the  editor 
and  proprietor  of  the  Canton  Repository.  Bright  in 
mind  and  beautiful  in  person,  she  received  every 
possible  advantage  of  education,  including  a visit  to 
Europe.  She  was  admired  and  beloved  by  all  who 
knew  her  and  was  the  idol  of  her  fathers  household. 

William  McKinley,  the  handsome  youth  who  at 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 


495 

the  age  of  seventeen  years  enlisted  in  the  service  of 
his  country,  who  was  the  friend  of  Sheridan,  Hayes, 
Crook,  Rosecrans  and  other  military  leaders,  came 
back  to  Canton,  a seasoned  veteran  of  the  war,  by  the 
time  he  had  reached  his  majority,  a major  by  virtue 
of  his  patriotic  achievements  and  because  of  his  con- 
spicuous bravery.  Having  studied  law  and  been 
elected  Prosecuting  Attorney,  he  was  attracted  by 
the  worth  and  charms  of  Miss  Ida  Saxton,  whom  he 
won  away  from  all  suitors  and  married  in  1871. 
The  happy  couple  began  keeping  house  in  the  pretty 
dwelling  which  is  still  their  home,  and  to  which  they 
gladly  returned  after  twenty  years  of  residence  in 
Washington  and  the  capital  of  their  own  State,  and 
happy  would  have  been  the  wife  could  the  rest  of 
their  days  be  spent  amid  their  loved  friends  and 
surroundings  far  from  the  turmoil  and  trials  of  public 
life. 

An  old  gentleman  one  time,  when  giving  his  ex- 
perience at  a religious  meeting,  said : “ If  any  one 
doubts  my  religion,  let  him  go  home  and  ask  my  wife.” 
What  more  crucial  test  could  he  have  offered  ? It  is 
the  home  life,  the  daily  going  out  and  coming  in, 
which  shows  a man  as  he  is.  The  picture  which 
commands  the  profoundest  admiration  is  a view  of 
Mr.  McKinley  in  his  own  household. 

Of  course  he  and  his  wife  were  lovers  a quarter 
of  a century  ago,  but  not  a whit  more  so  than  they 
are  to-day.  They  are  just  as  fond  of  each  other,  and 
the  treatment  and  daily  life  of  the  husband  is  as 


496  THE  republican  convention 

chivalrous  as  it  was  when  he  led  the  beautiful  woman 
to  the  altar. 

The  shadows  which  fell  across  their  threshold 
seemed  to  bring  them  into  closer  companionship. 
Two  daughters  were  born  to  them,  but  one  died  as 
a little  baby  and  the  other,  after  filling  the  household 
with  sunshine  and  happiness,  was  borne  away  by  the 
angels  when  four  years  of  age.  From  that  sorrow 
the  mother  never  fully  recovered,  and  she  will  be  an 
invalid  for  the  remainder  of  her  days.  During  her 
husband’s  administration  as  governor  of  Ohio,  she 
was  unable  to  enter  into  the  social  life  of  the  State 
capital  to  any  considerable  degree.  She  received 
callers,  though  compelled  to  recline  upon  a couch 
while  doing  so  and  was  unable  to  return  any  of  the 
calls.  She  gives  much  attention  to  charities,  and 
with  her  own  hands  makes  many  garments  for  the 
poor.  Like  her  husband,  she  is  a strong  advocate 
of  the  temperance  cause,  and  her  keenness  of  intel- 
lect and  intuitive -judgment  have  often  been  of  great 
help  to  him  in  his  public  career.  The  commendation 
of  no  man  or  group  of  men  is  as  dear  to  him  as  that 
of  his  wife. 

The  couple  are  members  of  the  Broad  Street 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church  of  Canton,  and  when 
they  are  at  home,  he  invariably  attends  the  morning 
services  on  Sunday,  spending  the  evenings  with  his 
wife,  who  is  seldom  able  to  go  to  church  at  all, 
though  it  is  a source  of  gratification  to  all  to  know 
that  her  health  to-day  is  better  than  it  has  been  for 
years. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 


497 

A most  interesting  member  of  the  household  is 
the  mother  of  Mr.  McKinley.  Although  eighty- 
seven  years  of  age,  her  mind  is  as  bright  as  ever  and 
her  concern  in  her  gifted  son  as  active  as  when  she 
bade  him  God-speed,  and  he  shouldered  his  musket 
and  marched  to  war.  She  is  naturally  proud  of  him, 
for,  as  the  mother  of  Washington  said,  “ He  was 
always  a good  boy,”  but  now  and  then  she  reminds 
him  that  he  is  still  her  “ boy',”  and  if  necessary  sub- 
ject to  her  discipline. 

During  the  stirring  week  of  the  Convention  the 
major  was  sitting  on  his  porch  talking  to  a group  of 
friends,  when  an  old  lady  was  seen  approaching  the  gate. 

“That’s  my  mother ! ” he  exclaimed,  springing  to 
his  feet  and  hurrying  down  the  walk  to  meet  her.  He 
gave  her  his  arm  and  bringing  her  to  the  porch, 
introduced  her  to  each  in  turn,  saw  that  she  was  pro- 
vided with  the  most  comfortable  chair,  and  to  none 
gave  more  loving  attention  than  to  her. 

On  that  eventful  Thursday,  Mrs.  McKinley  was  in 
the  parlor,  surrounded  by  relatives  and  near  friends, 
including  the  major’s  mother,  when  the  husband  in 
his  office  caught  the  words  as  they  were  uttered  in 
the  Auditorium  at  St.  Louis,  “ Ohio,  McKinley.’’ 
Without  speaking,  he  rose  from  his  chair,  hurried 
across  the  hall  to  his  wife  and  bending  over,  kissed 
her  with  the  words : “ Ida,  Ohio’s  vote  has  just 

nominated  me.” 

In  another  place  we  have  given  the  leading  events 
in  the  career  of  William  McKinley  and  the  incidents 
just  told  complete  the  picture. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION 


498 

Although  Garret  A.  Hobart,  the  nominee  for  Vice- 
President,  has  less  of  a national  reputation  than  his 
chief,  he  possesses  marked  executive  ability,  great 
administrative  talent  and  a popularity  in  his  State 
which  is  felt  and  acknowledged  from  Sussex  to  Cape 
May.  He  has  indefatigable  energy,  an  intuitive 
knowledge  of  men  and  no  superior  as  a political 
manager. 

Mr.  Hobart’s  public  career  is  given  in  another 
part  of  this  volume,  but  a long  personal  acquaintance 
of  the  writer  with  him  leads  to  the  declaration  that 
one  of  the  wisest  steps  of  the  convention  was  taken 
when  he  was  placed  on  the  ticket  with  McKinley. 
Mr.  Hobart  proved  his  remarkable  power  as  a cam- 
paign manager  when,  mainly  through  his  efforts,  John 
W.  Griggs  was  chosen  the  first  Republican  governor 
of  New  Jersey  in  twenty  years,  his  majority  rising 
far  above  the  figures  named  by  his  most  sanguine 
friends. 

The  mental  qualities  of  Mr.  Hobart  resemble  in 
many  respects  those  of  Speaker  Reed.  He  has 
the  same  quickness  of  perception,  the  same  wit  and 
keenness  of  repartee  and  the  same  “courage  of  his 
convictions,”  and  moral  bravery  winch  drives  away 
all  semblance  of  hesitation  when  once  he  has  decided 
upon  the  right  course  to  pursue,  or  rather  to  lead, 
since  he  is  a leader  rather  than  a follower.  He  can- 
not fail  to  prove  a tower  of  strength  in  the  stirring 
campaign  into  which  he  will  throw  all  his  energies 
and  ability. 


FRANCKS  K.  WIIXARD. 


The  Republican  Platform 

Adopted  at  St.  Louis , June  iSth,  1896. 

FOR  THE  EXISTING  GOLD  STANDARD  AND  PROTECTION — 

UNMISTAKABLE  UTTERANCES  OF  THE  CONVENTION 

AMERICAN  INTERESTS  TO  BE  ADVANCED  AT  HOME 
AND  ABROAD THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE  REAF- 
FIRMED  SYMPATHY  FOR  CUBA. 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  assembled 
by  their  representatives  in  National  Convention,  ap- 
pealing for  the  popular  and  historical  justification  of 
their  claims  to  the  matchless  achievements  of  thirty 
years  of  Republican  rule,  earnestly  and  confidently 
address  themselves  to  the  awakened  intelligence,  ex- 
perience and  conscience  of  their  countrymen  in  the 
following  declaration  of  facts  and  principles: 

For  the  first  time  since  the  Civil  War  the  Ameri- 
can people  have  witnessed  the  calamitous  conse- 
quences of  full  and  unrestricted  Democratic  control  of 
the  Government.  It  has  been  a record  of  unparalleled 
incapacity,  dishonor  and  disaster.  In  administrative 
management  it  has  ruthlessly  sacrificed  indispensable 
revenue,  entailed  an  unceasing  deficit,  eked  out  or- 
dinary current  expenses  with  borrowed  money,  piled 
up  the  public  debt  by  $262,000,000  in  time  of  peace, 
forced  an  adverse  balance  of  trade,  kept  a perpetual 

(501) 


502 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 


menace  hanging  over  the  redemption  fund,  pawned 
American  credit  to  alien  syndicates,  and  reversed 
all  the  measures  and  results  of  successful  Republi- 
can rule.  In  the  broad  effect  of  its  policy  it  has  pre- 
cipitated panic,  blighted  industry  and  trade  with 
prolonged  depression,  closed  factories,  reduced 
work  and  wages,  halted  enterprise  and  crippled 
American  production,  while  stimulating  foreign  pro- 
duction for  the  American  market.  Every  considera- 
tion of  public  safety  and  individual  interest  demands 
that  the  Government  shall  be  rescued  from  the  hands 
of  those  who  have  shown  themselves  incapable  of 
conducting  it  without  disaster  at  home  and  dishonor 
abroad,  and  shall  be  restored  to  the  party  which  for 
thirty  years  administered  it  with  unequalled  success 
and  prosperty.  And  in  this  connection  we  heartily 
endorse  the  wisdom,  patriotism  and  the  success  of 
the  Administration  of  President  Harrison. 

Allegiance  to  Protection  Renewed. 

We  renew  and  emphasize  our  allegiance  to  the 
policy  of  Protection  as  the  bulwark  of  American  in- 
dustrial independence  and  the  foundation  of  Ameri- 
can development  and  prosperity.  This  true  Ameri- 
can policy  taxes  foreign  products  and  encourages 
home  industry;  it  puts  the  burden  of  revenue  on 
foreign  goods;  it  secures  the  American  market 
for  the  American  producer ; it  upholds  the  American 
standard  of  wages  for  the  American  workingman  ; it 
puts  the  factory  by  the  side  of  the  farm,  and  makes 
the  American  farmer  less  dependent  on  foreign  de- 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 


503 


mand  and  prices  ; it  diffuses  general  thrift  and  founds 
the  strength  of  all  on  the  strength  of  each.  In  its 
reasonable  application  it  is  just,  fair  and  impartial, 
equally  opposed  to  foreign  control  and  domestic 
monopoly,  to  sectional  discrimination  and  individual 
favoritism. 

We  denounce  the  present  Democratic  tariff  as  sec- 
tional, injurious  to  the  public  credit  and  destructive 
to  business  enterprise.  We  demand  such  an  equi- 
table tariff  on  foreign  imports  which  come  into  com- 
petition with  American  products,  as  will  not  only  fur- 
nish adequate  revenue  for  the  necessary  expenses  of 
the  Government,  but  will  protect  American  labor 
from  degradation  to  the  wage  level  of  other  lands. 
We  are  not  pledged  to  any  particular  schedules. 
The  question  of  rates  is  a practical  question,  to  be 
governed  by  the  conditions  of  the  time  and  of  pro- 
duction ; the  ruling  and  uncompromising  principle 
is  the  protection  and  development  of  American  labor 
and  industry.  The  country  demands  a right  settle- 
ment, and  then  it  wants  rest. 

Reciprocity  Demanded. 

We  believe  the  repeal  of  the  reciprocity  arrange- 
ments negotiated  by  the  last  Republican  Administra- 
tion was  a national  calamity,  and  we  demand  their 
renewal  and  extension  on  such  terms  as  will  equalize 
our  trade  with  other  nations,  remove  the  restrictions 
which  now  obstruct  the  sale  of  American  products  in 
the  ports  of  other  countries,  and  secure  enlarged 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 


504 

markets  for  the  products  of  our  farms,  forests  and 
factories. 

Protection  and  reciprocity  are  twin  measures  of 
Republican  policy  and  go  hand  in  hand.  Demo- 
cratic rule  has  recklessly  struck  down  both,  and  both 
must  be  re-established.  Protection  for  what  we  pro- 
duce ; free  admission  for  the  necessaries  of  life 
which  we  do  not  produce ; reciprocal  agreements 
of  mutual  interest  which  gain  open  markets  for  us  in 
return  for  our  open  market  to  others.  Protection 
builds  up  domestic  industry  and  trade  and  secures 
our  own  market  for  ourselves;  reciprocity  builds  up 
foreign  trade  and  finds  an  outlet  for  our  surplus. 

We  condemn  the  present  Administration  for  not 
keeping  faith  with  the  sugar  producers  of  this  coun- 
try; the  Republican  party  favors  such  protection 
as  will  lead  to  the  production  on  American  soil  of  all 
the  sugar  which  the  American  people  use  and  for 
which  they  pay  other  countries  more  than  $100,000- 
000  annually.  To  all  our  products — to  those  of  the 
mine  and  the  field,  as  well  as  those  of  the  shop 
and  the  factory — to  hemp,  to  wool,  the  product  of  the 
great  industry  of  sheep  husbandry,  as  well  as  to  the 
finished  woolens  of  the  mill — we  promise  the  most 
ample  protection. 

Merchant  Marine. 

We  favor  restoring  the  early  American  policy  of 
discriminating  duties  for  the  upbuilding  of  our  mer- 
chant marine  and  the  protection  of  our  shipping  in 
the  foreign  carrying  trade,  so  that  American  ships — 
the  product  of  American  labor,  employed  in  Ameri- 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 


505 

can  shipyards,  sailing  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes, 
and  manned,  officered  and  owned  by  Americans — 
may  regain  the  carrying  of  our  foreign  commerce. 

The  Currency  Plank. 

The  Republican  party  is  unreservedly  for  sound 
money.  It  caused  the  enactment  of  the  law  provid- 
ing for  the  resumption  of  specie  payment  in  1879; 
since  then  every  dollar  has  been  as  good  as  gold. 

We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  every  measure  cal- 
culated to  debase  our  currency  or  impair  the  credit 
of  our  country.  We  are,  therefore,  opposed  to  the 
free  coinage  of  silver,  except  by  international  agree- 
ment with  the  leading  commercial  nations  of  the 
world,  which  we  pledge  ourselves  to  promote;  and, 
until  such  agreement  can  be  obtained,  the  existing 
gold  standard  must  be  preserved.  All  our  silver  and 
paper  currency  must  be  maintained  at  parity  with 
gold,  and  we  favor  all  measures  designed  to  maintain 
inviolable  the  obligations  of  the  United  States  and 
all  our  money,  whether  coin  or  paper,  at  the  present 
standard,  the  standard  of  the  most  enlightened 
nations  of  the  earth. 

Justice  to  Veterans. 

The  veterans  of  the  Union  armies  deserve  and 
should  receive  fair  treatment  and  generous  recogni- 
tion. Whenever  practicable,  they  should  be  given 
the  preference  in  the  matter  of  employment,  and 
they  are  entitled  to  the  enactment  of  such  laws  as  are 
best  calculated  to  secure  the  fulfilment  of  the 

26 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 


506 

pledges  made  to  them  in  the  dark  days  of  the  coun- 
try’s peril.  We  denounce  the  practice  in  the  Pension 
Bureau,  so  recklessly  and  unjustly  carried  on  by  the 
present  administration,  of  reducing  pensions  and  ar- 
bitrarily dropping  names  from  the  rolls,  as  deserving 
ythe  severest  condemnation  of  the  American  people. 

Foreign  Relations. 

Our  foreign  policy  should  be  at  all  times  firm,  vig- 
orous and  dignified,  and  all  our  interests  in  the 
Western  hemisphere  carefully  watched  and  guarded. 
The  Hawaiian  Islands  should  be  controlled  by  the 
United  States,  and  no  foreign  Power  should  be  per- 
mitted to  interfere  with  them ; the  Nicaragua  Canal 
should  be  built,  owned  and  operated  by  the  United 
States,  and,  by  the  purchase  of  the  Danish  Islands, 
we  should  secure  a proper  and  much-needed  naval 
station  in  the  West  Indies. 

The  massacres  in  Armenia  have  aroused  the  deep 
sympathy  and  just  indignation  of  the  American  peo- 
ple, and  we  believe  that  the  United  States  should 
exercise  all  the  influence  it  can  properly  exert  to  bring 
these  atrocities  to  an  end.  In  Turkey,  American  res- 
idents have  been  exposed  to  the  gravest  dangers,  and 
American  property  destroyed.  There,  and  every- 
where, American  citizens  and  American  property 
must  be  absolutely  protected  at  all  hazards  and  at 
any  cost. 

We  reassert  the  Monroe  Doctrine  in  its  full  extent, 
and  we  reaffirm  the  right  of  the  United  States  to  give 
the  doctrine  effect  by  responding  to  the  appeals  of 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 


50  7 


any  American  State  for  friendly  intervention  in  case 
of  European  encroachment.  We  have  not  interfered, 
and  shall  not  interfere,  with  the  existing  possessions 
of  any  European  Power  in  this  hemisphere,  but  those 
possessions  must  not,  on  any  pretext,  be  extended. 
We  hopefully  look  forward  to  the  eventual  withdrawal 
of  the  European  Powers  from  this  hemisphere,  and 
to  the  ultimate  union  of  all  of  the  English-speaking 
part  of  the  continent  by  the  free  consent  of  its 
inhabitants. 

Suffering  Cuba. 

From  the  hour  of  achieving  their  own  independ- 
ence, the  people  of  the  United  States  have  regarded 
with  sympathy  the  struggles  of  other  American  peo- 
ples to  free  themselves  from  European  domination. 
We  watch  with  deep  and  abiding  interest  the  heroic 
battle  of  the  Cuban  patriots  against  cruelty  and 
oppression,  and  our  best  hopes  go  out  for  the  full 
success  of  their  determined  contest  for  liberty.  The 
Government  of  Spain,  having  lost  control  of  Cuba, 
and  being  unable  to  protect  the  property  or  lives  of 
resident  American  citizens,  or  to  comply  with  its 
treaty  obligations,  we  believe  that  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  should  actively  use  its  influence 
and  good  offices  to  restore  peace  and  give  independ- 
ence to  the  island. 

The  Navy. 

The  peace  and  security  of  the  Republic,  and  the 
maintenance  of  its  rightful  influence  among  the  nations 
of  the  earth,  demand  a naval  power  commensurate 
with  its  position  and  responsibility.  We  therefore 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 


508 

favor  the  continued  enlargement  of  the  navy  and  a 
complete  system  of  harbor  and  seacoast  defences. 

Foreign  Immigration. 

For  the  protection  of  the  equality  of  our  American 
citizenship  and  of  the  wages  of  our  workingmen 
against  the  fatal  competition  of  low-priced  labor,  we 
demand  that  the  immigration  laws  be  thoroughly 
enforced  and  so  extended  as  to  exclude  from  entrance 
to  the  United  States  those  who  can  neither  read  nor 
write. 

Civil  Service. 

The  Civil  Service  law  was  placed  on  the  statute 
book  by  the  Republican  party,  which  has  always  sus- 
tained it,  and  we  renew  our  repeated  declarations 
that  it  shall  be  thoroughly  and  honestly  enforced  and 
extended  wherever  practicable. 

Free  Ballot. 

We  demand  that  every  citizen  of  the  United  States 
shall  be  allowed  to  cast  one  free  and  unrestricted  bal- 
lot, and  that  such  ballot  shall  be  counted  and  returned 
as  cast. 

Lynchings. 

We  proclaim  our  unqualified  condemnation  of  the 
uncivilized  and  barbarous  practices  well  known  as 
lynching  and  killing  of  human  beings,  suspected  or 
charged  with  crime,  without  process  of  law. 

National  Arbitration. 

We  favor  the  creation  of  a National  Board  of  Arbi- 


WIL,IyIAM  McKINLKY. 
^x-Governor  of  Ohio. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 


5 1 1 

tration  to  settle  and  adjust  differences  which  may 
arise  between  employers  and  employed  engaged  in 
inter-State  commerce. 

Homesteads. 

We  believe  in  an  immediate  return  to  the  free 
homestead  policy  of  the  Republican  party,  and  urge 
the  passage  by  Congress  of  the  satisfactory  free 
homestead  measure  which  has  already  passed  the 
House  and  is  now  pending  in  the  Senate. 

Territories. 

We  favor  the  admission  of  the  remaining  Territo- 
ries at  the  earliest  practicable  date,  having  due  regard 
to  the  interests  of  the  people  of  the  Territories  and 
of  the  United  States.  All  the  Federal  officers  ap- 
pointed for  the  Territories  should  be  selected  from 
bona  fide  residents  thereof,  and  the  riodit  of  self-^ov- 
ernment  should  be  accorded  as  far  as  practicable. 

We  believe  the  citizens  of  Alaska  should  have  rep- 
resentation in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  to 
the  end  that  needful  legislation  may  be  intelligently 
enacted. 

Temperance  and  Rights  of  Women. 

We  sympathize  with  all  wise  and  legitimate  efforts 
to  lessen  and  prevent  the  evils  of  intemperance  and 
promote  morality. 

The  Republican  party  is  mindful  of  the  rights  and 
interests  of  women.  Protection  of  American  indus- 
tries includes  equal  opportunities,  equal  pay  for  equal 
work,  and  protection  to  the  home.  We  favor  the 


$12 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 


admission  of  women  to  wider  spheres  of  usefulness, 
and  welcome  their  co-operation  in  rescuing  the  coun- 
try from  Democratic  and  Populistic  mismanagement 
and  misrule. 

Such  are  the  principles  and  policies  of  the  Repub- 
lican party.  By  these  principles  we  will  abide,  and 
these  policies  we  will  put  into  execution.  We  ask 
for  them  the  considerate  judgment  of  the  American 
people.  Confident  alike  in  the  history  of  our  great 
party  and  in  the  justice  of  our  cause,  we  present  our 
platform  and  our  candidates  in  the  full  assurance  that 
the  election  will  bring  victory  to  the  Republican  party 
and  prosperity  to  the  people  of  the  United  States. 


Life  and  Public  Services  of  William  McKinley. 

CAREER  IN  WAR  AND  PEACE,  AS  SOLDIER,  LAWYER,  CONGRESSMAN  AND 
GOVERNOR— HIS  COMMANDING  PART  IN  FRAMING  A TARIFF  MEAS- 
URE-NOTABLE SERVICES  IN  THE  EXECUTIVE  CHAIR  OF  THE  BUCK 
EYE  STATE. 

By  Hon.  John  Sherman. 

William  McKinley  was  born  at  Niles,  O., 
February  26,  1844,  and  is  therefore  just  past  52  years 
of  age.  He  is  now  in  the  prime  of  vigorous  man- 
hood, and  his  powers  of  endurance  are  not  excelled 
by  any  American  of  his  age.  The  best  evidence 
of  this  is  the  many  campaigns  which  he  has  made 
during  his  public  life  in  behalf  of  the  Republican 
party.  He  has  proved  his  ability  and  endurance  by 
the  number  and  perfection  of  the  speeches  which  he 
has  delivered. 

His  education,  for  reasons  that  could  not  be  sur- 
mounted, was  limited  to  the  public  schools  of  Ohio 
and  to  a brief  academic  course  in  Allegheny  College. 
He  taught  school  in  the  country  and  accumulated  the 
small  means  necessary  to  defray  the  expenses  of  that 
sort  of  education.  This  is  the  kind  of  schooling  that 
has  produced  many  of  the  most  eminent  Americans 
in  public  and  private  life. 

His  War  Services. 

McKinley  entered  the  Union  Army  in  June,  1861, 

(513) 


william  McKinley. 


U4 

enlisting  in  the  Twenty-third  Ohio  Infantry  when  a 
little  more  than  1 7 years  of  age.  This  was  a noted 
regiment.  Among  its  earlier  field  officers  may  be 
mentioned  General  W.  S.  Rosecrans,  General  Scam- 
mon,  General  Stanley  Matthews,  General  Rutherford 
B.  Hayes,  General  Comley  and  many  other  conspicu- 
ous men. 

He  served  during  the  entire  war,  rising  from  the 
position  of  a private  to  the  rank  of  major.  He  was  a 
soldier  on  the  front  line,  served  in  battles,  marches, 
bivouacs  and  campaigns,  and  received  the  official 
commendation  of  his  superior  officers  on  very  many 
occasions. 

He  returned  to  Ohio  with  a record  of  which  any 
young  man  might  well  be  proud  and  to  which  the  old 
soldiers  of  the  country  will  point  with  great  enthusi- 
asm should  he  be  honored  by  an  election  to  the  Presi- 
dency. There  are  in  the  United  States  at  this  time 
more  than  a million  soldiers  of  the  late  war  who 
served  on  the  Union  side  still  living  and  voting,  and 
they  have  sons  and  their  relatives,  all  of  whom  taken 
in  the  aggregate  become  a power  in  a presidential 
election. 

His  military  career,  while  he  was  not  in  high  com- 
mand, is  full  of  heroic  incidents  which  are  proven  not 
only  by  contemporaneous  publications  in  the  news- 
papers, but  by  official  reports  of  his  superior  officers. 
He  was  not  only  a gallant  and  splendid  soldier,  full 
of  endurance  and  personal  energy,  but  he  was  the 
calm,  judicious  staff  officer  who  won  the  commenda- 


WILLIAM  Me  It  IN LE  Y. 


515 

tions  of  his  superiors  by  exhibition  of  good  judgment 
and  wise  administrative  capacity. 

Returning  from  the  war,  he  found  it  necessary  to 
choose  his  employment  for  life,  and  without  further 
schooling  he  entered  earnestly  upon  the  study  of  law 
in  the  office  of  Judge  Poland,  and  was  a careful,  faith- 
ful, industrious  and  competent  student.  He  entered 
the  Albany  Law  School  and  graduated  from  that  in- 
stitution with  high  honors.  He  then  began  the 
practice  of  law  in  Canton  with  the  same  enthusiasm 
and  devotion  to  duty  which  he  had  always  manifested. 
As  a practitioner  at  the  bar  he  at  once  exhibited 
superior  qualities,  careful,  studious  and  faithful.  He 
was  elected  Prosecuting  Attorney  of  his  county  and 
distinguished  himself  by  his  learning,  fidelity  and 
efficiency  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties  to  the  public 
and  his  clients. 

Elected  to  Congress. 

He  was  elected  a member  of  the  Forty-fifth  Con- 
gress, and  served  in  that  Congress  and  the  Forty- 
sixth,  Forty-seventh,  Forty-eighth,  Forty-ninth,  and 
was  certified  as  elected  to  the  Fiftieth,  but  was  ex- 
cluded by  a Democratic  majority  in  a contest,  but 
was  returned  to  the  Fifty-first,  making  his  Congres- 
sional career  nearly  fourteen  years.  As  a member 
of  Congress  he  was  attentive,  industrious  and  untiring, 
working  his  way  gradually  until  he  reached  the  post 
of  leader  of  the  Republican  majority  of  the  Fifty- 
first  Congress. 

He  did  not  attain  this  position  by  accident  or  by 
any  fortuitous  circumstance,  but  by  constant  atten- 


william  McKinley. 


516 

tion  to  his  duties  and  a careful  study  of  the  public 
measures  of  importance.  He  was  a candidate  for 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
Fifty-first  Congress.  Mr.  Reed,  the  successful  candi- 
date, appointed  him  as  chairman  of  the  Ways  and 
Means  Committee,  and  he  entered  upon  the  duties 
incident  to  that  position  with  energy  and  intelligence. 
There  was  a necessity  and  a well-defined  public  de- 
mand for  tariff  legislation  in  that  Congress. 

The  Republican  party  had  come  into  power  by  the 
election  of  Mr.  Harrison,  with  the  understanding  and 
pledge  that  tariff  revision  should  be  accomplished  at 
once.  The  tariff  laws  of  1883  required  amendment 
and  improvement  on  account  of  the  lapse  of  time  and 
change  of  circumstances.  In  1890  it  was  decided  to 
present  a complete  revision  of  the  tariff,  and  to  this 
work  McKinley  devoted  himself  with  untiring  in- 
dustry. He  had  upon  that  committee  many  competent 
assistants,  but  the  chief  burdens  necessarily  fell  upon 
the  chairman. 

His  Tariff  Measure. 

Speaker  Reed  was  in  hearty  sympathy  and  earnest 
co-operation,  and  the  House  of  Representatives,  on 
the  2 1 st  day  of  May,  1890,  passed  the  bill  known  as 
the  McKinley  Tariff  Bill.  Any  one  turning  to  the 
great  debate  in  the  House  of  Representatives  pend- 
ing the  passage  of  that  measure  in  the  Committee  of 
the  Whole,  will  appreciate  the  great  scope  of 
McKinley’s  knowledge  of  the  subject-matter  of  that 
enactment. 


william  McKinley. 


5i  7 

It  has  never  been  claimed  by  McKinley’s  friends 
that  he  was  the  sole  author  of  the  McKinley  Bill. 

Not  only  did  he  have  able  supporters  and  assist- 
ants, but  he  yielded  to  them  under  all  circumstances 
opportunities  for  demonstrating  their  leadership  upon 
subjects  connected  with  the  bill,  and  over  and  over 
again  expressed  in  public  and  in  private  his  great 
admiration  for  the  assistance  contributed  by  his 
colleagues  in  the  committee. 

But  it  is  fair  to  say  that  McKinley  mastered  the 
the  whole  subject  in  Congress  in  detail.  He  has 
made  the  subject  of  protective  tariff  a life  study. 
Born  and  reared  within  the  sound  of  the  rolling-mill 
and  beneath  the  smoke  and  flame  of  furnaces,  and 
with  the  full  knowledge  of  the  calls  of  labor  and  the 
necessities  of  capital,  he  has  grown  up  from  childhood 
a student  of  economic  questions  involved  in  Ameri- 
can legislation,  and  so  he  brought  to  this  task  in  the 
Fifty-first  Congress  remarkable  knowledge  of  details 
and  thorough  equipment  for  the  great  work  devolved 
upon  him.  McKinley  is  a man  of  conspicuous  mod- 
esty. He  never  claimed  the  exclusive  authorship  of 
this  measure,  but  it  must  be  admitted  that  he  con- 
tributed more  than  any  one  else  to  the  policy  of  com- 
bining in  a tariff  law  ample  provision  for  sufficient 
revenue  to  meet  the  expenditures  of  the  Government, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  protect  and  foster  impartially 
all  domestic  labor  and  production  from  undue  compe- 
tition with  the  poorly  paid  labor  of  foreign  nations. 

It  is  often  asserted  that  the  McKinley  Act  failed  in 
providing  sufficient  revenue  to  support  the  Govern- 


William  McKinley. 


518 

ment.  This  is  not  true,  as  it  did  furnish  revenue  to 
meet  expenditures,  but  it  did  not  provide  a surplus 
equal  to  the  sinking  fund  for  the  reduction  of  the 
public  debt.  This  was  not  the  fault  of  McKinley  or 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  but  of  the  Senate, 
which  insisted  upon  reciprocity  clauses  which  largely 
reduced  the  revenue  provided  by  that  act. 

The  Campaign  of  i8g2. 

It  was  the  misfortune  of  the  McKinley  Act  that  it 
took  effect  at  the  opening  of  a presidential  contest, 
and  when  “ labor  troubles”  excited  the  public  mind. 
The  election  of  1892  fell  with  demoralizing  and 
almost  crushing  weight  upon  the  Republican  party 
of  the  country.  The  law  of  1890  was  everywhere, 
by  Republicans  and  Democrats,  denominated  the 
McKinley  Law,  and  from  ocean  to  ocean  the 
common  people  learned  to  so  denominate  it. 

At  that  time  Major  McKinley  not  only  did  not 
seek  to  evade  the  responsibility  of  his  position,  but 
frankly  and  openly  admitted  it,  and  he  counseled 
courage  and  fortitude,  and  gave  assurance  of  his 
strong  faith  in  the  ultimate  triumph  of  the  Republican 
party  upon  the  very  principles  which  then  seemed  to 
be  repudiated  by  the  people. 

Addressing  himself  to  an  audience  of  discouraged 
Republicans  in  February,  1893,  he  said: 

“The  Republican  party  values  its  principles  no  less 
in  defeat  than  in  victory.  It  holds  to  them  after  a 
reverse  as  before,  because  it  believes  in  them,  and 
believing  in  them  is  ready  to  battle  for  them.  They 


MRS.. WM,  McKINIy^Y, 


william  McKinley. 


521 


are  not  espoused  for  mere  policy  nor  to  serve  in  a 
single  contest.  They  are  set  deep  and  strong  in  the 
hearts  of  the  party  and  are  interwoven  with  its 
struggles,  its  life  and  its  history. 

“ Without  discouragement,  our  great  party  reaffirms 
its  allegiance  to  Republican  doctrine  and  with  un- 
shaken confidence  seeks  again  the  public  judgment 
through  public  discussion.  The  defeat  of  1892  has 
not  made  Republican  principles  less  true  nor  our 
faith  in  their  ultimate  triumph  less  firm.  The  party 
accepts  with  true  American  spirit  the  popular  verdict, 
and  challenging  the  interpretation  put  upon  it  by  our 
political  opponents  takes  an  appeal  to  the  people, 
whose  court  is  always  open — whose  right  of  review 
is  never  questioned. 

“ The  Republican  party,  which  made  its  first  ap- 
pearance in  a national  contest  in  1856,  has  lost  the 
Presidency  but  three  times  in  thirty-six  years  and 
only  twice  since  i860.  It  has  carried  seven  presi- 
dential elections  out  of  ten  since  its  organization.  It 
has  more  than  once  witnessed  art  apparent  condem- 
nation of  Republican  policy  swiftly  and  conclusively 
reversed  by  a subsequent  and  better-considered  pop- 
ular verdict.  When  defeat  has  come,  it  has  usually 
followed  some  measure  of  public  law  or  policy  where 
sufficient  time  has  not  elapsed  to  demonstrate  its 
wisdom  and  expediency,  and  where  the  opposing 
party  by  reason  thereof  enjoyed  the  widest  range  of 
popular  prejudice  and  exaggerated  statements  and 
misrepresentation.” 

This  was  the  language  of  a bold  leader  of  public 


522 


william  McKinley. 


opinion.  There  was  no  trimming,  no  hiding  from 
responsibility,  no  shirking  from  the  great  question  of 
protection. 

After  the  passage  of  the  tariff  act  of  1890  the 
country  rang  with  the  designation  “ McKinley  Law  ” 
as  a term  of  reproach.  The  man  who  had  given  his 
name  to  that  act  when  it  was  denounced,  boldly  pro- 
claimed his  responsibility  for  it.  When  the  tide 
turned  in  his  favor  he  heartily  acknowledged  the  aid 
of  his  colleagues. 

Powers  of  Leadership. 

My  familiar  association,  as  a Senator  from  Ohio, 
with  McKinley  during  his  service  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  enables  me  to  say  that  he  won 
friends  from  all  parties  by  uniform  courtesy  and  fair- 
ness, unyielding  in  sustaining  the  position  of  his  party 
upon  every  question  on  the  floor  of  the  House.  His 
leadership  was,  nevertheless,  not  offensive  or  aggres- 
sive, and  while  he  carried  his  points,  he  was  always 
courteous  to  his  opponents,  impersonal  in  debate, 
and  always  ready  to  concede  honest  motives  to  his 
opponents. 

At  the  close  of  the  Fifty-first  Congress,  and  when 
his  services  as  Congressman  ended,  he  retired  with- 
out leaving  behind  him  a single  enemy,  and  yet  he 
had  been  unswerving  in  party  fealty  and  uncom- 
promising upon  every  question  of  principle.  His 
name  became  linked  with  the  great  measure  of  that 
Congress  by  the  common  voice  of  the  people  of  the 
whole  country  and  by  the  world  at  large. 


william  McKinley. 


523 


He,  shortly  after  his  service  in  Congress,  entered 
upon  the  campaign  for  Governor  of  Ohio.  He  was 
nominated  by  acclamation  in  1891.  The  State  had 
been  carried  in  1890  by  the  Republicans  by  a very 
close  majority,  and  the  drift  in  the  country  was 
against  the  success  of  the  Republican  party.  The 
discussion  by  Major  McKinley  in  Ohio  of  the  tariff 
and  currency  questions  was  one  of  the  most  thorough 
and  instructive  of  all  the  debates  in  that  State.  It 
was  a counterpart,  in  large  measure,  of  that  of  1875, 
when,  after  a series  of  defeats  throughout  the  country, 
growing  out  of  the  use  of  irredeemable  paper  money, 
President  Hayes,  then  a candidate  for  Governor  of 
Ohio,  boldly  advocated  the  resumption  of  specie  pay- 
ments, and  was  elected  on  that  issue.  It  was  a cam- 
paign where  principles  won  against  prejudices. 

So,  in  the  campaign  of  1891,  Governor  McKinley, 
disregarding  threatened  disasters,  adhered  without 
compromise  to  the  platform  of  principles  involved  in 
the  tariff  legislation  of  Congress.  He  neither  apolo- 
gized nor  modified  his  position,  and  his  election  by 
upwards  of  20,000  majority  in  that  year  was  the 
significant  result. 


His  Work  as  Governor. 

The  office  of  Governor  of  Ohio  was  to  McKinley 
a new  field  of  action.  It  was  the  first  executive 
office  he  had  ever  held.  It  was  his  first  experience 
in  administrative  duty.  His  success  in  that  depart- 
ment of  the  public  service  was  as  significant  and 


C24  * william  McKinley. 

conspicuous  as  his  experience  in  the  legislative  de- 
partment of  the  General  Government  had  been. 

He  was  Governor  during  a period  involving  ex- 
citement and  intense  commotion  in  Ohio,  the  strikes 
among  the  coal  miners,  the  organizing  of  bands  of 
tramps,  and  the  passage  across  the  State  of  great 
bodies  of  turbulent  people.  All  these  things  tended 
to  precipitate  commotion  and  disorder.  His  adminis- 
tration as  a Governor  was  without  reproach  or  just 
criticism.  He  was  faithful  to  every  duty,  firm,  un- 
yielding and  defiant  in  the  administration  of  the 
law. 

When  necessary,  he  called  out  the  troops  and 
crushed  disorder  with  an  iron  hand,  but  before  doing 
so  he  resorted  to  every  proper  expedient  to  maintain 
order  and  the  law.  He  was  diplomatic,  careful,  per- 
suasive and  generally  restored  order  and  good 
government. 

The  great  depression  of  1894-95  brought  a condi- 
tion of  suffering  to  many  of  the  leading  industries  of 
the  State.  Charity  was  appealed  to  by  the  Governor, 
and  aid  rendered  promptly  and  efficiently.  In  Janu- 
ary, 1896,  he  retired  from  the  office  of  Governor  at 
the  end  of  his  second  term,  with  the  hearty  good  will 
of  all  the  people  of  the  State.  He  had  yielded  to 
no  unworthy  influence,  made  duty,  honor,  integrity 
and  fidelity  the  criterion  of  his  administration,  and  he 
took  his  place  in  the  ranks  of  the  private  citizens  of 
the  State  in  the  town  from  which  he  had  first  entered 
Congress. 


william  McKinley. 


525 


Knowledge  on  Many  Topics. 

It  has  been  said  that  Governor  McKinley’s  knowl- 
edge is  limited  to  a single  subject,  and  that  his 
speeches  have  been  confined  to  the  tariff  question. 
This  is  a great  mistake.  His  studies  and  speeches 
embraced  a great  variety  of  subjects  and  extended  to 
nearly  every  measure  of  importance  discussed  while 
he  was  in  Congress,  and  his  addresses  to  the  people, 
a long  list  of  which  has  been  published,  cover  every 
variety  of  subjects  appropriate  to  the  time  and  place 
when  they  are  delivered. 

On  the  vital  question  of  the  currency  he  has  held 
the  position  of  the  Republican  party.  When  under 
the  stress  of  war  the  United  States  was  compelled  to 
use  irredeemable  money,  he  acquiesced  in  conditions 
he  could  not  change,  but  every  step  taken  to  advance 
the  credit  and  value  of  the  United  States  notes  while 
he  has  been  in  public  life,  he  has  supported.  He 
supported  the  act  for  the  resumption  of  specie  pay- 
ments and  the  successful  accomplishment  of  that 
measure.  I know  of  no  act  or  vote  or  speech  of  his 
inconsistent  with  this  position. 

He  advocates  the  use  of  both  gold  and  silver  coins 
as  money  to  the  extent  and  upon  the  condition  that  they 
can  be  maintained  at  par  with  each  other.  This  can 
only  be  done  by  purchasing  as  needed  the  cheaper 
metal  at  market  value  and  coining  it  at  the  legal  rate 
of  1 6 of  silver  to  1 of  gold  and  receiving  it  in  payment 
of  public  dues.  Gold  is  now  the  standard  of  value. 
With  free  coinage  of  silver,  that  metal  will  be  the 
standard  of  value  and  gold  will  be  demonetized. 

27 


william  McKinley. 


j26 

Governor  McKinley  is  opposed  to  the  free  coinage 
of  silver  and  has  so  repeatedly  declared  in  his 
speeches. 

In  his  last  gubernatorial  canvass  in  Ohio,  Governor 
McKinley  made  this  response  to  the  declaration  of 
his  opponent,  ex-Governor  Campbell,  that  he  was 
willing  to  “chance  it”  on  silver: — “My  worthy 
opponent  should  not  ‘ chance  ’ anything  with  a ques- 
tion of  such  vital  and  absorbing  interest  as  the  money 
of  the  people.  The  money  of  America  must  be  equal 
to  the  best  money  of  the  world.  Unlike  my  oppo- 
nent, I will  not  ask  you  to  take  any  chances  on  this 
question  ; I will  clearly  and  unequivocally  say  to  you 
that  my  choice  and  influence  are  in  favor  of  the  best 
money  that  the  ingenuity  of  man  has  devised.  The 
people  are  not  prepared  to  indulge  in  the  speculation 
of  free  and  unlimited  coinage.” 

For  Honest  Money. 

McKinley  is  in  favor  of  honest  money.  He  said: 

“The  Republican  party  stands  now,  as  ever,  for 
honest  money,  and  a chance  to  earn  it  by  honest  toil. 
It  stands  for  a currency  of  gold,  silver  and  paper  that 
shall  be  as  sound  as  the  Government  and  as  un- 
tarnished as  its  honor.  I would  as  soon  think  of  low- 
ering the  flag  of  our  country  as  to  contemplate  with 
patience  or  without  protest  any  attempt  to  degrade 
or  corrupt  the  medium  of  exchanges  among  our 
people.  The  Republican  party  can  be  relied  upon  in 
the  future  as  in  the  past  to  supply  our  country  with  the 


william  McKinley. 


52  7 


best  money  ever  known,  gold,  silver  and  paper,  good 
the  world  over.” 

It  has  been  said  that  the  recent  Ohio  platform  does 
not  declare  against  free  coinage  of  silver  and  for 
honest  money.  This  is  not  a fair  construction  of 
that  declaration.  The  people  of  Ohio  are  for  that 
money  which  has  the  highest  purchasing  power,  that 
which  yields  to  labor  the  highest  wages,  to  be  paid  in 
the  best  money,  and  to  domestic  productions  the 
highest  price  in  the  best  money,  and  that  is  gold  coin, 
or  its  equivalent  in  other  money  of  equal  purchasing 
power.  This,  I believe,  is  also  the  opinion  of  Gov- 
ernor McKinley,  and  is  the  doctrine  of  the  Republican 
party. 

In  his  domestic  life  Governor  McKinley  is  a 
model  American  citizen.  It  is  not  the  purpose  of  the 
writer  of  this  sketch  to  use  fulsome  language  or  to 
comment  upon  his  private  life,  beyond  the  mere 
statement  that  he  is  and  has  been  an  affectionate  son 
of  honored  parents  still  living,  a devoted  husband 
and  a true  friend.  In  his  family  and  social  life,  and 
in  his  personal  habits,  he  commends  himself  to  the 
friends  of  order,  temperance  and  good  morals.  In 
private  he  is  exemplary,  in  public  life  a patriotic 
Republican. 

It  may  be  said  of  him,  with  great  propriety,  that  no 
man  can  more  fully  represent  in  his  own  career  than 
he  the  great  issues  upon  which  the  Republican  party 
will  contest  the  election  of  1896. 


Life  and  Public  Services  of 
Garret  Augustus  Hobart, 

The  Distinguished  New  Jersey  Nominee  for  Second 
Place . 

Garret  Augustus  Hobart,  the  distinguished  son 
of  New  Jersey  who  has  been  selected  as  the  Repub- 
lican candidate  for  Vice-President,  is  a big,  rosy- 
cheeked  gentleman,  known  to  most  every  Jerseyman 
as  “Gus”  Hobart.  His  face  is  as  open  as  a book, 
and  his  clear  eyes,  dark  hair  and  brown  mustache 
create  the  impression  on  first  sight  that  he  is  a man 
of  40  or  45  years.  His  age  is  52. 

His  Personal  Magnetism. 

He  is  a man  of  much  magnetism  and  amicability. 
He  has  displayed  locomotive  energy  in  all  of  his 
undertakings,  and  is  both  powerful  and  fearless.  His 
career  as  a citizen,  lawyer,  business  man  and  states- 
man justifies  all  of  the  claims  for  brilliancy  his  friends 
make  for  him. 

Jerseymen  speak  of  him  as  a “ true  blue  ” native 
of  the  State,  and  tell  of  it  with  pride  that  he  was  born 
on  a Monmouth  County  farm  in  1844,  and  was  reared 
amid  the  breezes  that  blow  off  the  shores  of  Long 
Branch. 

He  received  a common  school  education,  was  sent 
(528) 


GARRET  AUGUSTUS  HOBART, 
Republican  Candidate  for  Vice-President. 


LIFE  OF  GARRET  A.  HOBART 


531 


to  Rutgers  College  at  15  and  at  19  was  given  the  de- 
gree of  A.  M.  He  is  now  an  LL.  D.  The  degree 
was  given  him  by  his  alma  mater.  His  friend  and 
associate,  Governor  Griggs,  was  honored  at  the  same 

7 OO  7 

time  with  the  same  degree. 

Mr.  Hobart  began  the  study  of  law  with  Socrates 
Tuttle,  of  Paterson,  who  was  then  the  leading  prac- 
titioner of  East  Jersey.  He  was  admitted  as  an  at- 
torney in  1864  and  as  a counselor  in  1869. 

His  Mission  as  a Peacemaker. 

It  is  about  thirty  years  ago  that  Mr.  Hobart  had 
his  first  law  case,  just  after  having  been  admitted  to 
the  bar.  It  was  some  trivial  suit  before  a Justice  of 
the  Peace.  The  young  attorney  won  the  case,  and 
was  as  happy  as  a peacock.  No  one  then  imagined  the 
rapid  strides  the  youthful-looking  lawyer  was  destined 
to  make.  But  it  was  not  the  ordinary  course  of  a 
lawyer.  He  always,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  dis- 
couraged litigation  to  the  extent  that  it  would  be 
carried  into  court.  His  method  of  dealing  with  a 
case  would  be  something  like  this : 

His  client  having  laid  down  the  usual  retaining  fee, 
Mr.  Hobart  would  ask: 

“Well,  what  is  your  side  of  the  case?”  And  the 
client  would  tell. 

“ Now,”  he  would  ask,  “ what  does  the  other  fellow 
claim  ? ” 

This  would  also  be  related.  Then  Mr.  Hobart 
would  argue  this  way:  “You  claim  this,  and  your  ad- 


532 


LIFE  OF  GARRET  A.  HOBART. 


versary  says  such  and  such  is  the  case.  Now  what 
does  the  difference  amount  to  ? ” 

In  a singularly  practical  way,  the  young  attorney 
would  bring  the  thing  right  down  to  the  merits,  and 
then,  as  if  by  intuition,  make  some  sort  of  a sugges- 
tion that  would,  if  accepted,  make  his  client  satisfied 
and  his  opponent  willing.  Mr.  Hobart  would  proba- 
bly go  to  see  the  man  on  the  other  side  and  talk  to 
him.  That  settled  it.  No  one  could  resist  the  mag- 
netic influence  of  the  young  lawyer.  All  the  fight 
would  be  talked  out  of  both  sides,  and  the  chances 
were  that  in  nine  cases  out  of  ten  in  less  than  twenty- 
four  hours  the  two  “deadly  enemies  ” would  be  shak- 
ing hands  together  and  be  for  the  rest  of  their  lives 
the  warmest  friends. 

In  this  way  Mr.  Hobart  has  been  going  through 
life,  smoothing  things,  making  friends  not  only  for 
himself,  but  making  friends  between  other  people.' 
His  genial  personal  attention  and  influence  have 
probably  amicably  settled  more  controversies  than 
any  other  hundred  men  have  done  in  the  State  of 
New  Jersey.  His  entire  course  in  life  has  been  to 
make  things  harmonious  rather  than  to  stir  up  strife. 
It  is  for  this  reason  that,  while  Mr.  Hobart  has  had 
an  immense  legal  business  ever  since  he  first  hung 
out  his  shingle,  he  has  actually  appeared  in  court  a 
smaller  number  of  times  than,  perhaps,  any  other 
lawyer  in  Passaic  County.  The  short  and  satisfactory 
manner  of  his  adjusting  disputes  gave  him  more  time 
to  attend  to  a larger  number  of  cases  than  those  who 
were  waiting  around  the  courtrooms,  and  conse- 


LIFE  OF  GAFFE  T A.  HO  BAFT. 


533 


quently  he  made  more  money  and  made  it  more 
rapidly  than  the  ordinary  lawyer. 

Entrance  into  Politics. 

Mr.  Hobart’s  entrance  into  politics  was  made  in 
May,  1871,  when  the  Board  of  Aldermen  of  the  city 
of  Paterson  selected  him  as  City  Counsel.  The  next 
year  he  was  made  counsel  for  the  Board  of  Chosen 
Freeholders  of  Passaic  County.  These  two  offices 
brought  him  in  direct  contact  with  all  the  prominent 
men  of  Passaic  County  and  gave  him  almost  daily 
opportunity  to  show  his  ability  as  a lawyer  and 
politician. 

These  associations  were  directly  beneficial,  result- 
ing in  his  selection  in  1872  to  the  House  of  Assem- 
bly. He  made  a good  record  during  his  first  year, 
taking  an  active  part  in  all  debates,  and  at  once  ac- 
quired a State  reputation.  Without  scarcely  turning 
a hand  he  was  re-elected  in  1873  and  was  made  the 
caucus  nominee  for  Speaker  of  the  House,  being 
unanimously  elected. 

He  took  the  gavel  untrammeled  by  promises  or 
pledges  and  was  enabled  to  select  his  committees 
and  direct  the  work  of  the  House  as  his  judgment 
suggested. 

In  1875  he  declined  a re-election.  His  clientage 
had  become  extensive  and  he  needed  all  his  time  and 
energy  for  his  profession.  In  1877  he  was  induced 
to  accept  the  Senatorial  nomination  and  was  elected. 
His  success  as  Senator  was  even  greater  than  that  in 
the  Lower  House. 


534 


LIFE  OF  GAFFE  T A.  HO  BAFT. 


He  served  his  three  years  with  distinction  and  was 
promptly  re-elected  by  the  largest  majority  Passaic 
County  had  ever  given  to  any  candidate.  His  ex- 
tended experience  and  the  fact  that  he  was  a second 
term  man,  returned  by  such  a complimentary  vote, 
made  him  a formidable  candidate  for  President  of 
the  Senate,  and  in  1 88 1 he  was  accorded  that  honor. 
In  1882  he  was  again  called  to  preside  over  the 
Upper  House. 

His  legislative  career  was  a brilliant  one.  He 
made  himself  popular  with  all  the  prominent  men  of 
the  State  because  of  his  ability,  amiability  and  fair- 
ness. In  1884  he  was  the  Republican  caucus  nomi- 
nee for  United  States  Senator. 

Prominent  in  the  Senate. 

He  was  also  a candidate  for  United  States  Senator 
in  1882.  The  Senate  was  Republican,  but  the 
House  was  Democratic.  Congressman  John  J.  Gard- 
ner of  Atlantic  City  was  President  of  the  Senate.  A 
successor  to  United  States  Senator  McPherson  was 
to  be  chosen.  Mr.  McPherson  sought  to  succeed 
himself.  Ex-Senator  H.  S.  Little  was  leading  a vigor- 
ous opposition  against  him. 

An  effort  was  made  to  get  a strong  candidate,  and 
among  those  selected  was  the  late  Chancellor,  Theo- 
dore Runyon,  the  present  Attorney-General,  John  P. 
Stockton,  and  Leon  Abbett.  The  Democrats  were 
very  much  mixed,  and  the  Republicans  selected 
Garret  A.  Hobart  as  their  candidate,  having  assur- 
ances of  a number  of  Democratic  votes. 


LIFE  OF  GARRET  A.  HOBART. 


535 


The  Democrats  had  only  a slim  majority  on  joint 
ballot  and  five  of  them  were  disaffected  as  to  Mc- 
Pherson. Senator  John  W.  Taylor  and  twenty  Re- 
publicans gave  assurances  to  Senator  McPherson  that 
they  would  assist  him  in  the  event  of  the  Democratic 
plotters  being  successful.  The  Senate  voted  for  Mr. 
Hobart,  and  he  received  altogether  thirty-six  votes 
against  forty-three  given  to  Senator  McPherson. 

Recognized  as  a Leader. 

Senator  Hobart  made  the  same  remarkable  ad- 
vance in  State  politics  as  in  county  matters,  and  he 
was  readily  recognized  as  a leader  and  was  selected  a 
member  of  the  State  Committee  while  presiding  over 
the  Senate.  In  1880  he  was  elected  Chairman,  a 
place  which  he  held  until  the  selection  of  John  Kean, 
six  years  ago. 

He  has,  however,  always  been  a committeeman-at- 
large,  and  in  all  succeeding  campaigns  has  given  his 
undivided  time  to  the  work  of  the  Republican  party. 
His  good  judgment  in  political  matters,  as  well  as  his 
aggressiveness,  caused  him  to  be  selected  in  1884  as 
a member  of  the  National  Committee  from  New 
Jersey. 

He  gave  to  national  politics  the  same  energy  and 
did  his  work  with  the  same  affability.  He  speedily 
won  distinction  in  national  politics  and  was  made 
Vice-Chairman.  The  duties  imposed  upon  him  in 
the  National  Committee  did  not,  however,  cause  him 
to  lose  interest  in  New  Jersey  affairs,  even  to  a per- 
sonal direction  of  .the  policy  of  his  party  in  the  Fifth 


LIFE  OF  GAFFE  T A.  HO  BA  FT. 


536 

New  Jersey  Congressional  District,  where  he  then 
resided. 

Mentioned  for  Governor. 

Mr.  Hobart  has  several  times  been  mentioned  as  a 
candidate  for  Governor,  and  he  was  prominent  in  the 
public  mind  at  the  time  John  W.  Griggs  declared 
himself  a candidate. 

It  is  well  known  that  Garret  A.  Hobart  secured  the 
nomination  of  the  present  Republican  Governor. 
They  were  fast  friends  and  associated  together  in  a 
number  of  enterprises,  had  studied  law  in  the  same 
office,  and  the  Governor  became  Mr.  Hobart’s  politi- 
cal successor,  following  him  in  the  House  of  Assem- 
bly and  in  the  Senate. 

When  it  was  announced  that  Garret  A.  Hobart 
was  a candidate  for  Governor,  Senator  Griggs  called 
upon  him  and  in  a friendly  conversation  asked  him 
for  a definite  expression  on  the  subject,  which  was 
then  somewhat  in  doubt.  He  received  from  Mr. 
Hobart  the  assurance  that  the  announcement  of  his 
candidacy  for  Governor  was  only  a newspaper  joke. 
It  was  then  that  Senator  Griggs  declared  himself  as  a 
candidate  and  secured  the  promise  of  Mr.  Hobart’s 
active  support. 

He  personally  conducted  the  campaign,  and  not- 
withstanding the  fact  that  there  were  six  candidates 
in  the  field,  he  secured  the  nomination  for  Griggs 
and  then  assumed  the  duties  of  Chairman  of  the 
Executive  Committee  of  the  Republican  State  Com- 
mittee, and  devoted  every  hour  of  his  time  until  he 
secured  Griggs’  election  by  over  26,000  plurality. 


LIFE  OF  GAFF  FT  A.  HOB  A FT. 


537 


This  was  a climax  to  all  his  political  successes  in 
the  State,  which  made  him  a leader,  indorsed  and 
respected. 

Active  in  Business  Life. 

Mr.  Hobart  is  considered  a wealthy  man,  but  is 
not  a millionaire,  but  a man  comfortably  fixed,  keenly 
enjoying  the  friends  that  he  has  made  and  the  success 
that  has  come  to  him  because  of  his  energy  and 
ability.  He  is  active  in  benevolent  enterprises. 

His  active  business  life  has  been  equally  success- 
ful. Although  Mr.  Hobart  entered  active  life  as  a 
lawyer,  his  abilities  soon  demanded  a wider  field. 
He  was  chosen  to  fill  a number  of  places  requiring 
skillful  business  management. 

The  first  trust  of  importance  which  fell  to  him  was 
the  charge  of  the  New  Jersey  Midland  Railway  as 
receiver. 

He  so  managed  the  affairs  of  that  corporation  as 
to  place  the  road  on  a basis  to  which  it  has  owed  its 
subsequent  success.  He  was  also  receiver  of  the 
Montclair  Railroad  and  the  Jersey  City  and  Albany 
line.  In  1880  the  First  National  Bank  of  Newark 
failed.  Mr.  Hobart  was  appointed  receiver. 

In  less  than  six  months  he  had  closed  up  its 
affairs,  paying  all  the  depositors  in  full.  He  has  had 
charge  of  the  general  management  of  the  East  Jersey 
Water  Company,  with  all  its  allied  interests.  He  is 
President  of  the  Passaic  Water  Company,  the 
Acquackanock  Water  Company,  the  Paterson  Rail- 
way Company’s  consolidated  lines,  the  Morris  County 
Railroad,  and  the  People’s  Gas  Company. 


538  life  of  garret  a.  hoe  art. 

He  is  a director  in  several  national  banks,  includ- 
ing the  First  National  Bank  of  Paterson,  and  the 
Paterson  Savings  Institution.  He  is  also  on  the 
directory  boards  of  the  New  York,  Susquehanna  and 
Western  Railroad,  the  Lehigh  and  Hudson  River 
Railroad,  the  Barbour  Brothers  Company,  the 
Barbour  Flax-Spinning  Company,  the  Pioneer  Silk 
Company,  the  Edison  Electric  Illuminating  Com- 
pany, the  American  Cotton  Oil  Company,  and 
about  fifty  other  corporations.  In  many  of  these  he 
also  holds  the  place  of  legal  adviser. 

Within  a year  Garret  A.  Hobart  has  been  ap- 
pointed one  of  the  arbitrators  of  the  Grand  Trunk 
Lines  and  Central  Traffic  Association  of  the  United 
States. 

Tremendous  Business  Capacity. 

His  capacity  for  business  is  simply  tremendous. 
He  is  a director  of  at  least  sixty  different  companies, 
and  his  memory  is  so  retentive  that  he  can  remember 
the  closest  details  of  each.  If  the  secretary,  for 
instance,  were  to  read  off  a financial  statement 
adopted  at  a previous  meeting,  and  there  was  an 
error  of  a figure,  he  would  detect  it  at  once.  He  is 
the  President  of  the  Paterson  Railway  Company, 
which  owns  all  the  main  trolley  lines  of  the  city  Fie 
knows  the  kind  of  truck,  the  name  of  the  conductor 
and  motorman,  and  every  detail  of  every  car.  As 
treasurer  of  the  Cedar  Lawn  Cemetery  Company, 
he  does  not  confine  himself  to  the  financial  aspect  of 
the  corporation,  but  can  tell  the  location  of  every 
grave  and  monument.  He  is  the  President  of  the 


REDFIEXD  PROCTOR. 


LIFE  OF  GARRET  A.  HOBART. 


541 


water  company  that  supplies  Paterson,  and  could, 
perhaps,  enumerate  the  hydrants ; and  so  it  is  with 
everything  he  is  connected  with,  so  minutely  does  his 
mind  grasp  everything.  One  would  imagine  that, 
with  such  a complex  system  of  business  as  he 
manages,  his  brain  would  be  all  in  a whirl ; but  it  is 
not.  When  he  goes  to  bed  at  night  he  throws 
away  all  thoughts  of  business  as  he  would  take  off 
his  clothes,  and  his  head  is  not  on  his  pillow  three 
minutes  before  he  is  sleeping  like  a tired  child. 

Never  a “ Boss.” 

Garret  A.  Hobart  was  never  a boss,  but  always  a 
persuader  of  men.  He  has  been  a leader  and  an  ad- 
viser all  through  his  political  career.  His  influence 
has  always  been  for  good  in  New  Jersey  politics. 
His  enthusiastic  admirers  advocated  him  as  the  proper 
man  to  represent  the  East  on  the  national  ticket. 
They  attributed  to  him  the  success  of  last  fall,  which 
was  the  climax  of  the  fight  of  twenty  years  to  ditch 
the  Democratic  machine. 

All  the  Republicans  in  the  State  joined  in  the 
Vice-Presidential  boom,  somewhat  to  the  annoyance 
of  Mr.  Hobart  himself.  It  grew  so  fast  that  when  he 
did  attempt  to  check  it  he  found  it  impossible.  Demo- 
crats as  well  as  Republicans  shouted  his  praises.  No 
man  is  more  approachable,  and  the  poorest  laborer 
in  Paterson  finds  him  as  easy  of  access  as  the  banker 
or  the  politician. 


542 


LIFE  OF  GARRET  A.  HOBART. 


Domestic  Life. 

Mr.  Hobart  lives  in  a large  frame  house  on  the 
corner  of  Carroll  and  Van  Houten  streets,  in  the 
city  of  Paterson.  It  has  been  his  home  for  a number 
of  years.  As  his  wealth  and  social  position  increased 
he  added  to  his  residence,  and  now  it  is  one  of  the 
largest  and  most  sumptuous  in  Paterson,  and  is 
generally  known  as  “ Carroll  Hall.” 

Mrs.  Hobart  was  Miss  Jennie  Tuttle,  daughter  of 
Mr.  Hobart’s  preceptor  and  a sister  of  Hobart 
Tuttle,  private  secretary  to  Governor  Griggs.  She 
is  a woman  of  many  accomplishments,  having  in- 
herited much  of  the  keen  intellect  and  wit  of  her 
famous  father. 

Mr.  Hobart’s  family  consists  of  Garret  A.  Hobart, 
Jr.,  now  12  years  old.  His  daughter,  who  was  a 
great  favorite  in  New  Jersey  and  New  York  society, 
died  last  year  in  Italy  while  the  family  was  abroad. 

Mr.  Hobart  has  a summer  house  at  Atlantic  High- 
lands, not  far  from  where  he  was  born. 

He  is  known  by  everybody  in  Paterson,  and  every- 
body admires  and  respects  him.  There  is  more  real 
affection,  as  affection  goes  between  men  and  men,  for 
him  than  perhaps  for  any  other  man  in  the  State  of 
New  Jersey.  What  makes  it  this  way  is  hard  to 
describe.  It  is  perhaps  the  possession  of  a marvel- 
lous degree  of  tact.  The  same  tact,  or  good  judg- 
ment, or  ability  to  read  character,  or  whatever  it  may 
be,  will  make  him  one  of  the  most  successful  pre- 
siding officers  the  Senate  ever  had. 


The  Prohibition  Convention  and  Platform. 


“NARROW  GAUGE”  AND  “BROAD  GAUGE”  PROHIBITION. 

The  Seventh  National  Convention  of  the  Prohibi- 
tion party  was  held  in  Pittsburg,  May  27th,  with  810 
delegates  present. 

There  was  a large  attendance,  significant  of  the 
growth  of  the  party  since  its  inception  in  1869,  when 
it  cast  barely  7,000  votes. 

Mr.  H.  L.  Castle,  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Reception,  in  an  address,  welcomed  the  Convention 
“ as  the  representatives  of  an  army  of  300,000  of  the 
most  loyal  and  single-hearted  patriots,  and  of  600.000 
as  devoted,  consecrated  women,  as  ever  gathered 
under  any  banner,  or  made  warfare  against  any 
enemy.” 

Temporary  Chairman  Stevens  gave  an  interesting 
historical  sketch  of  the  party,  ascribing  its  inception 
to  the  declaration  of  the  National  Brewers’  Congress, 
in  1867,  to  defend  its  business  at  the  ballot  box.  He 
claimed  for  Pittsburg  the  credit  of  having  originated, 
in  June  of  that  year,  the  counter  movement,  which 
had  crystallized  into  the  Prohibition  party. 

“The  first  convention  was  held  in  Columbus,”  he 
said,  “but  the  party  only  began  to  assume  a National 
importance  with  the  convention  that  met  in  Pittsburg 

(543) 


544 


THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION 


in  1884,  when  John  P.  St.  John  was  nominated  for 
President  and  polled  over  150,000  votes.” 

A resolution  pledging  the  convention  not  to  abate 
its  war  on  the  licensed  rum  power  was  ordered  tele- 
graphed to  various  religious  bodies  now  in  con- 
ference, also  to  Congress,  and  to  Miss  Frances  Wil- 
lard, and  Lady  Somerset,  in  England. 

“ Narrow  Gauge  ” and  “ Broad  Gauge  ” Prohibition. 

The  New  York  delegates  in  caucus  decided,  by  a 
vote  of  79  to  1 5,  to  stand  for  “ narrow  gauge,”  which 
means  “prohibition”  simply. 

At  a caucus  of  the  broad  gaugers  a call  of  the  roll 
of  delegates  present  showed  their  strength  to  be  but 
335  votes,  about  one-third  of  the  total  vote  of  the 
convention. 

Immediately  after  the  opening  of  the  formal  pro- 
ceedings, when  Mr.  Dickie,  chairman  of  the  National 
Committee,  presented  the  name  of  Mr.  A.  A.  Stevens, 
of  Tyrone,  Pa.,  for  Temporary  Chairman,  the  rebellion 
of  the  free  silver  minority  broke  out. 

Much  ill  feeling  developed,  and  Chairman  Stevens 
himself  was  for  a long  time  refused  a hearing,  but 
when  at  last  he  gained  the  attention  of  the  disturbing 
elements  he  said  that,  though  he  believed  he  had 
been  put  forward  as  a representative  of  the  element 
in  the  convention  which  believed  in  prohibition  and 
non-divisive  issues,  and,  though  he  believed  on  a call 
of  States  he  would  be  sustained,  he  desired  to  with- 
draw his  name. 

This  announcement  was  received  with  cheers,  and 


THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION 


545 


the  majority  report  of  the  committee  was  then  adopted 
and  Mr.  Stewart  was  escorted  to  the  chair,  Mr.  Stevens 
retiring  with  the  thanks  of  the  convention. 

Second  Day. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  Prohibition  Convention, 
when  it  reassembled  the  next  morning,  was  to  send  a 
telegram  of  sympathy  to  the  Mayor  of  St.  Louis. 

The  women  were  first  given  a hearing  in  favor  of 
woman  suffrage  and  other  reforms  advocated  by  the 
Women’s  Christian  Temperance  Union. 

Dr.  J.  K.  Funk,  of  New  York,  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Platform,  then  reported  that 

The  first  six  planks,  denunciatory  of  the  liquor 
traffic  and  proposing  straight-out  prohibition,  had 
been  unanimously  adopted.  The  seventh  plank, 
which  declared  that  the  citizen  should  not  be  denied 
the  right  to  vote  on  account  of  sex,  he  said  had  been 
adopted  only  by  a small  majority.  The  other  planks 
upon  which  there  was  some  division  in  the  committee 
were : 

Clause  8.  That  all  citizens  should  be  protected  in 
their  right  to  one  day’s  rest  a week. 

9.  Non-sectarian  schools  to  be  taught  in  the  Eng- 
lish language. 

10.  Election  of  President,  Vice-President  and  Sen- 
ators directly  by  the  people. 

it.  Liberal  pensions. 

12.  Exclusion  of  pauper  and  criminal  immigrants. 

13.  The  naturalized  citizen  not  to  vote  till  a year 
after  naturalization. 

14.  Favoring  arbitration. 

15.  Inviting  co-operation  of  all  persons  favoring 
these  views. 

28 


THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION 


546 

Governor  St.  John  here  rose  to  present  the  mi- 
nority report  and  was  received  with  loud  applause 
from  the  broad-gauge  faction,  increasing  as  he  read 
the  minority  money  plank,  as  follows : 

Resolved , That  all  money  be  issued  by  the  Govern- 
ment only,  without  the  intervention  of  any  private 
citizen,  corporation  or  banking  institution.  It  should 
be  based  upon  the  wealth,  stability  and  integrity  of 
the  nation,  and  be  a full  legal  tender  for  all  debts, 
public  and  private,  and  should  be  of  sufficient  volume 
to  meet  the  demands  of  the  legitimate  business 
interests  in  this  country  and  for  the  purpose  of  hon- 
estly liquidating  all  our  outstanding  obligations  pay- 
able in  coin.  We  demand  the  free  and  unlimited 
coinage  of  silver  and  gold  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  1, 
without  consulting  any  other  nation. 

The  other  points  on  which  the  minority  asked 

action  were  as  follows : 

■* 

17.  Preserving  public  lands  from  monopoly  and 
speculation. 

18.  Government  control  of  railroads  and  tele- 
graphs. 

19.  Favoring  an  income  tax  and  imposing  only 
such  import  duties  as  are  necessary  to  secure  equi- 
table commercial  relations  with  other  nations. 

20.  Favoring  the  adoption  of  the  initiative  and 
referendum  as  a means  of  obtaining  free  expression 
of  the  popular  will. 


Vote  on  the  Money  Question. 

On  motion  to  make  these  recommendations  part 


THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION. 


54  7 


of  the  majority  report  the  fight  began.  Indiana  dele- 
gates demanded  that  the  vote  be  taken  by  the  call  of 
States,  and  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  delegates 
to  a sufficient  number  seconded  this  demand.  The 
vote  was  then  taken  on  a motion  to  table  Governor 
St.  John’s  proposition,  and  resulted  as  follows:  yeas, 
310;  nays,  492,  so  the  Convention  refused  to  make 
the  minority  report  a part  of  the  majority  report. 

At  the  afternoon  session  the  Convention  proceeded 
to  the  immediate  consideration  of  the  free  silver  plank, 
which  was  discussed  with  great  warmth  on  each  side. 

After  three  hours’  hot  debate,  the  plank  was  de- 
feated by  a vote  of  387  ayes  to  427  nays.  The  Chair 
declared  the  free  silver  resolution  lost,  and,  after  the 
cheering  and  excitement  which  this  announcement 
caused  had  quieted  down,  the  Convention  proceeded 
to  the  consideration  of  other  parts  of  the  platform, 
against  which  there  was  no  strong  opposition. 

Prohibition,  and  it  Alone. 

But  before  much  progress  had  been  made,  Mr. 
Patton,  of  Illinois,  upset  the  whole  course  of  proceed- 
ings, and  precipated  a lively  debate  by  opposing  the 
non-sectarian  school  resolution,  as  beinor  the  work  of 
the  American  Protective  Union,  and  he  appealed  to 
the  Convention  not  to  adopt  anything  which  would 
prevent  their  enlisting  all  good  citizens  to  aid  them 
in  fighting  against  the  rum  power.  He  proposed  a 
substitute  platform,  which  omitted  mention  of  every 
subject  (woman  suffrage  included)  except  Prohibition. 

In  a scene  of  intense  confusion  the  previous  ques- 


THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION. 


548 

tion  was  ordered  by  a rising  vote,  and  Mr.  Patton’s 
substitute  was  declared  adopted,  and  thus  became  the 
sole  platform  of  the  party. 


The  Platform. 

The  Prohibition  party,  in  National  Convention 
assembled,  declares  its  firm  conviction  that  the  man- 
ufacture, exportation,  importation  and  sale  of  alco- 
holic beverages  has  produced  such  social,  commer- 
cial, industrial,  political  wrongs,  and  is  now  so  threat- 
ening the  perpetuity  of  all  our  social  and  political  in- 
stitutions, that  the  suppression  of  the  same  by  a 
national  party,  organized  therefor,  is  the  greatest 
object  to  be  accomplished  by  the  voters  of  our  coun- 
try ; is  of  such  importance  that  it,  of  right,  ought  to 
control  the  political  action  of  all  our  patriotic  citizens, 
until  such  suppression  is  accomplished.  The  urgency 
of  this  cause  demands  the  union,  without  further  de- 
lay, of  all  citizens  who  desire  the  prohibition  of  the 
liquor  traffic  ; therefore,  be  it 

Resolved , That  we  favor  the  legal  prohibition,  by 
State  and  National  legislation,  of  the  manufacture,  im- 
portation, exportation,  inter-State  transportation  and 
sale  of  alcoholic  beverages. 

That  we  declare  our  purpose  to  organize  and 
unite  all  the  friends  of  prohibition  into  our  party,  and, 
in  order  to  accomplish  this  end,  we  deem  it  but  right 
to  leave  every  Prohibitionist  the  freedom  of  his  own 
convictions  upon  all  other  political  questions,  and 
trust  our  representatives  to  take  such  action  upon 
other  political  questions  as  the  changes  occasioned 
by  prohibition  and  the  welfare  of  the  whole  people 
shall  demand. 

A recess  was  taken  at  6.45  until  8 p.  m. 


ROBERT  E.  PATTISON. 

Ex-Governor  of  Pennsylvania  and  Democratic  Deader. 


THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION. 


551 


Joshua  Levering  Nominated. 

As  soon  as  the  night  session  of  the  Convention 
was  called  to  order,  the  roll  was  called  for  nomina- 
tions for  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States.  Mr.  Tucker,  of  Maryland,  nominated  Mr. 
Joshua  Levering,  of  that  State. 

Mr.  Elisha  Kent  Kane,  of  Pennsylvania,  nominated 
ex-Governor  L.  C.  Hughes,  of  Arizona,  a former 
citizen  of  Philadelphia.  He  claimed  that  President 
Cleveland,  in  the  course  of  the  grinding  tyranny  he 
was  subjecting  us  to,  had  tyrannically  sought  to  put 
down  Governor  Hughes  because  he  had  espoused 
the  prohibition  interest  and  had  put  it  in  the  front  in 
Arizona.  He  read  a telegram  from  Governor 
Hughes  intimating  that  he  would  accept  the  nomina- 
tion and  would  stand  with  the  party  during  the  cam- 
paign and  that  he  was  a political  Prohibitionist  with- 
out qualification. 

No  other  nominations  for  President  were  made. 
Mr.  Levering’s  nomination  was  seconded  by  Mr. 
Hipp,  of  Colorado  ; Mr.  Volney  B.  Cushing,  of  Mary- 
land ; Mr.  English,  of  New  York,  and  Mr.  McClen- 
nan  Brown,  of  Ohio,  the  latter  in  a most  amusingly 
egotistical  speech,  which  restored  the  Convention  to 
uproarious  good  humor;  also  by  Mr.  A.  A.  Stevens, 
of  Tyrone,  Pa.,  Mr.  Williams,  of  Rhode  Island,  and 
delegates  from  Georgia,  Tennessee,  Texas,  Virginia, 
West  Virginia  and  other  States. 

No  one  having  seconded  ex-Governor  Hughes’s 
nomination,  his  name  was  withdrawn,  and  Mr.  Joshua 


THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION. 


552 

Levering,  of  Baltimore,  was  nominated  by  acclama- 
tion as  the  Prohibition  standard-bearer. 

With  waving  of  flags  and  tumultuous  demonstra- 
tions of  applause  the  candidate  was  escorted  to  the 
platform  and  made  a graceful  address  of  acceptance. 

Nominations  for  Vice-President  were  then  pro- 
ceeded with. 

At  half-past  1 2 o’clock  the  Prohibition  Convention 
adjourned  sine  die,  having  nominated  Hale  Johnson, 
of  Illinois,  for  Vice-President. 


THE  FIRST  FRIENDS’  MEETING-HOUSE,  BURLINGTON,  NEW  JERSEY. 


JOSHUA  A.  LEVERING. 

Prohibition  Candidate  for  President  of  the  United  Stales. 


Life  of  Joshua  Levering, 


THE  PROHIBITION  CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENT. 

Joshua  Levering  was  born  in  Baltimore  Septem- 
ber 12,  1845.  He  attended  private  schools  until  the 
spring  of  1861,  when  the  exigencies  of  the  Civil 
War  necessitated  business  occupation.  In  1 866  he 
became  partner  with  his  father  in  the  coffee  import- 
ing business,  under  the  name  of  E.  Levering  & Co., 
the  same  as  at  present.  Eugene  Levering,  Sr.,  died 
in  June,  1870,  since  which  time  the  business  has  been 
conducted  by  his  sons. 

A Prominent  Business  Man. 

Mr.  Levering  was  one  of  the  originators  of  the 
American  Baptist  Educational  Society  in  1888,  and 
has  been  its  Treasurer  since  its  organization.  He 
has  also  been  Vice-President  for  a number  of  years 
of  the  American  Baptist  Publication  Society,  and  has 
held  the  position  of  Vice-President  of  the  Southern 
Baptist  Convention.  At  present  he  is  acting  Chair- 
man of  the  Board  of  Trustees  of  the  Southern  Bap- 
tist Theological  Seminary,  located  in  Louisville,  Ky. 
He  has  been  director  of  the  Provident  Savings  Bank 
of  Baltimore,  and  President  since  1887  of  the  Mary- 
land House  of  Refuge.  Elected  President  of  the 
Young  Men’s  Christian  Association  of  his  native 

(553) 


554 


LIFE  OF  JOSHUA  LEVEEING. 


city  in  1885,  he  has  been  unanimously  re-elected 
every  year  since.  He  is  a member  of  the  Inter- 
national Committee  of  the  Young  Men’s  Christian 
Association  of  the  United  States  and  Canada. 

Originally  an  independent  Democrat,  Mr.  Lever- 
ing became  a Prohibitionist  in  1884,  and  voted  for 
St.  John  that  year.  He  was  chairman  of  the  State 
Prohibition  Convention  of  1887  and  again  in  1893, 
and  also  a delegate  to  the  National  conventions  of 
1888  and  1892.  He  declined  to  allow  the  use  of  his 
name  for  the  Vice-Presidency  in  1888,  and,  in  fact,  in 
1892  also,  but  his  friends  insisted,  and  on  the  first 
ballot  he  received  a majority  of  votes.  Before  the 
announcement  of  the  result  enough  were  changed  to 
elect  Dr.  Cranfield. 

Mr.  Levering  has  been  Vice-President  of  the  State 
Executive  Committee  for  some  years,  always  refus- 
ing to  accept  nomination  for  any  office,  except  in 
1891,  when  he  ran  for  State  Comptroller.  He 
received  5,443  votes. 

Previous  to  the  late  State  Convention  he  positively 
refused  the  use  of  his  name  as  a candidate  for  Gov- 
ernor of  Maryland.  But  being  nominated  at  that 
convention  by  acclamation,  the  largest  and  most 
enthusiastic  convention  ever  held  in  Maryland,  he 
agreed  to  take  the  matter  under  consideration,  if  a 
committee  was  appointed  to  fill  any  vacancies  should 
they  occur. 


Silver  Must  Be  Restored. 

The  Issue  of  1896. 

BY  HORACE  BOIES. 

There  is  no  room  in  this  country  for  two  gold 
standard  parties. 

I am  opposed  to  a single  gold  standard  on  broader 
grounds  than  those  of  a purely  partisan  nature.  I 
want  silver  made  as  good  as  gold,  because  silver  is 
the  money  of  the  masses  and  always  has  been,  and 
will  always  continue  to  be. 

Gold  as  a medium  of  exchange  is  practically  un- 
known to  the  poor,  and  almost  equally  so  to  the 
great  middle  classes  of  our  people.  It  is  here  as 
everywhere  the  money  of  the  rich.  It  supplies  a 
most  limited  part  of  the  active  circulating  medium  of 
the  country. 

It  is  not  strange  that  in  monarchial  governments, 
where  influence  of  the  wealthy  classes  substantially 
controls  legislation,  it  should  be  given  a place  in  their 
financial  systems  superior  to  silver,  for  there  it  is  the 
money  of  the  classes  who  make  the  laws.  But  here, 
thank  God,  every  citizen  is  a sovereign  equal  before 
the  law  to  every  other,  and  there  is  no  reason  that  I 
can  conceive  of  why  the  principal  money  of  an  over- 
whelming majority  of  all  our  people  should  be 
assigned  a secondary  and  inferior  place  in  our  finan- 
cial system. 

It  is  law  and  law  alone  that  gives  to  either  metal 
the  character  of  money.  Without  it  one  would  be  a 
commodity  in  the  markets  as  much  as  the  other. 

(555) 


SILVER  MUST  BE  RESTORED. 


556 

Without  its  use  as  money  one  would  depreciate  in 
value  in  the  markets  as  quickly  and  as  certainly  as 
the  other. 

Speculators  Raid  the  Treasury. 

The  law  having  provided  that  national  notes  or 
greenbacks  shall  be  reissued  when  paid  into  the 
treasury,  the  plainly  apparent  result  of  the  policy 
pursued  has  been  to  enable  a hoard  of  unscrupulous4 
speculators  to  raid  the  treasury  and  deplete  it  of  its 
gold  over  and  over  again  as  fast  as  they  could  gather 
up  these  notes,  until  within  the  limited  period  of 
about  two  years  it  has  cost  the  nation  $262,000,000, 
secured  by  interest-bearing  bonds  which  have  been 
sold  and  are  now  outstanding,  to  provide  gold  with 
which  to  redeem  notes,  the  payment  of  which  with 
silver  was  as  legally  and  morally  right  as  their  pay- 
ment in  gold  was,  and  that,  too,  when  all  that  was 
required  to  stop  these  raids  at  any  moment  was  the 
exercise  of  the  Government’s  legal  right  to  pay  them 
with  silver. 

It  is  hard  to  be  temperate  in  the  use  of  language 
while  considering  this  terrible  mistake,  this  egre- 
gious blunder,  this  national  wrong,  and  reflecting 
that  it  all  came  about  through  the  abandonment  by 
secretaries  of  the  treasury  of  a discretion  which  the 
law  wisely  and  explicitly  placed  in  their  own  hands 
for  the  protection  instead  of  the  depletion  of  the 
treasury. 

The  Dollar  of  Our  Fathers. 

It  is  not  the  more  valuable  dollar  that  the  impera- 
tive needs  of  the  business  world  demand.  Instead 
of  this  it  is  a cheaper  dollar — a dollar  the  intrinsic 
value  of  which  is  regulated  by  that  divine  law  of  an 
omnipotent  God  which  decreed  that  in  the  bowels  of 


SILVER  MUST  BE  RESTORED. 


557 


the  earth  for  those  who  delve  should  be  found  gold 
and  silver,  equally  designed  for  use  as  money  and 
largely  valueless  for  any  other  essential  purpose  out 
of  which  a currency  could  be  made,  fair  and  just  to 
those  who  lift  it  from  the  mine  and  those  who  use  it 
— a dollar  that  will  exchange  anywhere  in  all  the  world 
for  an  honest  dollar’s  worth  of  the  products  of  human 
toil — a dollar  sufficiently  plentiful  to  start  the  wheels 
of  industry,  to  enable  the  manufacturer  to  keep  his 
machinery  in  motion,  the  farmer  to  cultivate  the  soil, 
the  debtor  to  meet  his  obligation  to  pay,  the  laborer 
to  earn  enough  of  them  to  feed  and  clothe  his  wife 
and  little  ones,  and  sufficient  in  volume  to  furnish 
this  whole  great  country  of  ours  with  a currency  born 
of  the  goodness  of  the  Creator  when  he  filled  our 
mountains  with  the  two  precious  metals  out  of  which 
he  intended  that  money  should  be  made. 

Which  is  the  dollar  we  want — the  dollar  of  the 
Creator,  the  dollar  of  the  Constitution,  the  dollar  of 
our  fathers,  or  the  dollars  of  the  present,  born  of  the 
avarice  of  selfish  men  ? 

This  is  the  great  question  that  overshadows  every 
other,  that  will  never  down  until  selfishness  is  curbed 
or  hope  for  the  masses  is  dead. 

I for  one  am  in  favor  of  bimetallism  because  i be- 
lieve my  party,  by  its  traditions,  its  declarations  in 
State  and  National  conventions,  the  action  of  a major- 
ity of  its  representatives  in  Congress  through  all  the 
years  that  the  question  has  been  agitated,  is  commit- 
ted to  it  in  a way  that  it  cannot  now,  without  dishonor, 
and  without  a violation  of  its  oft-repeated  pledges, 
abandon  it  and  adopt  as  one  of  its  political  tenets  a 
single  gold  standard  instead. 


The  Seventeenth  National  Convention 
Of  the  Democratic  Party. 

Chicago , July  *]th,  1896. 

Never  in  the  history  of  American  politics  was  the 
Democratic  party  confronted  by  such  a peculiar  peril 
as  that  which  the  Seventeenth  National  Convention  in 
Chicago  faced  on  the  7th  of  July,  1896.  The  nearest 
approach  to  it  was  in  i860,  when  the  great  organiza- 
tion was  disrupted  by  the  cyclone  of  civil  war. 

Waste  of  Time  and  Energy. 

The  fight  opened  weeks  before  the  assembling  of 
the  delegates  in  the  White  City.  The  question  was 
the  unlimited  coinage  of  silver,  at  the  rate  of  16  to  1, 
as  opposed  to  the  adoption  of  gold  as  the  single 
standard.  In  this  preliminary  battle,  the  silver  advo- 
cates won  an  overwhelming  victory.  The  financial 
stress  in  the  South  and  West  led  the  sufferers  to  be- 
lieve that  their  only  relief  was  to  be  secured  through 
the  free  coinage  of  silver,  and  most  of  the  delegates 
were  instructed  to  vote  for  such  a platform  and  for 
candidates  whose  sentiments  were  unmistakably  in 
favor  of  the  same. 

In  vain  did  the  Democratic  leaders  in  the  East,  like 
Whitney,  Gray,  Hill,  Flower,  Harrity  and  others 
strive  to  stem  the  tide.  Their  arguments  were  thrown 
(558) 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION.  56! 

away  and  Senator  Gray  declared  that  all  efforts  in  that 
direction  were  simply  a waste  of  time  and  energy. 

It  has  been  the  invariable  custom  for  the  National 
Committee  to  name  the  temporary  chairman  of  the 
convention.  This  committee  met  at  one  o’clock  on 
Monday,  with  every  member  in  doubt  as  to  the  politi- 
cal strength  of  the  opposing  elements.  The  first 
vote  was  on  the  question  of  seating  the  gold  dele- 
gates from  Nebraska.  Twenty-seven  favored  seating 
them,  while  twenty-three  opposed.  This  demon- 
strated that  the  gold  men  had  four  majority.  The 
contest  in  Michigan  was  decided  in  favor  of  the  gold 
men,  while  Ohio  went  to  the  silver  men,  the  two  cases 
being  decided  solely  on  their  merits. 

Everybody  “Hustling.” 

At  the  proper  moment,  Senator  Hill  of  New  York, 
was  proposed  as  temporary  chairman.  Senator 
John  W.  Daniel  of  Virginia  was  named  against  him, 
but  was  defeated  by  a vote  of  23  to  27.  Instead  of 
yielding  to  precedent,  however,  the  silver  members 
of  the  committee  gave  formal  notice  that  the  nomina- 
tion of  Senator  Daniel  would  be  made  in  the  con- 
vention on  Tuesday.  In  the  meantime,  everybody 
seemed  to  engage  in  “ hustling,”  with  no  substantial 
gain  by  either  side  in  any  quarter. 

Rev.  Ernst  M.  Stires,  an  Episcopal  clergyman, 
opened  the  services  with  an  appropriate  prayer, 
which  slightly  lost  in  effectiveness  from  the  fact  that 
he  had  prepared  it  beforehand  and  read  it  from  a 
sheet  of  paper. 

Chairman  Harrity  seized  the  helm  at  once  and 
made  the  convention  understand  that  he  was  not  to 
play  the  part  of  ornamental  figure-head.  In  a clear 
voice,  which  penetrated  to  every  part  of  the  immense 
hall,  he  . announced  that  by  direction  of  the  Demo- 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION. 


562 

cratic  National  Committee  he  presented  the  name  of 
the  Hon.  David  B.  Hill  of  New  York,  for  temporary 
chairman.  The  announcement  was  received  with 
cheers,  which  had  hardly  subsided,  when  Hon.  H. 
D.  Clayton  of  Alabama  advanced  to  the  platform 
and  read  the  report  of  the  minority,  substituting  the 
name  of  Senator  Daniel  for  that  of  Hill.  The  con- 
vention seemed  to  go  wild.  The  shout  of  Senator 
Tillman,  who  led  the  South  Carolinians,  could  have 
been  heard  a block  off,  while  the  delegates  from 
Mississippi,  Missouri,  Texas,  Georgia  and  the  West, 
cheered  and  shrieked,  swung  their  hats,  leaped  upon 
the  seats  and  gave  several  lessons  in  the  right  way 
of  delivering  the  famous  “ rebel  yell.” 

Mr.  Clayton  moved  the  substitution  of  the  minority 
report  and  demanded  the  roll-call.  His  demand  was 
echoed  from  different  parts  of  the  hall,  but  rapping 
vigorously  with  his  gavel,  Chairman  Harrity  gave 
the  delegates  to  understand  that  so  long  as  he  occu- 
pied the  chair,  the  proceedings  would  be  conducted 
in  an  orderly  fashion. 

Expected  to  See  the  “Fur  Fly.” 

Allan  McDermott  of  New  Jersey,  has  long  been 
known  as  one  of  the  most  forceful  and  uncompromis- 
ing of  speakers.  He  delights  in  delivering  sledge- 
hammer blows,  and  as  his  gold  principles  are  known 
to  every  one,  the  convention  expected  to  see  the 
“fur  fly”  when  he  obtained  the  floor;  but  Mr. 
McDermott  understood  the  wisdom  of  the  opposite 
course  and  his  speech  was  a conciliatory  one.  He 
complimented  Senator  Daniel,  carefully  avoided  say- 
ing anything  harsh  of  his  opponents,  and  appealed 
to  his  fellow-Democrats  not  to  violate  all  precedent 
by  turning  down  the  gentleman  selected  by  the 
proper  committee  for  temporary  chairman.  The 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION.  563 

appeal  was  so  skilfully  put  that  it  won  much 
applause. 

The  fear  of  the  silver  men  was  that  if  Hill  was  al- 
lowed to  act  as  temporary  chairman,  he  would  make 
too  convincing  a speech  against  their  principles. 
There  was  no  saying  what  the  result  of  this  would  be, 
and  they  repeated  their  demands  for  the  roll-call. 
But  Chairman  Harrity  recognized  National  Commit- 
teeman Thomas  of  Colorado.  He  showed  that  he 
was  nettled  by  Mr.  Waller’s  utterances,  and  declared 
his  strong  personal  respect  and  friendship  for  Senator 
Hill,  though  compelled  by  his  sense  of  duty  to  vote 
against  him  in  the  present  situation. 

The  surprise  of  the  debate  was  the  speech  of  J.  W. 
St.  Clair  of  West  Virginia,  who,  although  a free  silver 
delegate,  declared  it  would  be  a serious  mistake  to 
reject  the  choice  of  Chairman  Hill. 

Senator  Daniel  Temporary  Chairman. 

The  discussion  was  closed  by  Mr.  Clayton’s  renewal 
of  his  motion  for  the  adoption  of  the  minority  report. 
The  roll-call  developed  the  following  vote:  Daniel, 
556;  Hill,  349;  not  voting  i,  showing  that  905  of  the 
918  delegates  to  the  convention  were  present  during 
the  first  session.  Senator  Hill  refused  to  vote,  while 
Senator  Daniel  cast  his  own  vote  for  him.  The 
States  which  voted  solidly  against  Hill  were:  Ala- 
bama, Arkansas,  California,  Colorado,  Georgia,  Idaho, 
Illinois,  Indiana,  Iowa,  Kansas,  Kentucky,  Louisiana, 
Mississippi,  Missouri,  Montana,  Nevada,  North  Caro- 
lina, North  Dakota,  Oregon,  South  Carolina,  Tennes- 
see, Texas,  Utah  and  Wyoming.  The  States  which 
voted  solidly  for  him  were  Connecticut,  Delaware, 
Massachusetts,  Michigan,  Nebraska,  New  Hampshire, 
New  Jersey,  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island, 
South  Dakota,  Vermont  and  Wisconsin.  The  States 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION. 


564 

Which  split  on  the  question  were  Maine,  Maryland, 
Minnesota,  Washington  and  West  Virginia.  The 
Territories  played  only  an  insignificant  part  in  the 
contest. 

Senator  Daniel  received  a magnificent  welcome. 
Delegates  leaped  upon  their  chairs,  swung  canes, 
handkerchiefs  and  flags,  cheered,  shouted  and  turned 
the  convention  into  a pandemonium  which  lasted  for 
several  minutes. 

Senator  Daniel  is  a typical  Southern  orator,  with 
all  the  fire,  eloquence  and  magnetism  of  the  most 
gifted  sons  of  that  section.  He  was  frightfully  crip- 
pled while  fighting  valiantly  for  the  Confederacy,  and 
formed  a striking  figure,  as,  leaning  upon  his  crutch, 
he  thrilled  his  listeners  by  his  splendid  sentences. 
He  expressed  gratitude  for  the  honor  conferred  upon 
him  and  regret  that  his  name  should  have  been 
brought  in  even  the  most  courteous  competition  with 
his  distinguished  friend,  Senator  Hill,  who  would 
readily  recognize  the  fact,  however,  that  there  was  no 
personality  in  the  matter.  It  was  solely  due  to  the 
principle  which  the  great  majority  of  Democrats 
stood  for,  he  (Mr.  Daniel)  standing  with  them,  as 
the  majority  of  the  convention  was  not  personal  in  its 
aims,  neither  was  it  sectional.  It  began  with  the  sun- 
rise in  Maine,  and  spread  into  a sunburst  in  Louisi- 
ana and  Texas.  It  stretched  in  unbroken  lines  across 
the  continent,  from  Virginia  and  Georgia  to  Califor- 
nia. It  swept  like  a prairie  fire  over  Iowa  and  Kan- 
sas, and  it  lighted  up  the  horizon  in  Nebraska. 

Senator  Daniel’s  Speech. 

When  he  saw  that  grand  array,  and  thought  of  the 
British  gold  standard  that  was  recently  unfurled  over 
the  ruins  of  Republican  promises  at  St.  Louis,  he 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION \ 565 

thought  of  the  battle  of  New  Orleans,  of  which  it  had 
been  said  : 

There  stood  John  Bull  in  martial  pomp, 

But  there  was  old  Kentucky. 

There  was  no  north,  south,  east  or  west  in  the  up- 
rising of  the  people  for  American  emancipation  from 
the  conspiracy  of  European  kings  led  by  Great  Britain, 
which  sought  to  destroy  one-half  of  the  money 
of  the  world  and  to  make  American  manufacturers, 
merchants,  farmers,  and  mechanics  hewers  of  wood 
and  drawers  of  water.  He  appealed  to  all  Demo- 
crats to  acquiesce  in  the  will  of  the  great  majority  of 
their  fellow-Democrats,  and  to  go  with  them,  as  they 
had  oftentimes  gone  with  those  to  whom  he  ap- 
pealed. Mr.  Daniel  continued : 

Do  not  forget  that  in  the  last  National  Convention  of 
1892  you  proclaimed  yourselves  to  be  in  favor  of  the  use  of 
both  gold  and  silver  as  the  standard  money  of  the  country 
and  for  the  coinage  of  both  gold  and  silver  without  discrim- 
ination against  either  metal  or  charge  for  mintage,  and  that 
the  only  question  left  open  was  the  ratio  between  the  metals. 

Do  not  forget  that  just  four  years  ago,  in  that  same  Con- 
vention, the  New  York  delegation  stood  here  solid  and  im- 
movable for  a candidate  committed  to  the  free  and  unlimited 
coinage  of  silver  and  gold  at  the  ratio  of  sixteen  to  one,  and 
that  if  we  are  for  it  still  it  is  in  some  measure  from  your 
teachings. 

What  hope  is  therefor  the  country,  what  hope  for  Democ- 
racy, unless  the  views  of  the  majority  here  be  adopted  ? 
The  Republican  party  has  now  renounced  the  creed  of  its 
platforms  and  of  our  statutes.  It  has  presented  to  the 
country  the  issue  of  higher  taxes,  more  bonds,  and  less 
money,  and  has  proclaimed  for  the  British  gold  standard. 
We  can  only  expect,  should  they  succeed,  new  spasms  of 
panic  and  a long-protracted  period  of  depression.  Do  not 
ask  us,  then,  to  join  them  on  any  of  these  propositions. 

The  extreme  length  of  Senator  Daniel’s  speech 
weakened  the  attention  paid  to  his  remarks,  and  dur- 

29 


5 66  the  democratic  convention. 

mg  a great  part  of  the  time  occupied  in  its  delivery 
the  buzz  of  conversation  in  the  hall  and  galleries 
almost  drowned  his  resonant  voice.  Only  when  he 
uttered  some  recognized  phrase,  such  as  “ sixteen  to 
one,”  was  there  any  revival  of  interest  and  applause. 
He  closed  by  announcing  that  the  National  Demo- 
cratic Convention  was  now  in  session  and  would 
proceed  to  the  business  of  organization. 


The  Various  Committees  Appointed. 

Chairman  Harrity  was  thanked  for  the  manner  in 
which  he  had  discharged  his  duty  as  presiding 
officer ; the  roll  was  called  to  give  each  State  and 
Territory  an  opportunity  to  name  its  selections  for 
the  Committees  on  Credentials,  permanent  organiza- 
tion, rules,  and  order  of  business  and  platform. 
The  various  committees  having  been  appointed,  the 
convention  at  4.45  p.  m.  adjourned  until  Wednesday 
at  10  o’clock. 

Wednesday’s  Proceedings — The  Silver  Men  in  Complete  Control. 

The  contest  the  day  before  over  the  temporary 
chairmanship  had  given  the  silver  men  a fair  idea  of 
their  overwhelming  strength  in  this  memorable  con- 
vention. They  were  masters  of  the  situation,  and  in 
the  pride  of  their  might  threw  all  thoughts  of  com- 
promise or  conciliation  to  the  winds.  With  the  fruits 
of  victory  within  their  grasp,  why  should  they  allow 
their  enemies  to  pluck  any  of  it? 

The  “ Dollar  of  our  Daddies  ” Would  Be  Restored. 

The  longing  eyes  cast  in  the  direction  of  the  door 
where  the  Committee  on  Credentials  were  to  appear 
failed  to  discover  anything  of  them,  and  calls  were 
made  for  speeches  from  Blackburn  of  Kentucky,  and 


THE  DEMOCRA  TIC  CONVENTION. 


5 67 

other  distinguished  delegates,  to  while  away  the  tedium 
of  waiting.  Finally  Gov.  David  Overmeyer  of  Kan- 
sas took  the  stand  and  declared  that  the  seat  of  em- 
pire had  been  transferred  from  the  Atlantic  States  to 
the  Mississippi  Valley.  The  day  of  the  common 
people  had  dawned  and  the  “dollar  of  our  daddies” 
would  be  restored.  This  sentiment  awoke  unbounded 
enthusiasm. 

After  more  music,  the  swarthy  visage  of  Gov. 
Altgeld  of  Illinois,  in  answer  to  loud  calls,  appeared 
alongside  the  Chairman.  He  was  cordially  greeted 
and  said  that  he  was  not  there  to  make  a speech  but 
to  help  nominate  the  next  President  of  the  United 
States. 

I came  (he  said)  to  assist  in  formulating  the  principles  of 
the  Democratic  party.  Rarely  have  our  people  been  con- 
fronted with  so  many  woes  of  humankind  as  now.  There  is 
a paralysis  in  trade.  We  have  seen  the  streets  of  our  cities 
full  of  idle  men,  hungry  women,  and  ragged  children.  This 
Convention  has  to  deal  with  these  unhappy  conditions. 
Everything  that  the  farmer  and  the  laboring  man  has  is 
mortgaged,  down  to  the  sewing  machine.  All  these  mort- 
gages are  held  by  English  money-lenders,  and  they  are 
building  up  wealth  by  the  toil  of  our  people.  The  money 
policy  of  this  Government  has  been  to  make  money  dear 
and  property  and  labor  cheap. 

Governor  Altgeld  asserted  that  it  was  a great  con- 
spiracy from  1873  to  1880,  when  the  legal  tendei 
function  of  silver  was  nullified  and  he  declared  that 
the  orold  men  in  this  convention  were  nothing  but 
tools  of  the  English  money-lenders,  who  were  trying 
to  forge  a collar  around  the  necks  of  our  people. 
The  Eastern  banks  controlled  all  of  the  banks  in  the 
country  and  there  was  a direct  connection  between 
them  and  foreign  capitalists. 

We  Shall  Have  No  Compromise  of  Any  Kind. 

The  toilers  of  this  country  are  mere  serfs  (he  shouted) 


5 68  THE  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION. 

paying  tribute  to  England,  and  shall  we  supinely  surrender 
to  English  greed?  No,  no  ; we  shall  have  no  straddle  plank 
here  and  no  straddle  candidate  and  no  compromise  of  any 
kind.  Those  wise,  conservative  gentlemen  who  come  to  us 
from  the  East  must  consult  the  tin  roosters  on  the  roofs 
every  morning  before  they  give  us  an  opinion  as  to  what 
they  really  believe.  They  are  all  compromise.  In  1776  the 
money  classes  of  the  East  were  against  the  Declaration  of 
Independence.  In  1861  the  money  classes  of  the  East 
wanted  a compromise  on  the  civil  war.  In  1896  they  want 
a compromise  on  this  money  question.  There  are  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  graves,  on  hilltops  and  in  dense  ravines, 
where  sleep  the  men  who  fought  for  liberty  and  for  right, 
and  in  not  a single  one  of  those  graves  rests  the  soul  of  a 
man  who  believed  in  compromise.  The  battles  for  liberty 
were  not  won  by  men  who  believed  in  compromise.  We 
must  be  ready  to  declare  the  principles  of  the  Democratic 
party  as  we  believe  them,  and  we  must  then  be  ready  to  de- 
fend them  with  our  lives. 

The  next  address  was  from  George  Fred  Williams, 
who  had  the  unique  distinction  of  being  a silver  dele- 
gate from  Massachusetts.  His  hand  was.  warmly 
shaken  by  Governor  Altgeld  and  Senator  Blackburn, 
and  the  cordial  welcome  by  the  convention  must  have 
done  much  to  soothe  the  resentment  caused  by  the 
reproaches  received  at  home.  The  few  words  spoken 
by  him  had  the  ring  of  true  eloquence  and  nearly 
every  sentence  was  cheered. 

Report  from  the  Committee  on  Credentials. 

It  was  nearly  half-past  one  o’clock  before  the  Chair 
announced  a partial  report  from  the  Committee  on 
Credentials,  recommending  that  six  votes  be  granted 
to  each  of  the  Territories  and  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia; the  delegates  headed  by  Hon.  W.  J.  Bryan  of 
Nebraska  were  seated,  while  more  time  was  asked 
in  which  to  consider  the  case  of  Michigan.  Imme- 
diately the  gold  delegates  from  Nebraska  marched 


JOHN  W.  DANIEX. 
Senator  from  Virginia. 


TIIE  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION. 


571 


out  and  the  silver  delegates  with  Mr.  Bryan  at  their 
head  took  their  seats.  Since  it  was  evident  that  no 
other  business  would  be  ready  for  several  hours,  an 
adjournment  was  had  to  five  o’clock. 

A few  minutes  before  six,  Chairman  Daniel  again 
called  the  convention  to  order  and  the  Committee  on 
Credentials  presented  its  complete  report,  which  ad- 
mitted the  contesting  delegates  from  the  Fourth  and 
Ninth  Congressional  districts  of  Michigan  and  recog- 
nized the  right  to  their  seats  of  all  the  other  delegates 
from  Michigan.  Since  the  delegates  named  were  sil- 
ver  men  and  they  made  the  majority  in  favor  of  sil- 
ver, and  inasmuch  as  the  unit  rule  prevailed,  this  re- 
port, if  confirmed,  would  swing  the  entire  Michigan 
delegation  to  the  silver  column. 

The  discussion  was  long  and  bitter,  during  which, 
when  McKnight  of  Michigan  asserted  that  Mr.  Ste- 
venson  was  sent  to  Washington  to  upset  the  will  of 
the  people,  Mr.  Richardson  from  his  seat  called  out, 
“That’s  a lie  ! ” but  no  notice  was  taken  of  the  inter- 
ruption. The  audience  finally  tired  of  the  discussion, 
which  was  wholly  useless,  since  not  a vote  could  be 
affected.  The  demands  for  a vote  were  so  clamorous, 
that  the  previous  question  was  ordered. 

The  Minority  Amendment  Defeated. 

The  first  vote  was  on  the  minority  amendment, 
which  was  defeated:  yeas,  368  ; nays,  558  ; absent,  4. 
As  an  evidence  of  the  exuberance  of  feeling,  two  big 

o 7 o 

Kentucky  delegates  at  the  rear  of  the  delegates’  sec- 
tion danced  a genuine  breakdown,  several  of  their 
friends  “ patting  time,”  while  all  who  saw  it  were 
convulsed  with  the  wildest  laughter. 

The  majority  report  was  then  put  and  declared 
adopted,  as  was  the  report  which  made  Senator 
White  of  California  Permanent  Chairman.  He  ac- 


572 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION. 


cepted  the  honor  in  appropriate  words,  closing  as 
follows : 

My  ambition  and  yours  are  but  for  a moment.  Whether 
I succeed  or  whether  you  succeed  in  impressing  my  views 
or  your  views  on  the  Convention  seems  now  of  supreme  im- 
portance, but  will  not  seem  so  in  the  future.  In  this  council 
chamber  the  Democratic  party  looks  for  the  vindication  of  its 
existence.  The  people  look  to  us  here  for  the  righting  of 
their  wrongs  and  for  the  defence  of  the  Constitution — the 
great  bulwark  of  our  liberties.  We  are  here  to-night  its 
best,  its  truest,  and  its  most  loyal  defenders.  [Cheers.] 
There  is  no  sectionalism  here — none  whatever.  Equal  and 
impartial  justice  to  all  this  land,  the  triumph  of  the  people  as 
exemplified  and  expressed  in  Democracy  is  the  object  for 
which  we  have  assembled,  and  to  carry  out  that  object  I will 
consecrate  my  best  exertions.  [Loud  applause.] 

Mr.  Clark  of  Montana,  rising  in  the  body  of  the 
hall,  produced  a silver  gavel  from  the  mines  of  Mon- 
tana, which  was  tendered  to  and  accepted  by  the 
Chairman  in  the  name  of  the  delegation  from  that 
State.  An  adjournment  then  followed  until  Thursday. 

Thursday’s  Proceedings. 

The  general  expectation  of  great  events  drew  the 
most  enormous  crowd  of  the  session  to  the  Conven- 
tion Building,  long  before  the  hour  set  for  the  open- 
ing of  the  proceedings.  When  the  Chairman  rapped 
for  order  a few  minutes  before  eleven,  there  were 
more  than  15,000  people  present  and  this  number 
swelled  to  20,000  a short  time  later.  All  were  alert, 
attentive  and  expectant,  for  each  felt  that  momentous 
events  were  at  hand. 

As  soon  as  the  opening  prayer  was  finished,  acting 
Chairman  Richardson  announced  that  the  Committee 
on  Resolutions  was  ready  to  report,  and  recognized 
Senator  Jones  of  Arkansas  who  presented  as  the  ma- 
jority report  the  Platform  as  given  elsewhere. 


TIIE  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION. 


573 


The  clerk  read  die  minority  report,  after  which  the 
following  was  submitted  by  Senator  Hill: 

To  the  Democratic  National  Convention:  Sixteen 

delegates,  constituting  the  minority  of  the  Committee  on 
Resolutions,  find  many  declarations  in  the  report  of  the  ma- 
jority to  which  they  cannot  give  their  assent.  Some  of 
these  are  wholly  unnecessary.  Some  are  ill  considered  and 
ambiguously  phrased,  while  others  are  extreme  and  revolu- 
tionary of  the  well-recognized  principles  of  the  party.  The 
minority  content  themselves  with  this  general  expression  of 
their  dissent  without  going  into  a specific  statement  of  these 
objectionable  features  of  the  report  of  the  majority. 

But  upon  the  financial  question,  which  engages  at  this 
time  the  chief  share  of  public  attention,  the  views  of  the  ma- 
jority differ  so  fundamentally  from  what  the  minority  regard 
as  vital  Democratic  doctrine  as  to  demand  a distinct  state- 
ment of  what  they  hold  to  as  the  only  just  and  true  expression 
of  Democratic  faith  upon  this  important  issue,  as  follows, 
which  is  offered  as  a substitute  for  the  financial  report  of  the 
majority. 

We  declare  our  belief  that  the  experiment  on  the  part  of 
the  United  States  alone  of  free  silver  coinage  and  a change  in 
the  existing  standard  of  value,  independently  of  the  action 
of  the  other  great  nations,  would  not  only  imperil  our  finances, 
but  would  retard  or  entirely  prevent  the  establishment  of  in- 
ternational bimetallism,  to  which  the  efforts  of  the  Govern- 
ment should  be  steadily  directed.  It  would  place  this  coun- 
try at  once  upon  a silver  basis,  impair  contracts,  disturb 
business,  diminish  the  purchasing  power  of  the  wages  of 
labor  and  inflict  irreparable  evils  upon  our  nation’s  commerce 
and  industry. 

Until  international  co-operation  among  leading  nations  for 
the  coinage  of  silver  can  be  secured,  we  favor  the  rigid  main- 
tenance of  the  existing  gold  standard  as  essential  to  the 
preservation  of  our  national  credit,  the  redemption  of  our 
public  pledges,  and  the  keeping  inviolate  of  our  country’s 
honor.  We  insist  that  all  our  paper  currency  shall  be  kept 
at  a parity  with  gold.  The  Democratic  party  is  the  party  of 
hard  money,  and  is  opposed  to  legal-tender  paper  money  as  a 
part  of  our  permanent  financial  system,  and  we  therefore 


574 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION. 


favor  the  gradual  retirement  and  cancellation  of  all  United 
States  notes  and  Treasury  notes,  under  such  legislative  pro- 
visions as  will  prevent  undue  contraction.  We  demand  that 
the  national  credit  shall  be  resolutely  maintained  at  all  times 
and  under  all  circumstances. 

The  minority  also  feel  that  the  report  of  the  majority  is 
defective  in  failing  to  make  any  recognition  of  the  honesty, 
economy,  courage  and  fidelity  of  the  present  Democratic 
administration  and  they  therefore  offer  the  following  dec- 
laration as  an  amendment  to  the  majority  report : 

We  commend  the  honesty,  economy,  courage  and  fidelity 
of  the  present  Democratic  National  Administration. 

David  B.  Hill,  New  York. 

William  F.  Vilas,  Wisconsin. 

George  Gray,  Delaware. 

John  Prentiss  Poe,  Maryland. 

Irvin  W.  Drew,  New  Hampshire. 

C.  O.  Holman,  Maine. 

P.  J.  Farrell,  Vermont. 

Lynde  Harrison,  Connecticut. 

David  S.  Baker,  Rhode  Island. 

Thomas  A.  C.  Weadock,  Michigan. 

James  E.  O’Brien,  Minnesota. 

John  E.  Russell,  Massachusetts. 

Robert  E.  Wright,  Pennsylvania. 

William  R.  Steele,  South  Dakota. 

Allen  McDermott,  New  Jersey. 

The  proposed  amendments  by  Senator  Hill  to  the 
majority  report  were  as  follows : 

First  Amendment  : But  it  should  be  carefully  provided 

by  law  at  the  same  time  that  any  change  in  the  monetary 
standard  should  not  apply  to  existing  contracts. 

Second  Amendment  : Our  advocacy  of  the  independent 

free  coinage  of  silver  being  based  on  the  belief  that  such 
coinage  will  effect  and  maintain  a parity  between  gold  and 
silver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  i,  we  declare  as  a pledge  of  our 
sincerity  that  if  such  free  coinage  shall  fail  to  effect  such 
parity  within  one  year  from  its  enactment  by  law,  such 
coinage  shall  thereupon  be  suspended. 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION. 


575 


Senator  Tillman  of  South  Carolina  was  recognized 
by  the  Chair  to  offer  an  amendment.  He  was  re- 
ceived with  applause  and  hisses.  He  made  a 
labored  effort  to  show  that  the  Eastern  States  of 
New  York,  Pennsylvania  and  Massachusetts  had 
greatly  increased  in  wealth  when  compared  with  the 
Southern  and  Western  States,  but  was  soon  inter- 
rupted by  cries  of  “ Time.”  He  continued  for  a 
while  longer  and  gave  way  to  the  loud  calls  for  Hill, 
who  was  greeted  with  a cyclone  of  enthusiasm.  It 
far  surpassed  anything  of  the  kind  yet  seen  in  the 
Convention  and  it  was  a long  time  before  he  could 
make  himself  heard. 

“I  will  say  that  I am  a Democrat,”  shouted  the 
senator,  “but  I am  not  a revolutionist,  and  I am  not 
attempting  to  drive  any  one  out  of  the  party.”  He 
asserted  that  the  mission  of  himself  and  friends  was 
to  build  up,  not  to  disrupt  the  party  which  he  hoped 
would  live  forever.  New  York  made  no  apology  to 
South  Carolina.  When  other  States  failed  to  re- 
spond, New  York  had  always  been  the  Gibraltar  of 
Democracy.  The  one  issue  of  the  Convention  was 
to  decide  which  was  the  better  position  to  take  on 
the  money  question.  He  started  out  with  the  prop- 
osition that  his  party  favored  both  gold  and  silver 
money,  but  they  differed  as  to  the  method  of  bringing 
this  about.  “It  is  a question  of  business  and  fi- 
nance,” he  declared. 

The  senator  insisted  that  the  safest  and  best  course 
for  the  Convention  to  pursue  was  to  take  the  first 
step  forward  by  declaring  for  international  bimetal- 
lism. In  his  judgment  our  country  could  not  afford 
to  ignore  the  action  of  other  nations  in  this  matter. 
If  it  were  attempted,  the  country  might  as  well  do 
away  with  all  commercial  treaties  and  all  features  of 
the  tariff  laws  relating  to  trade  with  other  countries. 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION. 


570 

He  declared  it  unwise  for  the  party  to  hazard  the 
race  with  the  single  issue,  for  that  was  about  the  only 
respect  in  which  the  platform  differed  from  the  Re- 
publican platform.  He  attacked  the  income  feature, 
defended  the  recent  issue  of  bonds,  and  declared  that 
defeat  for  their  platform  would  be  better  than  victory. 
“ Keep  to  the  good  old  traditions  of  the  party,”  he 
added,  “ and  we  will  win  ; depart  from  them  and  we 
will  lose.” 

The  cheers  were  renewed  when  Senator  Hill  re- 
turned to  his  seat,  in  the  midst  of  which  Senator 
Vilas  ascended  the  platform  to  support  his  colleague’s 
argument.  His  remarks,  although  well  chosen,  were 
in  the  nature  of  an  anti-climax  and  the  cries  of  “Time” 
hurried  his  peroration.  He  was  followed  by  Gover- 
nor Russell,  of  Massachusetts,  who  referred  to  Wil- 
liams as  producing  the  one  false  note  from  Massa- 
chusetts. The  Governor’s  claim  that  he  represented 
the  sentiment  of  the  old  Bay  State  was  endorsed  by 
loud  affirmative  responses  from  his  delegation. 

It  fell  to  William  J.  Bryan,  of  Nebraska,  to  “catch 
on”  to  the  sentiment  of  the  majority.  He  received 
an  enthusiastic  welcome.  His  speech  was  free  from 
personality  and  marked  by  excellent  taste  and  was 
the  ablest  argument  presented  by  the  advocates  of 
free  silver.  “It  is  the  issue  of  1776  over  again,”  he 
said.  “Our  ancestors,  when  only  three  millions,  de- 
clared their  independence  of  every  nation  on  earth. 
Shall  we,  when  grown  to  seventy  millions,  have  less 
courage?  If  they  say  we  cannot  have  bimetallism 
until  some  other  nation  assists,  we  reply  we  will  re- 
store bimetallism  and  let  England  adopt  it  because 
the  United  States  has  led  the  way.  We  shall  answer 
their  demand  for  the  gold  standard  by  saying  to  them: 
‘You  shall  not  press  down  upon  the  brow  of  labor 
this  crown  of  thorns.  You  shall  not  crucify  mankind 
upon  a cross  of  gold.’” 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION. 


577 


The  enthusiasm  awakened  by  this  address  was  such 
that  it  was  said  by  many  that  had  nominations  been 
in  order  at  that  moment,  Bryan  would  have  received 
the  unanimous  support  of  the  silver  men.  It  is  safe 
to  say  that  the  speech  gave  him  the  nomination. 

Senator  Hill’s  substitute  for  the  free  coinage  plank 
was  then  called  up  and  rejected  by  a vote  of:  Ayes, 
303;  noes,  626.  Mr.  Hill  asked  for  a vote  by  States 
on  the  resolution  commending  'the  administration. 
This  was  announced  as:  Ayes,  357;  noes,  564;  not 
voting  9;  total,  930.  The  two  financial  amendments 
were  then  voted  down  viva  voce. 

The  crowd  was  still  greater  at  the  evening  session, 
because  the  crisis  of  the  nominating  speeches  and  the 
balloting  had  arrived.  The  convention  was  opened 
at  half-past  eight,  with  Representative  Richardson, 
of  Tennessee,  again  called  to  the  Chair.  He  informed 
the  Convention  that  the  roll  of  States  would  be  called, 
so  that  nominations  for  the  Presidency  could  be  made. 
By  agreement,  the  nominatingand  secondingspeeches 
were  to  be  confined  to  thirty  minutes  in  length. 

Senator  Vest  was  the  first  delegate  to  ascend  the 
platform.  He  placed  in  nomination  Richard  Parks 
Bland  of  Missouri.  His  speech  was  a strong  one, 
ending  with  the  lines: 

“ Give  us  Silver  Dick,  and  silver  quick, 

And  we  will  make  McKinley  sick, 

In  the  ides  of  next  November.” 

The  nomination  of  Mr.  Bland  was  seconded  by 
Mr.  David  Overmeyer,  of  Kansas,  and  Hon.  J.  R. 
Williams,  of  Illinois. 

When  the  State  of  Georgia  was  called,  Mr.  H.  T. 
Lewis,  of  that  State,  went  to  the  platform  and  placed 
in  nomination  Mr.  William  J.  Bryan  of  Nebraska. 
This  nomination  was  received  with  almost  as  much 
enthusiasm  as  the  speech  made  by  the  gentleman 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION. 


578 

during-  the  afternoon.  It  was  seconded  by  Mr.  Theo. 
F.  Kluts  of  North  Carolina,  George  Fred.  Wil- 
liams of  Massachusetts  and  Thomas  J.  Kiernan  of 
Louisiana. 

Senator  David  Turpie  of  Indiana  nominated  Gov- 
ernor Claude  Matthews  of  that  State,  and  Hon.  Oscar 
Trippett  of  California  seconded  the  nomination. 

Hon.  Fred.  White  of  Iowa  brought  forward  the 
name  of  Horace  Boies  of  Iowa.  The  nomination  was 
seconded  by  Mr.  A.  T.  Smith  of  Minnesota,  who  re- 
ferred to  the  candidate  as  “ the  grand  old  commoner 
of  the  Hawkeye  State.”  The  demonstration  in  sup- 
port of  his  name  was  started  by  two  young  women 
dressed  in  white,  who  waved  a Boies  banner  and 
shouted  his  name  until  the  Convention  caught  the 
contagion  and  confusion  and  enthusiasm  reigned  for 
nearly  half  an  hour. 

Hon.  J.  S.  Rhea  of  Kentucky  nominated  Joseph  S. 
Blackburn  of  Kentucky,  and  W.  W.  Foote  of  Cali- 
fornia seconded  the  nomination. 

When  the  name  of  Massachusetts  was  called,  the 
chairman  of  the  delegation  stated  that  ex-Governor 
Russell  having  declined  to  stand  upon  the  platform,  the 
State  had  no  nomination  to  make. 

The  response  of  New  Jersey  was  that  she  desired 
to  nominate  no  man  upon  the  platform  that  had  been 
adopted,  and  New  York  made  similar  reply. 

A.  N.  Patrick  of  Ohio  placed  John  R.  McLean  in 
nomination,  while  Utah  seconded  Bland’s  nomination. 
It  then  being  past  midnight,  the  Convention  ad- 
journed. 

Friday’s  Proceedings — Nomination  of  William  Jennings  Bryan  of 
Nebraska. 

The  great  building  was  packed  to  suffocation. 
Every  one  knew  that  the  Democratic  candidate  for 


JAMES  E.  CAMPBEEE. 
Ex-Governor  of  Ohio. 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION.  58! 

the  Presidency  would  be  named,  and,  although  the 
indications  pointed  to  the.  nomination  of  William 
Jennings  Bryan  of  Nebraska,  the  friends  of  the 
other  candidates  were  enthusiastic,  and  there  was  no 
saying  who  the  winner  would  prove  to  be. 

Business  opened  at  about  1 1 o’clock,  and  after 
prayer,  Chairman  Harrity  of  the  Pennsylvania  delega- 
tion placed  Robert  E.  Pattison  of  that  State  in 
nomination  for  President. 

Robert  Mattingly  of  the  District  of  Columbia 
seconded  the  nomination  of  the  Hon.  John  R. 
McLean,  who  had  been  formally  nominated  by  the 
Ohio  delegation  the  night  before.  M.  A.  Miller  of 
Oregon  seconded  the  nomination  of  ex-Governor 
Pennoyer,  Sr.,  whom  he  referred  to  as  “ the  greatest 
statesman  on  top  of  the  earth.”  These  closed  the 
formal  nominations  and  the  roll-call  of  the  States 
began. 

Alabama  led  off  for  Boies  of  Iowa,  whose  chances 
had  dwindled  to  nothing ; Arkansas  came  to  the  res- 
cue of  Bland.  Two  delegates  from  Connecticut  voted 
for  ex-governor  Russell  of  Massachusetts,  when  a 
peremptory  telegram  came  from  Mr.  Russell  for- 
bidding such  vote,  but  the  nutmeg  men  paid  no  heed 
and  the  two  votes  were  cast  for  him  to  the  end. 

The  first  boom  for  Bryan  came  when  Georgia  was 
reached,  and  her  26  votes  went  to  him,  but  this  was 
speedily  equalized  by  the  48  votes  of  Illinois  which 
swung  to  Bland.  Thus  it  went  on  to  the  end.  Ex- 
Governor  Flower  roared  out  that  in  view  of  the  plat- 
form adopted  by  this  Convention,  and  in  view  of  its 
action  and  methods,  he  obeyed  instructions  by  de- 
clining further  to  participate  in  the  selection  of  can- 
didates for  President  and  Vice-President,  an  announce- 
ment which  was  received  with  cheers  and  hisses. 

The  result  of  the  first  ballot  was  : Bland,  295  ; 


582  THE  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION. 

Boies,  85;  Matthews,  37;  Bryan,  119;  Blackburn, 
83;  Pattison,  95  ; not  voting,  178.  The  scattering 
votes  were : Pennoyer,  the  8 votes  of  Oregon  ; Teller, 
the  8 votes  of  Colorado ; Hill,  1 vote  from  Massa- 
chusetts ; Russell,  2 from  Connecticut;  Campbell,  1 
from  California ; Stevenson,  5 from  Massachusetts 
and  2 from  Minnesota;  Tillman,  17  from  South  Car- 
olina ; McLean,  3 from  Nevada,  and  46  from  Ohio. 
Total,  93. 

There  being  no  nomination,  the  second  ballot  was 
immediately  begun.  Both  Bland  and  Bryan  gained, 
and  the  gold  men  still  refused  to  take  part  in  the  pro- 
ceedings. The  votes  were:  Bland,  283;  Boies,  41  ; 
Matthews,  33 ; Bryan,  190;  Blackburn,  41 ; Pattison, 
100;  not  voting,  162;  scattering,  80. 

On  the  third  ballot  Bryan  and  Bland  continued  to 
gain,  the  former  outstripping  his  late  chief.  The  gold 
men  still  refused  to  vote,  and  the  following  was  the 
result:  Bland,  291  ; Boies,  36 ; Matthews,  34;  Bryan, 
219;  Blackburn,  27;  Pattison,  97;  not  voting,  162, 
with  64  scattering. 

By  this  time  it  was  apparent  to  every  one  that 
nothing  could  prevent  the  triumph  of  Bryan.  Ala- 
bama, which  had  left  him,  switched  back  again,  and  the 
immense  audience  broke  into  cheers.  A banner 
flashed  out  to  view  with  the  legend:  “Bryan,  Bryan! 
no  crown  of  thorns,  no  cross  of  gold.”  The  en- 
thusiasm increased  until  pandemonium  was  again 
reigning  when  the  result  of  the  fourth  ballot  was 
announced:  Bland,  241;  Boies,  33;  Matthews,  36; 
Bryan,  280;  Blackburn,  27  ; Pattison,  97  ; not  voting, 
161  ; scattering,  55. 

The  boom  for  Bryan  now  swept  resistlessly  for- 
ward. Illinois  abandoned  Bland  and  took  up  Bryan  ; 
Kentucky  did  the  same  with  Blackburn  ; Nevada  cast 
her  vote  for  “ the  peerless  knight  of  the  white  metal ; ” 


77/A'  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION. 


533 

Tennessee  abandoned  Bland  for  Bryan  ; McLean  of 
Ohio  leaped  upon  a chair,  swung  his  cane  and 
shouted  for  Bryan,  announcing  that  the  vote  of  the 
delegation  went  to  the  man  from  Nebraska. 

Governor  Stone,  the  champion  of  Bland,  saw  that 
it  was  all  up,  and  amid  the  wildest  confusion  strode 
to  the  platform,  and  when  he  could  be  heard,  with- 
drew with  a superb  burst  of  eloquence,  the  name  of 
Bland  and  paid  a glowing  tribute  to  Bryan.  Judge 
Van  Wagener  of  Iowa  withdrew  the  name  of  Boies, 
and  Senator  Turpie  of  Indiana  lowered  the  standard 
of  Matthews. 

The  stampede  had  set  in  and  went  forward  like  a 
mountain  torrent.  Senator  Turpie  shouted: 

In  view  of  the  unity  which  should  prevail  in  the  Conven 
tion,  I move  that  the  nomination  of  W.  J.  Bryan  be  made 
unanimous. 

A thunderous  shout  answered,  the  bands  began  to 
play,  cheers  were  renewed,  delegates  grasped  their 
standards  and  marched  around  the  Convention  hall, 
the  thousands  in  the  galleries  added  to  the  terrific 
uproar,  and  the  young  man  from  Nebraska  was 
greeted  as  the  new  Saviour  of  the  Democratic  party. 

The  Evening  Session. 

A recess  was  taken  until  8 in  the  evening.  The 
Convention  aeain  convened  a few  minutes  before 
nine  o’clock,  but  it  was  evident  that  no  business  was 
to  be  transacted  and  that  the  Vice-President  would 
not  be  nominated  until  there  was  time  to  confer  with 
Mr.  Bryan  and  to  consider  carefully  who  would  be 
the  best  man  to  nominate  for  the  second  place  on  the 
ticket.  The  shouting  was  now  over  and  the  time  for 
serious  preparation  for  the  campaign  had  begun. 
After  some  unimportant  remarks  by  General  Bragg 


584  THE  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION. 

and  a few  others,  the  Convention,  on  motion  of  Gov- 
ernor Stone,  of  Missouri,  adjourned  at  9.30  until  10 
A.  M.  Saturday  morning. 

Saturday,  the  Last  Day  of  the  Convention. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  completed 
its  labors  on  Saturday  afternoon  by  nominating  for 
Vice-President  Arthur  Sewall,  of  Maine,  on  the  5th 
ballot.  The  selection  was  as  much  of  a surprise  as 
that  of  Bryan  for  first  place,  but  the  choice  will  no 
doubt  be  considered  a wise  one,  as  Mr.  Sewall  has 
for  many  years  been  a leading  Democrat  in  the  only 
Eastern  State  which  has  shown  an  inclination  to  ac- 
cept the  views  of  the  platform.  It  was  supposed  on 
Friday  that  Mr.  McLean,  the  editor  of  the  Cincinnati 
I?iquirer,  would  be  the  nominee  for  Vice-President. 
On  Saturday  morning  there  appeared  to  be  a strong 
movement  for  the  nomination  of  “Silver  Dick”  Bland, 
who  has  been  the  favorite  candidate  for  President, 
but  Bland  declined  to  be  a candidate  as  did  also  Mc- 
Lean. Congressman  Sibley,  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
Senator  Daniel,  of  Virginia,  were  also  favorably  con- 
sidered, but  evidently  the  Convention  thought  best 
to  take  a strong  man  from  “down  East.”  Boies  also 
received  consideration,  but  he  was  known  to  prefer 
to  represent  his  district  in  Congress.  While  Mr. 
Sewall  was  not  known  to  the  majority  of  the  dele- 
gates, he  was  known  to  have  represented  his  State 
on  the  National  Committee  for  a number  of  years. 

On  the  fourth  ballot  McLean  received  298  votes, 
which  brought  a triumphant  shout  from  his  support- 
ers. Sewall  followed  with  262,  an  increase  which 
foreshadowed  his  nomination. 

A Stampede  to  Sewall. 

While  the  fifth  ballot  was  in  progress  McLean 
directed  the  withdrawal  of  his  name,  and,  before  its 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION. 


585 

close,  the  withdrawal  was  announced.  This  caused 
a stampede  to  Sewall,  Illinois  leading  with  48  votes 
transferred  from  McLean.  Great  excitement  and 
enthusiasm  prevailed  when  it  became  apparent  the 
nomination  would  go  to  the  Maine  man.  The 
standards  of  the  States  were  carried  to  the  Maine 
delegation,  and,  after  a few  minutes  of  cheering,  a 
procession  was  formed  and  the  State  guidons  were 
carried  around  the  hall,  finally  forming  in  line  in  front 
of  the  platform,  where  the  tumult  subsided.  The 
result  of  the  ballot  was  announced,  showing  568  for 
Sewall.  Eleven  sound  money  men  stuck  to  Harrity 
to  the  last,  and  the  single  unit,  contributed  by  Har- 
rity, was  given  Pattison. 

Most  of  the  Eastern  gold  men  declined  to  take  any 
part  in  the  nomination  for  Vice-President ; on  all  the 
ballots  there  were  about  255  who  declined  to  vote. 

After  providing  for  the  appointment  of  the  usual 
committees  the  Convention  adjourned  sme  die . 

Thus  closed  what  will  go  on  record  as  the  most 
exciting  and  in  many  respects  the  most  unusual  Na- 
tional Convention  which  has  met  in  a quarter  of  a 
century.  The  platform,  which  follows,  when  com- 
pared with  the  Republican  platform,  will  show  how 
clearly  the  issues  have  been  drawn,  and  the  result  in 
November  will  be  awaited  with  unusual  interest  by 
all  parties. 


30 


The  Democratic  Platform, 

Adopted  at  Chicago , July  gtk , 1896. 

OPPOSED  TO  THE  GOLD  STANDARD FREE  AND  UNLIMITED 

COINAGE OPPOSED  TO  THE  ISSUE  OF  BONDS THE 

INCOME  TAX SYMPATHY  FOR  THE  CUBANS OPPOSED 

TO  A THIRD  TERM. 

We,  the  Democrats  of  the  United  States  in  National 
Convention  assembled,  do  reaffirm  our  allegiance  to 
those  great  essential  principles  of  justice  and  liberty 
upon  which  our  institutions  are  founded,  and  which 
the  Democratic  party  has  advocated  from  Jefferson’s 
time  to  our  own — freedom  of  speech,  freedom  of  the 
press,  freedom  of  conscience,  the  separation  of  per- 
sonal rights,  the  equality  of  all  citizens  before  the  law, 
and  the  faithful  observance  of  constitutional  limita- 
tions. 

During  all  these  years  the  Democratic  party  has 
resented  the  tendency  of  selfish  interests  to  the  cen- 
tralization of  Governmental  power,  and  steadfastly 
maintained  the  integrity  of  the  dual  scheme  of  Gov- 
ernment established  by  the  founders  of  this  Republic 
of  republics.  Under  its  guidance  and  teachings  the 
great  principle  of  local  self-government  has  found  its 
best  expression  in  the  maintenance  of  the  rights  of 
States  and  in  its  assertion  of  the  necessity  of  confin- 
ing the  General  Government  to  the  exercise  of  the 
powers  granted  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  guarantees 
to  every  citizen  the  rights  of  civil  and  religious  liberty. 

(586) 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM. 


587 

The  Democratic  party  has  always  been  the  exponent 
of  political  liberty  and  religious  freedom,  and  it  re- 
news its  obligations  and  reaffirms  its  devotion  to 
these  fundamental  principles  of  the  Constitution. 

The  Money  Question. 

Recognizing  that  the  money  question  is  paramount 
to  all  others  at  this  time,  we  invite  attention  to  the 
fact  that  the  Federal  Constitution  names  silver  and 
gold  together  as  the  money  metals  of  the  United 
States,  and  that  the  first  coinage  law  passed  by  Con- 
gress under  the  Constitution  made  the  silver  dollar 
the  monetary  unit  of  value  and  admitted  gold  to  free 
coinage  at  a ratio  based  upon  the  silver  dollar  unit. 

The  Demonetization  of  Silver. 

We  declare  that  the  act  of  1873  demonetizing 
silver  without  the  knowledge  or  approval  of  the 
American  people,  has  resulted  in  the  appreciation  of 
gold  and  a corresponding  fall  in  the  prices  of  com- 
modities produced  by  the  people;  a heavy  increase 
in  the  burden  of  taxation  and  of  all  debts,  public  and 
private;  the  enrichment  of  the  money-lending  class  at 
home  and  abroad;  prostration  of  industry  and  im- 
poverishment of  the  people. 

Opposed  to  the  Gold  Standard. 

We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  monometallism, 
which  has  locked  fast  the  prosperity  of  an  industrial 
people  in  the  paralysis  of  hard  times.  Gold  mono- 
metallism is  a British  policy,  and  its  adoption  has 
brought  other  nations  into  financial  servitude  to  Lon- 
don. It  is  not  only  un-American,  but  anti-American, 
and  it  can  be  fastened  on  the  United  States  only  by 
the  stifling  of  that  spirit  and  love  of  liberty  which 


588  the  democratic  platform. 

proclaimed  our  political  independence  in  1776  and 
won  it  in  the  War  of  the  Revolution. 

Free  and  Unlimited  Coinage. 

We  demand  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of 
both  silver  and  gold  at  the  present  legal  ratio  of 
16  to  1,  without  waiting  for  the  aid  or  consent  of 
any  other  nation.  We  demand  that  the  standard 
silver  dollar  shall  be  a full  legal  tender,  equally  with 
gold,  for  all  debts,  public  and  private,  and  we  favor 
such  legislation  as  will  prevent  for  the  future  the 
demonetization  of  any  kind  of  legal-tender  money 
by  private  contract. 

We  are  opposed  to  the  policy  and  practice  of  sur- 
rendering to  the  holders  of  obligations  of  the  United 
States  the  option  reserved  by  law  to  the  Govern- 
ment of  redeeming  such  obligations  in  either  silver 
coin  or  gold  coin. 

Opposed  to  the  Issue  of  Bonds. 

We  are  opposed  to  the  issuing  of  interest-bearing 
bonds  of  the  United  States  in  time  of  peace  and 
condemn  the  trafficking  with  banking  syndicates, 
which,  in  exchange  for  bonds  and  at  an  enormous 
profit  to  themselves,  supply  the  Federal  Treasury 
with  gold  to  maintain  the  policy  of  gold  mono- 
metallism. 


The  Issue  of  Paper  Money. 

Congress  alone  has  the  power  to  coin  and  issue 
money,  and  President  Jackson  declared  that  this 
power  could  not  be  delegated  to  corporations  or 
individuals. 

We,  therefore,  denounce  the  issuance  of  notes 
intended  to  circulate  as  money  by  national  banks  as 


DAVID  B.  HIDI.. 
Senator  from  New  York. 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM.  $gi 

in  derogation  of  the  Constitution,  and  we  demand 
that  all  paper  which  is  made  a legal  tender  for 
public  and  private  debts,  or  which  is  receivable  for 
dues  to  the  United  States,  shall  be  issued  by  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  and  shall  be 
redeemable  in  coin. 


The  Tariff. 

We  hold  that  tariff  duties  should  be  levied  for 
purposes  of  revenue,  such  duties  to  be  so  adjusted 
as  to  operate  equally  throughout  the  country  and 
not  discriminate  between  class  or  section,  and  that 
taxation  should  be  limited  by  the  needs  of  the  Gov- 
ernment honestly  and  economically  administered. 
We  denounce,  as  disturbing  to  business,  the  Repub- 
lican threat  to  restore  the  McKinley  law,  which  has 
been  twice  condemned  by  the  people  in  national  elec- 
tions, and  which,  enacted  under  the  false  plea  of 
protection  to  home  industry,  proved  a prolific  breeder 
of  trusts  and  monopolies,  enriched  the  few  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  many,  restricted  trade  and  deprived  the 
producers  of  the  great  American  staples  of  access 
to  their  natural  markets.  Until  the  money  question 
is  settled  we  are  opposed  to  any  agitation  for  further 
changes  in  our  tariff  laws,  except  such  as  are  neces- 
sary to  meet  the  deficit  in  revenue  caused  by  the 
adverse  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  on  the 
income  tax. 

The  Income  Tax. 

But  for  this  decision  by  the  Supreme  Court  there 
would  be  no  deficit  in  the  revenue  under  the  law  passed 
by  a Democratic  Congress  in  strict  pursuance  of  the 
uniform  decisions  of  that  court  for  nearly  ioo  years, 
that  court  having  in  that  decision  sustained  constitu- 
tional objections  to  its  enactment  which  had  pre- 


592 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM. 


viously  been  overruled  by  the  ablest  judges  who  had 
ever  sat  on  that  bench.  We  declare  that  it  is  the 
duty  of  Congress  to  use  all  the  constitutional  power 
which  remains  after  that  decision,  or  which  may  come 
from  its  reversal  by  the  court  as  it  may  hereafter  be 
constituted,  so  that  the  burdens  of  taxation  may  be 
equally  and  impartially  laid,  to  the  end  that  wealth 
may  bear  its  due  proportion  of  the  expenses  of  the 
Government. 

Foreign  Pauper  Labor. 

We  hold  that  the  most  efficient  way  of  protecting 
American  labor  is  to  prevent  the  importation  of  for- 
eign pauper  labor  to  compete  with  it  in  the  home 
market,  and  that  the  value  of  the  home  market  to  our 
American  farmers  and  artisans  is  greatly  reduced  by 
a vicious  monetary  system,  which  depresses  the  prices 
of  their  products  below  the  cost  of  production,  and 
thus  deprives  them  of  the  means  of  purchasing  the 
products  of  our  home  manufacturers,  and,  as  labor 
creates  the  wealth  of  the  country,  we  demand  the 
passage  of  such  laws  as  may  be  necessary  to  protect 
in  all  its  rights. 

We  are  in  favor  of  the  arbitration  of  differences 
between  employers  engaged  in  inter-State  commerce 
and  their  employees,  and  recommend  such  legislation 
as  is  necessary  to  carry  out  this  principle. 

The  absorption  of  wealth  by  the  few,  the  consolida- 
tion of  our  leading  railroad  systems  and  the  forma- 
tion of  trusts  and  pools  require  a stricter  control  by 
the  Federal  Government  of  those  arteries  of  com- 
merce. We  demand  the  enlargement  of  the  powers 
of  the  Inter-State  Commerce  Commission  and  such 
restrictions  and  guarantees  in  the  control  of  rail- 
roads as  will  protect  the  people  from  robbery  and 
oppression. 


7 HE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM. 


593 


Reduction  in  the  Number  of  Offices. 

We  denounce  the  profligate  waste  of  the  money 
wrung  from  the  people  by  oppressive  taxation  and  the 
lavish  appropriations  of  recent  Republican  Con- 
gresses, which  have  kept  taxes  high,  while  the  labor 
that  pays  them  is  unemployed,  and  the  products  of 
the  people’s  toil  are  depressed  in  price  till  they  no 
longer  repay  the  cost  of  production.  We  demand  a 
return  to  that  simplicity  and  economy  which  befits  a 
Democratic  government,  and  a reduction  in  the  num- 
ber of  useless  offices,  the  salaries  of  which  drain  the 
substance  of  the  people. 

Contempts  in  Federal  Courts. 

We  denounce  the  arbitrary  interference  by  Federal 
authorities  in  local  affairs  as  a violation  of  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States  and  a crime  against 
free  institutions,  and  we  especially  object  to  govern- 
ment by  injunction  as  a new  and  highly  dangerous 
form  of  oppression  by  which  Federal  judges,  in  con- 
tempt of  the  laws  of  the  States  and  rights  of  citizens, 
become  at  once  legislators,  judges  and  executioners, 
and  we  approve  the  bill  passed  by  the  last  session  of 
the  United  States  Senate  and  now  pending  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  relative  to  contempts  in 
Federal  Courts  and  providing  trials  by  jury  in  certain 
cases  of  contempt. 

The  Pacific  Railroad  Funding  Bill. 

No  discrimination  should  be  indulged  in  by  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  in  favor  of  any  of 
its  debtors.  We  approve  of  the  refusal  of  the  Fifty- 
third  Congress  to  pass  the  Pacific  Railroad  Funding 
Bill,  and  denounce  the  efforts  of  the  present  Republi- 
can Congress  to  enact  a similar  measure. 


594 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM. 


The  Pensioners. 

Recognizing  the  just  claims  of  deserving  Union 
soldiers,  we  heartily  endorse  the  rule  of  the  present 
Commissioner  of  Pensions  that  no  names  shall  be 
arbitrarily  dropped  from  the  pension  rolls,  and  the 
fact  of  enlistment  and  service  should  be  deemed  con- 
clusive evidence  against  disease  and  disability  before 
enlistment. 

We  favor  the  admission  of  the  Territories  of  New 
Mexico,  Oklahoma  and  Arizona  to  the  Union  as 
States,  and  we  favor  the  early  admission  of  all  the 
Territories  having  the  necessary  population  and  re- 
sources to  entitle  them  to  Statehood,  and,  while  they 
remain  Territories,  we  hold  that  the  officials  appointed 
to  administer  the  government  of  any  Territory,  to- 
gether with  the  District  of  Columbia  and  Alaska, 
should  be  bona  fide  residents  of  the  Territory  or  Dis- 
trict in  which  the  duties  are  to  be  performed.  The 
Democratic  party  believes  in  home  rule,  and  that  all 
public  lands  of  the  United  States  should  be  appropri- 
ated to  the  establishment  of  free  homes  for  American 
citizens. 

We  recommend  that  the  Territory  of  Alaska  be 
granted  a Delegate  in  Congress,  and  that  the  general 
land  and  timber  laws  of  the  United  States  be  extended 
to  said  Territory. 

The  Monroe  Doctrine. 

The  Monroe  doctrine,  as  originally  declared  and 
as  interpreted  by  succeeding  Presidents,  is  a per- 
manent part  of  the  foreign  policy  of  the  United 
States,  and  must  at  all  times  be  maintained. 

Sympathy  for  the  Cubans. 

We  extend  our  sympathy  to  the  people  of  Cuba 
in  their  heroic  struggle  for  liberty  and  independence. 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM. 


595 


We  are  opposed  to  life  tenure  in  the  public  ser- 
vice. We  favor  appointments  based  upon  merit, 
fixed  terms  of  office,  and  such  an  administration  of 
the  Civil  Service  laws  as  will  afford  equal  oppor- 
tunities to  all  citizens  of  ascertained  fitness. 

Opposed  to  a Third  Term. 

We  declare  it  to  be  the  unwritten  law  of  this 
Republic,  established  by  custom  and  usage  of  ioo 
years,  and  sanctioned  by  the  examples  of  the  greatest 
and  wisest  of  those  who  founded  and  have  maintained 
our  Government,  that  no  man  should  be  eligible  for 
a third  term  of  the  Presidential  office. 

The  Federal  Government  should  care  for  and  im- 
prove the  Mississippi  River  and  other  great  water- 
ways of  the  Republic,  so  as  to  secure  for  the  interior 
States  easy  and  cheap  transportation  to  tide-water. 
When  any  waterway  of  the  Republic  is  of  sufficient 
importance  to  demand  aid  of  the  Government,  such 
aid  should  be  extended  upon  a definite  plan  of 
continuous  work  until  permanent  improvement  is 
secured. 

Confiding  in  the  justness  of  our  cause  and  the 
necessity  of  its  success  at  the  polls,  we  submit  the 
foregoing  declaration  of  principles  and  purposes  to 
the  considerate  judgment  of  the  American  people. 
We  invite  the  support  of  all  citizens  who  approve 
them  and  who  desire  to  have  them  made  effective 
through  legislation  for  the  relief  of  the  people  and 
1 the  restoration  of  the  country’s  prosperity. 


Life  and  Public  Services  of 
William  Jennings  Bryan, 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENT  ON  A 

FREE  SILVER  PLATFORM “THE  BOY  ORATOR  OF 

THE  PLATTE.” 

William  Jennings  Bryan,  of  Lincoln,  Neb.,  who  is 
sometimes  known  as  “ the  Boy  Orator  of  the  Platte,” 
is  a native  of  Illinois.  He  wa^  born  in  Salem,  Marion 
County,  in  that  State,  March  19,  i860.  His  father, 
Silas  L.  Bryan,  a native  of  Culpepper  County, 
Virginia,  was  a prominent  and  respected  lawyer,  who 
represented  his  district  for  eight  years  in  the  State 
Senate,  and  later  was  a Circuit  Court  Judge  for 
twelve  years. 

Early  Life. 

The  son  entered  the  Illinois  College  at  Jackson- 
ville in  1877,  and  completed  the  classical  course, 
graduating  with  honors  in  1881.  He  later  attended 
a law  school  in  Chicago,  working  in  the  late  Lyman 
Trumbull’s  law  office  in  order  to  pay  his  way  through 
college.  He  began  the  practice  of  his  profession  at 
Jacksonville,  111.,  but  in  1887  he  removed  to  Lincoln, 
Neb.,  establishing  a law  partnership  with  one  of  his 
college  classmates.  From  his  earliest  years  he  had 
a fancy  for  public  speaking,  which  developed  his 
oratorical  powers.  In  1880  he  won  second  prize  as 
the  representative  of  Illinois  College  in  the  State 
collegiate  oratorical  contest.  He  was  valedictorian 
(596) 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN 


597 


of  his  college  class,  and  came  within  one  vote  of 
being  elected  to  the  same  position  in  the  Law  School. 
From  1880  on  he  spoke  in  political  campaigns. 

His  First  Political  Effort. 

Bryan  supported  J.  Sterling  Morton  for  Congress 
in  1888,  but  the  man  who  was  later  to  be  Mr.  Cleve- 
land’s Secretary  of  Agriculture  was  defeated  at  the 
polls  by  3,500  votes.  Next  time,  in  1890,  Bryan  took 
the  nomination  and  ran  against  the  same  Republican 
who  had  so  badly  defeated  Mr.  Morton.  Bryan  had 
much  better  luck.  He  challenged  his  adversary  to  a 
series  of  joint  debates,  and  made  so  brilliant  a show- 
ing that  he  carried  the  district,  which  had  given  the 
Republicans  3,500  majority  two  years  before,  by  a 
majority  of  6,700  votes.  The  fame  he  gained  in  the 
joint  debates,  of  which  the  tariff  was  the  theme,  in- 
duced Speaker  Crisp  to  appoint  Bryan  on  the  Ways 
and  Means  Committee,  an  honor  which  few  Con- 
gressmen have  ever  won  during  their  first  term  in  the 
House.  On  March  12,  1892,  he  scored  his  first  great 
oratorical  success  with  a speech  on  free  wool.  This 
deliverance  led  Mr.  Kilgore  to  declare  it  the  best 
speech  made  on  the  floor  of  the  House  for  ten  years, 
and  Mr.  Culberson  to  remark  that  it  was  one  of  the 
ablest  addresses  he  had  ever  listened  to,  and  Mr. 
Lane  to  say  that  it  stamped  its  author  as  one  of  the 
brightest  and  ablest  men  in  Congress. 

Against  the  Repeal  of  the  Silver  Purchase  Act. 

The  reapportionment  of  1891  divided  Bryan’s 
Congressional  District  in  such  a way  that  it  made 
his  canvass  in  1892  very  difficult.  The  district  was 
admittedly  Republican  by  a majority  of  more  than 
3,000.  Bryan  went  into  the  work  heart  and  soul, 
however,  and  turned  the  Republican  majority  into 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BR  YAN. 


598 

a Democratic  plurality  of  146.  J.  Sterling  Morton 
ran  for  Governor  of  Nebraska  in  that  election,  and 
received  fewer  votes  than  any  man  on  the  ticket 
in  that  district,  just  half  as  many  as  Bryan.  In 
August,  1893,  when  the  bill  to  repeal  the  Silver 
Purchase  Act  was  before  Congress,  Bryan  again 
distinguished  himself  as  a speech-maker.  It  was  said 
at  the  time  that  he  made  the  best  showing  in  the 
debate  of  any  of  the  free-silver  leaders.  Bryan  had 
long  consorted  with  the  Populists,  and  that  explained 
his  great  power  over  the  farmers.  In  the  fall  of  18^3 
he  got  the  Senatorial  bee  in  his  bonnet,  and  aimed  to 
“wallop”  Secretary  Morton  and  the  Administration 
Democrats  in  the  State  Convention.  The  convention, 
however,  endorsed  the  Administration  four  to  one, 
and  refused  to  give  any  recognition  either  to  Bryan 
or  his  silver  vagaries.  The  platform  contained  a 
cordial  expression  of  confidence  in  Mr.  Cleveland,  de- 
spite Bryan’s  agile  efforts  to  have  the  convention 
pursue  another  course.  The  convention  declared: 

We,  the  representatives  of  the  Democratic  party  in  Ne- 
braska, in  State  Convention  assembled,  send  hearty  greetings 
to  our  President,  Grover  Cleveland,  and  renew  the  expres- 
sion of  our  confidence  and  pride  in  his  patriotism,  courage, 
and  wisdom.  We  heartily  endorse  the  Administration  of 
President  Cleveland.  We  reaffirm  the  truths  so  forcibly  set 
forth  by  the  President  in  his  message  to  the  special  session 
of  Congress.  We  favor  his  recommendation  to  Congress 
therein  made  for  the  repeal  of  the  Silver  Purchase  clause  of 
the  Sherman  Act,  and  we  call  upon  the  United  States  Sena- 
tors to  speedily  pass  the  pending  bill  for  the  prompt  and  un- 
conditional repeal  of  that  vicious  law. 

Before  the  election  of  1894  Mr.  Bryan  refused  a 
renomination  for  Congress,  continuing  his  campaign 
for  the  Senatorship  as  the  successor  of  Mr.  Mander- 
son.  He  still  openly  declared  for  free  silver  coinage 
and  this  caused  the  Morton  Democrats  to  fight  him 


WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN. 
Democratic  Candidate  for  President. 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN.  6OI 

bitterly.  He  was,  however,  nominated  by  the  State 
Democratic  Convention.  Two  joint  debates,  at  Lin- 
coln and  at  Omaha,  respectively,  with  John  M.  Thurs- 
ton, the  Republican  candidate  for  the  Senatorship, 
attracted  much  attention.  The  Legislature,  however, 
was  Republican,  and  Mr.  Thurston  was  elected. 
During  the  past  two  years,  since  his  defeat  for  the 
Senate,  Bryan  has  been  lecturing  on  financial  topics 
in  all  parts  of  the  country. 

His  Personality. 

He  is  a man  of  considerable  personal  magnetism 
and  fine  presence.  The  resemblance  between  him 
and  the  late  Samuel  J.  Randall  has  been  remarked 
by  many.  He  is  about  5 feet  10  inches  in  height, 
weights  180  pounds,  and  has  dark  hair  and  dark 
eyes.  His  jaw  is  heavy  and  square,  and  he  is 
smooth  shaven.  His  cheekbones  are  prominent  and 
his  forehead  square. 

He  is  an  exceedingly  pleasant  talker,  and  is  fond 
of  dealing  in  well-rounded  phrases.  His  speeches 
abound  with  poetry.  He  is  of  Irish  extraction,  but 
his  people  have  lived  in  this  country  for  more  than  a 
hundred  years.  In  religion  he  is  a Presbyterian,  but 
believes  in  the  entire  separation  of  Church  and 
State.  He  steadfastly  opposes  bringing  religion 
into  politics  or  politics  into  religion.  He  is  a 
teetotaler. 

Mr.  Bryan  is  the  outspoken  enemy  of  class  legis- 
lation, and  believes  that  the  Government  has  fully 
answered  its  purpose  when  it  protects  every  citizen 
in  the  enjoyment  of  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness,  and  leaves  him  just  as  free  as  possible  to 
exercise  his  ability,  industry  and  economy.  He  is 
also  a believer  in  local  self-government,  and  was 
emphatically  opposed  to  the  Federal  election  law  be- 


602  L1FE  0f  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN. 

cause  it  sought  to  take  away  from  the  locality  the 
control  of  Congressional  elections. 

He  favors  free  coinage  and  believes  in  a tariff  for 
revenue  only,  and  denies  the  right  of  Government  to 
take  from  any  man  by  means  of  taxation  any  money 
not  needed  for  Government  expenses,  or  to  tax  one 
man  to  enrich  another.  He  is  opposed  to  bounties 
and  subsidies.  He  made  his  main  fHht  ag-ainst  the 
McKinley  Bill,  denouncing  it  as  the  most  infamous 
conspiracy  ever  attempted  against  the  consumers  of 
this  country. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Bryan  at  Home. 

Mr.  Bryan’s  wife,  who  has  been  a close  figure  in 
all  his  public  life,  cannot  go  unmentioned.  She  was 
Miss  Mary  E.  Baird,  and  was  the  only  daughter  of  a 
prosperous  merchant  in  Perry,  111.  She  has  a pure, 
handsome,  thoroughbred  face,  and  is  withal  a woman 
of  rare  mental  endowments. 

After  the  birth  of  her  first  child  Mrs.  Bryan  began 
the  study  of  law,  with  her  husband  as  instructor,  tak- 
ing one  course  prescribed  by  the  college  from  which 
he  graduated.  She  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1888. 
She  never  thought  to  practice.  Her  only  motive 
was  to  aid  her  husband  in  his  life  work,  and  she 
might  be  safely  credited  with  at  least  half  of  all  there 
is  good  and  honest  and  successful  in  the  Nebraska 
man. 

Mr.  Bryan  lives  well  in  a commodious  dwelling  in 
the  fashionable  part  of  Lincoln.  The  study  in  which 
both  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Bryan  have  desks  is  a very  at- 
tractive room.  It  is  filled  with  books,  statuary  and 
mementoes  of  campaigns.  There  are  busts  or  por- 
traits of  noted  men,  and  there  are  two  butcher  knives 
which  Mr.  Bryan  used  in  the  campaign  with  Judge 
Field,  to  refute  the  latter’s  boasts  of  the  effects  of 
high  protection. 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN. 


603 

Mrs.  Bryan  has  a great  liking  for  politics,  and  ac- 
companies her  husband  on  many  of  his  Nebraska 
jaunts.  Her  tastes  are  essentially  literary  and  she 
has  written  much  for  various  causes.  She  is  a 
charming  woman,  and  is  as  great  a favorite  in  Lin- 
coln as  her  husband.  She  was  one  of  the  organizers 
of  Sorosis,  the  leading  woman’s  club  of  Lincoln,  and 
is  also  a member  of  the  W.  C.  T.  U.  and  other  so- 
cieties. Mr.  Bryan  says  she  is  invaluable  to  him  in 
suggestions  and  the  preparation  of  material  and  in 
advice  as  to  points  and  methods.  His  family  consists, 
besides  Mrs.  Bryan,  of  Ruth,  aged  eleven  ; William 
J.,  Jr.,  aged  six,  and  Grace,  aged  five.  The  children 
are  very  bright,  pretty  and  well-bred. 

Bryan  in  personal  appearance  is  the  picture  of 
health,  mental,  moral,  and  physical.  He  is  a pro- 
nounced brunette,  has  a massive  head,  a clean- 
shaven face,  an  aquiline  nose,  square  chin,  a broad 
chest,  large  lustrous  dark  eyes,  a mouth  extending 
almost  from  ear  to  ear,  teeth  as  white  as  chalk,  and 
hair — what  there  is  left  of  it — black  as  midnight. 
Beneath  his  eyes  is  the  protuberant  flesh  which  physi- 
ognomists say  is  indicative  of  fluency  of  language 
and  which  was  one  of  the  most  striking  features  in 
the  face  of  James  G.  Blaine. 

Bryan  as  an  Orator. 

An  enthusiastic  admirer  of  Bryan  as  an  orator  has 
written  of  him  as  follows : — 

Bryan  neglects  none  of  the  accessories  of  oratory.  Nature 
richly  endowed  him  with  rare  grace.  He  is  happy  in  atti- 
tude and  pose.  His  gestures  are  on  Hogarth’s  line  of 
beauty.  Mellifluous  is  the  one  word  that  most  aptly  de- 
scribes his  voice.  It  is  strong  enough  to  be  heard  by 
thousands.  It  is  sweet  enough  to  charm  those  the  least 
inclined  to  music.  It  is  so  modulated  as  not  to  vex  the  ear 
with  monotony  and  can  be  stern  and  pathetic,  fierce  or 


604  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN 

gentle,  serious  or  humorous,  with  the  varying  emotions  of 
its  master.  In  his  youth  Bryan  must  have  had  a skillful 
teacher  in  elocution  and  must  have  been  a docile  pupil. 
He  adorns  his  speeches  with  illustrations  from  the  classics  or 
from  the  common  occurrences  of  everyday  life  with  equal 
felicity  and  facility.  Some  passages  from  his  orations  are 
gems  and  are  being  used  as  declamations  by  boys  at  school — 
the  ultimate  tribute  to  American  eloquence. 

Extracts  from  His  Speeches. 

The  following  extracts  from  some  of  Mr.  Bryan’s 
speeches  in  Congress  have  been  much  quoted  by 
campaign  orators,  and  did  much  to  establish  his 
fame  as  one  of  the  leading  exponents  of  the  income 
tax  and  free  silver  theory.  They  show  how  close  his 
approach  is  to  Populism. 

The  poor  man  who  takes  property  by  force  (Bryan  said,  in 
one  of  his  silver-tongued  deliverances)  is  called  a thief,  but 
the  creditor  who  can  by  legislation  make  a debtor  pay  a 
dollar  twice  as  large  as  he  borrowed  is  lauded  as  the  friend 
of  a sound  currency.  The  man  who  wants  people  to 
destroy  the  Government  is  an  Anarchist,  but  the  man  who 
wants  the  Government  to  destroy  the  people  is  a patriot. 

Again  this  young  orator  said  : — 

The  gentlemen  who  are  so  fearful  of  socialism  when  the 
poor  are  exempted  from  an  income  tax,  view  with  indif- 
ference those  methods  of  taxation  which  give  the  rich  a 
substantial  exemption.  They  weep  more  because 
$15,000,000  is  to  be  collected  from  the  incomes  of  the  rich 
than  they  do  at  the  collection  of  $300,000,000  upon  the 
goods  which  the  poor  consume.  And  when  an  attempt  is 
made  to  equalize  these  burdens,  not  fully,  but  partially  only, 
the  people  of  the  South  and  West  are  called  Anarchists.  I 
deny  the  accusation,  sir.  It  is  among  the  people  of  the 
South  and  West,  on  the  prairies  and  in  the  mountains,  that 
you  find  the  staunchest  supporters  of  government,  and  the 
best  friends  of  law  and  order. 

You  may  not  find  among  these  people  the  great  fortunes 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN. 


605 

which  are  accumulated  in  cities,  nor  will  you  find  the  dark 
shadows  which  these  fortunes  throw  over  the  community, 
but  you  will  find  those  willing  to  protect  the  rights  of  prop- 
erty, even  while  they  demand  that  property  shall  bear  its 
share  of  taxation.  You  may  not  find  among  them  as  much 
of  wealth,  but  you  will  find  men  who  are  not  only  willing  to 
pay  their  taxes  to  support  the  Government,  but  are  willing 
whenever  necessary  to  offer  up  their  lives  in  its  defence. 
These  people,  sir,  whom  you  call  Anarchists  because  they 
ask  that  the  burdens  of  government  shall  be  equally  borne, 
these  people  have  ever  borne  the  cross  on  Calvary  and  saved 
their  country  with  their  blood. 

I may  be  in  error  (said  Bryan  on  another  occasion),  but  in 
my  humble  judgment  he  who  would  rob  man  of  his  neces- 
sary food  or  pollute  the  springs  at  which  he  quenches  his 
thirst,  or  steal  away  from  him  his  accustomed  rest,  or  con- 
demn his  mind  to  the  gloomy  night  of  ignorance,  is  no  more 
an  enemy  of  his  race  than  the  man  who,  deaf  to  the  entreaties 
of  the  poor  and  blind,  to  the  suffering  he  would  cause,  seeks 
to  destroy  one  of  the  money  metals  given  by  the  Almighty 
to  supply  the  needs  of  commerce. 

In  the  Convention  at  Chicago  Mr.  Bryan  led  the 
Nebraska  silver  delegation.  There  were  two  con- 
testing delegations  from  the  State.  The  National 
Committee  reported  in  favor  of  the  gold  men,  but 
when  the  matter  was  referred  to  the  Credentials 
Committee  the  latter  at  once  reported  in  favor  of  the 
delegates  led  by  Mr.  Bryan.  The  motion  to  adopt 
the  report  in  the  Convention  was  declared  carried 
by  a viva  voce  vote,  a demand  for  a roll-call,  which 
was  at  first  made  by  ex-Governor  Russell,  being 
withdrawn  on  the  statement  of  the  Chairman  of  the 
Credentials  Committee  that  the  report  was  unani- 
mous. The  gold  delegation  then  retired  to  a march 
tune  by  the  band,  and  the  silver  squad  under  Bryan’s 
lead  was  admitted  to  the  Convention. 


31 


Life  and  Public  Services  of 
Arthur  Sewall, 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  CANDIDATE  FOR  VICE-PRESIDENT 

HE  COMES  OF  AN  ANCIENT  SHIP-BUILDING  FAMILY 

IN  MAINE ONE  OF  HIS  SONS,  HAROLD,  IS  A STRONG 

REPUBLICAN. 

The  Vice-Presidential  nominee  is  a man  very 
nearly  twice  as  old  as  the  head  of  the  ticket.  He  is 
much  older  than  he  looks.  He  is  a splendid  example 
of  physical  manhood,  carries  himself  with  a soldierly 
bearing,  and  is  what  might  be  termed  a fine-looking 
man. 

A Splendid  Example  of  Physical  Manhood. 

His  hair  and  mustache  are  slightly  tinged  with 
gray,  but  the  wrinkles  of  age  have  scarcely  made 
their  appearance  on  his  face. 

Arthur  Sewall  was  born  at  Bath,  Me.,  November 
25,  1835.  He  has  been  a life-long  Democrat,  and 
has  been  Chairman  of  the  Maine  Democratic  State 
Committee  for  many  years.  His  residence  is  the 
Sewall  estate  in  Bath,  which  has  been  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  Sewall  family  since  1760,  when  his  great- 
grandfather took  title  only  three  removes  from  a 
grant  by  King  George.  Mr.  Sewall  married  in 
1859.  His  wife  was  Emma  D.  Crookes,  of  Bath. 
There  are  two  children — Harold  M.  and  William  D. 
Harold  was  appointed  during  Mr.  Cleveland’s  first 
administration  United  States  Consul  General  at 
Samoa,  but  has  since  gone  over  to  the  Republican 
party.  Mr.  Sewall  has  been  engaged  most  of  his 

(606) 


LIFE  OF  ARTHUR  SEWALL. 


607 

life  in  ship-building-  and  ship-owning.  In  the  old 
days  he  built  wooden  whalers  and  coasters,  for 
which  the  State  of  Maine  was  famous.  The  firm 
has  been  Sewall  & Son  for  three  generations.  Mr. 
Sewall  is  president  and  principal  owner  of  the  Bath 
National  Bank.  He  was  president  for  nine  years  of 
the  Maine  Central  Railway,  which  is  the  railroad  sys- 
tem of  that  State.  He  resigned  the  latter  position  two 
years  ago.  He  was  at  one  time  president  of  the 
Eastern  Railroad,  but  has  still  quite  considerable 
interests  in  railroads  and  in  railroad  building. 

He  is  now  president  of  a bank  at  Bath,  is  interested 
in  the  Bath  Iron  Works  and  a member  of  other  com- 
mercial enterprises. 

A Ship  building  Family. 

Steadily  for  over  seventy  years  has  the  Sewall 
private  signal,  a white  “ S ” on  a blue  ground,  fluttered 
from  the  main  spar  of  some  of  the  staunchest,  finest, 
swiftest  vessels  in  the  American  merchant  marine, 
carrying  the  stars  and  stripes  into  every  foreign  port. 

From  the  days  of  the  first  chubby  little  Diana, 
built  in  1823,  to  the  great  steel  Dirigo,  launched  in 
1894,  this  house  has  been  in  the  van  with  designs  for 
merchant  vessels.  Beginning  under  William  D.  Sew- 
all in  1823,  the  house  has  been  continuous,  and  to- 
day it  owns  the  largest  sailing  merchantmen  afloat 
under  our  flag. 

William  D.  Sewall  was  succeeded  by  his  sons, 
under  the  name  of  E.  & A.  Sewall,  which  firm  has 
since  become  Arthur  Sewall  & Co.,  with  Arthur 
Sewall,  the  Democratic  nominee  for  Vice-President,  at 
its  head,  and  his  nephew,  Samuel  S.  Sewall,  and  one 
of  his  sons,  William  D.  Sewall,  associated  with  him. 

The  first  American  Sewall  came  to  America  in 
1634,  and  Dummes  Sewall,  the  grandfather  of  the 


6o8 


LIFE  OF  ARTHUR  SEWALL. 


first  ship-builder,  went  to  Bath  from  New  York,  which 
was  also  in  the  District  of  Maine  in  1762,  where  he 
purchased  the  tract  of  land  on  which  to  this  day 
stands  the  Sewall  yard  and  the  houses  of  the  Sewall 
family. 

In  the  seventy-one  years  that  the  Sewalls  have 
been  building  ships,  they  have  owned  ninety-five  ves- 
sels. Arthur  Sewall,  the  present  head  of  the  firm, 
and  the  Vice-Presidential  nominee,  grew  up  among 
the  scenes  of  the  shipyard  and  seashore,  acquiring  a 
familiarity  with  the  business  life  which  has  served 
him  well,  not  only  in  that  particular  branch,  but  in 
many  other  lines  of  mercantile  life. 

There  is  hardly  a corporation  in  Sagadahock 
County  in  which  he  is  not  interested. 

His  Son  a Republican. 

A striking  fact  in  connection  with  Mr.  SewalPs 
nomination  is  that  his  son  Harold  is  a Republican, 
having  changed  from  the  Democracy  as  a result  of 
what  he  considered  the  party’s  failure  in  administra- 
tion. Young  Sewall  was  one  of  the  leaders  of  the 
Reed  delegation  at  St.  Louis  and  is  one  of  the  lead- 
ers of  the  “ Young  Republican  ” movement  in  Maine. 

This  Harold  Sewall  was  also  the  first  Consul-Gen- 
eral of  the  United  States  to  Samoan  Islands,  and  his 
name  will  always  be  mentioned  in  connection  with 
the  late  history  of  Samoa.  He  was  born  in  Bath  in 
i860.  Having  been  fitted  for  college  in  the  public 
schools  of  his  native  town,  he  entered  Harvard  Uni- 
versity in  1 878.  In  1882  he  graduated  with  high 
honors,  and  immediately  thereafter  entered  the  Har- 
vard law  school,  where  he  completed  the  full  three 
years’  course  and  received  the  degree  of  LL.  B. 

In  the  Fall  of  1885  he  was  nominated  by  Consul 
Russell,  at  Liverpool,  as  Vice  and  Deputy  Consul, 


ARTHUR  SEWAUU. 
Democratic  Candidate  for  Vice-President, 


LIFE  OF  ARTHUR  Sk WALL.  6ll 

and  was  commissioned  by  the  State  department  ac- 
cordingly, holding  the  office  until  March  27,  1887, 
when  he  resigned  to  accept  that  of  Consul-General 
of  Apia,  Samoa. 

Harold  Sewall  came  into  national  prominence  in 
this  position.  The  affairs  in  Samoa  at  that  time  were 
very  complicated.  Germany  wanted  to  exercise  a 
protectorate  over  the  islands,  which  would  have  re- 
sulted in  her  annexing  the  best  of  them.  England 
and  the  United  States  wanted  a native  government — 
“ Samoa  for  the  Samoans,”  with  King  Malitoea  as 
ruler.  The  Germans,  however,  had  encouraged 
.“King”  Tamesese,  and  the  United  States  Consul  at 
that  time  at  Apia  was  recalled  as  unfit  to  deal  with 
such  a complication. 

Harold  Sewall  soon  attracted  attention  by  his  of- 
ficial course.  He  was  finally  summoned  to  Washing- 
ton by  Secretary  Bayard,  and  frequently  appeared 
before  the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations. 
He  testified  so  freely  and  fully  before  that  committee 
that  Secretary  Bayard  requested  his  resignation  on 
the  ground  that  his  openly  expressed  views  on  Sa- 
moan affairs  did  not  agree  with  those  of  the  State 
Department.  His  resignation  was  tendered  and 
accepted. 

How  it  Feels  to  be  a Nominee. 

According  to  his  own  assertion,  the  Hon.  Arthur 
Sewall  had  no  idea  when  he  left  his  home  at  Bath,  Me., 
that  his  name  would  even  be  presented  to  the  late 
National  Convention  for  the  second  place  on  the  ticket. 

“ It  was  wholly  unexpected,”  he  said.  “ I had  no 
thought  of  such  a thine  when  I came  to  this  Conven- 
tion.  However,  I must  confess  that  the  sensation  of 
being  the  Vice-Presidential  nominee  on  the  National 
ticket  of  the  Democratic  party  is  decidedly  pleasant.” 

As  soon  as  it  became  known  that  Mr.  Sewall  had  been 


6 12 


LIFE  OF  ARTHUR  SEWALL. 


nominated  there  was  a rush  of  friends  and  admiring 
Democrats  to  extend  their  congratulations  to  the  “ next 
Vice-President,”  as  nearly  every  one  of  them  ex- 
pressed it. 

During  the  afternoon  Mr.  Sewall  received  hun- 
dreds of  telegrams  from  all  parts  of  the  country  ex- 
pressing the  congratulation  of  friends. 

Mr.  Sewall  expressed  the  belief  that  the  ticket 
would  be  a great  deal  stronger  throughout  New 
England  and  the  Eastern  States  than  the  Western 
friends  of  free  silver  realize  at  present. 

Thinks  he  will  Carry  Maine. 

“As  to  my  own  State,”  he  continued,  “the  cause 
of  free  silver  is  growing  rapidly.  Two  years  ago  I 
could  count  on  my  fingers  the  Democrats  in  Maine 
who  favored  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver. 
Now  the  vast  majority  of  them  are  of  that  belief,  and 
their  numbers  are  increasing  everyday.  I anticipate 
a lively  campaign  this  Autumn  in  Maine,  and  I feel 
assured  that  the  results  will  be  flattering  indeed.  It 
is  not  impossible  for  the  Democrats  to  carry  the 
State.  They  did  it  in  1880,  and  I see  no  reason  why 
they  should  not  do  it  this  Fall. 

“I  have  great  confidence  in  the  success  of  the  ticket 
throughout  the  country.  I heartily  believe  in  the 
principles  of  the  platform,  and  will  do  everything  in  my 
power  for  the  success  and  victory  of  Democracy.” 

Mr.  Sewall  was  present  in  the  Convention  during 
the  first  four  ballots  for  the  Vice-Presidential  nomina- 
tion. He  left  the  hall  at  the  beginning  of  the  fifth 
ballot  and  was  on  the  platform  of  the  railway  station, 
waiting  for  a train  into  the  city,  when  word  was  taken 
to  him  of  the  result.  He  went  immediately  to  his 
rooms  in  the  Palmer  House,  where  he  was  seen  after 
the  adjournment  of  the  Convention  by  a representa- 
tive of  the  United  Press. 


The  National  Convention  of  the  Populist  Party. 

Convened  at  St.  Louis , "July  22 d,  1896. 

FOUR  DAYS’  STORMY  PROCEEDINGS RESULTING  IN  THE 

NOMINATION  OF  BRYAN,  THE  DEMOCRATIC  CANDI- 
DATE, FOR  PRESIDENT,  AND  THOMAS  E.  WATSON 
FOR  VICE-PRESIDENT. 

On  July  2 2d  the  attention  of  the  whole  country 
was  directed  to  St.  Louis,  where,  in  the  same  hall 
recently  occupied  by  the  Republican  Convention,  the 
Convention  of  the  People’s  Party  assembled.  Never 
before  has  so  much  interest  and  importance  attached 
to  a convention  of  that  party. 

The  main  interest  centered  in  whether  the 
“Populists”  would  endorse  or  nominate  Bryan  and 
Sewall,  the  Democratic  candidates,  or  would  name  a 
separate  ticket  of  their  own.  As  has  been  seen,  the 
Democrats  who  controlled  the  convention  in  Chicago 
made  their  platform  and  named  their  candidates  with 
a view  to  securing  the  endorsement  of  the  Populists. 
It  was  thought  with  their  support  enough  Western 
States  could  be  carried  to  insure  the  election  of  the 
Democratic  candidates. 


Middle-of-the-Road  Men. 

It  was  evident,  however,  the  first  day  that  it  would 
be  no  easy  task  to  control  the  over  1,300  delegates, 
assembled  as  the  representatives  of  the  Populist 
party,  in  the  interest  of  one  of  the  “ old  parties  ” 

(613) 


THE  POPULIST  CONVENTION. 


614 

which  the  Populists  had  been  denouncing  for  years. 
The  Southern  delegates,  especially,  had  grievances 
against  the  Democrats.  They  had  been  taunted  and 
ridiculed  and  cheated  by  them  in  their  home 
districts  and  nothing  would  now  induce  them,  not 
even  the  cause  of  silver,  to  support  the  Democratic 
ticket.  They  were  for  keeping  in  the  “ middle-of-the- 
road  ” as  they  expressed  it  and  make  their  own  plat- 
form and  name  their  own  ticket,  thus  preserving  their 
own  party  organization.  Texas,  with  its  large  dele- 
gation, gave  special  strength  to  this  side.  On  the 
other  hand,  Senator  Jones,  Chairman  of  the  Demo- 
cratic National  Committee,  was  on  the  ground  using 
all  his  influence,  with  the  aid  of  the  active  silver 
advocates,  to  secure  the  endorsement  of  Bryan  and 
Sewall. 

It  was  nearly  1 o’clock  before  the  Convention  was 
called  to  order  by  Mr.  Taubeneck,  Chairman  of  the 
National  Committee.  Governor  William  J.  Stone, 
of  Missouri,  delivered  an  address  of  welcome.  Hon. 
Ignatius  Donnelly,  of  Minnesota,  responded  to  Gover- 
nor Stone’s  address. 

Temporary  Chairman  Butler. 

Chairman  Taubeneck  introduced  as  Temporary 
Chairman  of  the  Convention  Senator  Marion  Butler, 
of  North  Carolina. 

He  said  the  parties  that  had  had  charge  of  the 
Government  since  the  war  had  succeeded  in  bringing 
the  nation  to  the  verge  of  bankruptcy  and  ruin,  and 
had  necessitated  the  existence  of  the  Populist  organi- 
zation. The  two  parties  had  vied  with  each  other  in 
“ straddling,”  and  now  “straddling”  was  a thing  of 
the  past.  He  went  on  to  speak  of  the  transportation 
question  as  standing  side  by  side  with  the  money 
question,  and  declared  that  both  these  great  questions 


THE  POPULIST  CONVENTION.  615 

would  have  to  be  solved  before  the  country  got  back 
to  prosperity. 

“ Remember  that  you  have  accomplished  more  in  four  years  than 
the  old  parties  have  accomplished  in  a hundred  years.  And  re- 
member, too,  that  if  we  do  our  duty  at  this  trying  hour  the  time 
is  not  far  distant  when  we  will  be  the  majority  party  of  the  coun- 
try.’’ 

Owing  to  the  heat  a large  proportion  of  the  dele- 
gates removed  their  coats  and  vests  and  attached 
their  badges  to  their  suspenders. 

Mrs.  J.  S.  Coxey,  wife  of  the  “ ex-general  ” of  the 
Commonweal  Army,  had  a seat  in  the  Populist  Con- 
vention with  the  Ohio  delegation.  With  her  was  the 
“ Generali”  youngest  child,  Legal  Tender  Coxey. 
Mrs.  Carl  Browne  was  also  present. 

There  was  no  evening  session  on  account  of  the 
electric  lights  being  turned  off.  The  general  impres- 
sion at  the  close  of  the  first  day  was  that  Bryan  would 
be  nominated,  but  that  there  was  no  hope  of  pulling 
Sewall  through. 

Eugene  V.  Debs  and  Ignatius  Donnelly  were  talked 
of  for  Presidential  candidates  by  those  who  favored  a 
separate  ticket.  There  was  much  talk  of  a bolt  in  case 
Bryan  and  Sewall  were  nominated. 

The  Test  of  Strength  Comes  on  the  Second  Day. 

The  Populists  began  to  assemble  in  good  time  for 
the  morning  session.  They  were  men  accustomed  to 
early  hours,  and  they  liked  to  get  together  to  discuss 
the  political  and  financial  questions  of  the  hour.  The 
immediate  and  uppermost  question  in  all  their  minds 
was,  “ Shall  the  Convention  keep  to  the  middle  of  the 
road,  making  its  own  platform  and  choosing  its  own 
candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President ; shall  it 
endorse  or  nominate  the  Democratic  nominees,  or 
shall  it  take  the  middle  course — endorse  Bryan,  nom- 


6x6  the  populist  convention. 

inate  a Southern  Populist  for  Vice-President,  and 
patch  up  some  sort  of  terms  by  which  that  arrange- 
ment can  be  made  practicable  and  successful  ? ” 

Each  plan  had  its  own  faction,  determined  to  carry 
out  its  own  plan,  and  to  oppose  any  other  plan,  even 
to  the  extreme  point  of  “ bolting”  if  the  other  plan 
was  adopted. 

Among  the  conspicuous  persons  on  the  platform 
was  Mr.  Jesse  Harper  of  Kansas,  who  is  said  to  have 
nominated  Abraham  Lincoln  for  the  Presidency  at 
Chicago  in  i860.  Senator  Stewart  of  Nevada  was 
also  on  the  platform,  seated  between  Senators  Allen 
of  Nebraska  and  Kyle  of  South  Dakota,  all  of  them 
strong  advocates  of  the  endorsement  of  Bryan  and 
Sewall. 

Coats  and  Vests  Laid  Aside. 

At  ten  minutes  past  10  Senator  Butler  of  North 
Carolina,  the  temporary  Chairman,  called  the  Conven- 
tion to  order.  At  that  time  the  body  of  the  hall  was 
about  two-thirds  full,  and  there  were  probably  not 
200  persons  in  the  galleries.  The  Deputy  Sergeant- 
at-Arms  set  the  example  of  laying  aside  coats  and 
vests  and  moving  around  in  shirt  sleeves.  Many  of 
the  delegates  adopted  a like  costume.  There  were 
several  women  seated  among  the  delegates.  The 
Rev.  Mr.  Smith  was  selected  to  “ lead  in  prayer,”  and 
he  offered  a short  petition  for  “ the  blessing  of  the 
Almighty  God  on  this  Convention,  on  its  members 
and  on  its  proceedings.  May  harmony,  unity,  frater- 
nity and  patriotism  characterize  all  its  proceedings  to- 
day.” 

The  day  was  consumed,  amid  much  confusion,  in 
deciding  upon  the  credentials  of  contesting  delegates. 
The  test  of  strength  came  in  voting  for  Permanent 
Chairman. 

The  Convention  at  7.15  began  to  vote  by  States 


THE  POPULIST  CONVENTION.  617 

on  the  adoption  of  the  majority  report  (Allen  for  Per- 
manent Chairman),  the  utmost  confusion  prevailing. 

Late  twilight  had  come  when  the  Convention  pro- 
ceeded to  call  the  States,  and,  with  the  prevalent  tur- 
moil and  uproar,  that  was  a slow  process. 

The  vote  was  announced  at  8.05  p.  m.  as:  For 
Allen,  758  ; for  Campion,  564;  for  Donnelly,  1. 

As  soon  as  the  vote  was  announced  the  Bryan  en- 
thusiasm in  the  Convention  broke  out  into  a wild 
shout  of  triumph,  delegates  standing  up  and  vocifer- 
ating and  waving  hats  and  fans,  and  again  a proces- 
sion of  guidon-bearers  took  up  the  march  through 
the  Convention  hall,  yelling  demoniacally.  The  band 
took  part  in  the  performance  with  the  strains  of 
“Hail  Columbia”  and  other  patriotic  airs.  This 
Bedlamite  uproar,  which  even  the  singingof  the  dox- 
ology  by  a score  of  enthusiasts  did  not  affect,  lasted 
over  ten  minutes,  and  did  not  cease  until  after  there 
were  shouts  for  the  police,  caused  by  a dispute  about 
seats  among  the  members  of  the  Illinois  delegation. 

Finally,  at  8.20,  some  degree  of  order  was  restored, 
when  Mr.  Watkins  of  California  stepped  to  the  plat- 
form and  said  that  the  Campion  men  (of  whom  he 
was  one)  had  fought  a grand  fight  and  had  been 
squarely  whipped,  and  now  he  moved  to  make  the 
nomination  of  Senator  Allen  unanimous.  The  mo- 
tion was  adopted  with  a whoop. 

Senator  Allen  Speaks. 

Senator  Allen  was  escorted  to  the  chair  by  Lafe 
Pence,  “ Cyclone  ” Davis,  and  Ignatius  Donnelly,  and 
was  greeted  with  cheers.  He  then  addressed  the 
Convention.  He  returned  thanks  to  the  Convention 
for  the  marks  of  its  confidence  and  esteem.  He  said 
that : “ During  and  after  the  Rebellion  the  gold  power 
of  Europe,  aided  by  its  agents  in  the  United  States, 


6i8 


THE  POPULIST  CONVENTION, 


had  fastened  the  chains  of  industrial  slavery  on  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  which  it  would  take 
almost  a generation  to  strike  off.  It  was  a part  of 
the  mission  of  Populism  to  free  the  people  from  sec- 
tional prejudices.  If  any  suspicion  existed  anywhere 
that  there  would  be  a bolt  in  the  Convention,  it 
was  a great  mistake.  [Applause.]  Every  delegation, 
from  Maine  to  Texas,  would  bow  to  the  will  of  the 
Convention.  [Applause.]  He  had  no  doubt  that  there 
was  a hope  in  Wall  street  that  this  great  Convention 
would  split  to  pieces  and  that  the  People’s  party  would 
be  absorbed  in  the  Republican  party.” 

“Iam  not  advocating,”  Senator  Allen  continued, 
“ any  choice  for  you  to  make.  If,  by  putting  a third 
ticket  in  the  field,  you  would  defeat  free  coinage  ; 
defeat  the  withdrawal  of  national  bank  notes;  defeat 
Government  ownership  of  railroads  and  telegraphs  ; 
defeat  the  income  tax  and  fasten  on  the  people  gold 
monometallism  and  high  taxes  for  ten  years  to  come, 
would  you  do  it?  ” [A  voice — “ Bryan.”] 

“It  is  your  choice  to  make — not  mine.  When  I go 
back  to  Nebraska  I want  to  be  able  to  say  that  all  of 
those  great  doctrines  which  we  have  preached  for 
years  are  now  made  possible  by  your  action. 
[Applause.]  I do  not  want  to  have  to  say  that  the 
Populist  party  was  stupid — was  blind;  kept  in  the 
middle-of-the-road  and  missed  its  opportunity.” 
[Cheers.] 

Senator  Allen  then  expressed  the  opinion  that  he 
had  entertained  the  Convention  sufficiently,  and 
asked:  “ What  is  your  pleasure?” 

The  report  of  the  Committee  on  Rules  was  then 
(io  p.  m.)  presented  and  read,  but  without  action  on 
it,  the  Convention,  at  eight  minutes  past  ten, adjourned 
until  next  morning  at  io  o’clock. 


THE  POPULIST  CONVENTION. 


619 

The  Convention  Settles  Down  to  Business  on  the  Third  Day. 

The  Convention  was  called  to  order  by  Senator 
Allen,  Permanent  Chairman,  at  five  minutes  after  10 
o’clock. 

A gavel,  constructed  in  the  State  of  Ohio  out  of 
forty-eight  different  kinds  of  timber,  representing 
every  State,  was  presented  to  the  Chairman  by  Dele- 
gate Denoe,  of  Ohio,  as  a “ Middle-of-the-Road  ” 
gavel,  and  it  was  accepted  by  the  Chairman.  Dur- 
ing this  presentation  ceremony  a couple  of  fantasti- 
cally attired  individuals  ascended  the  platform.  They 
were  dressed  to  represent  the  characters  of  Uncle 
Sam  and  Columbia. 

Uncle  Sam  was  represented  by  a pretty  well 
known  character  from  Staten  Island,  named  Lloyd, 
and  Columbia  is  the  “Sweet  Singer  of  Arkansas,” 
who  entertained  the  Convention  yesterday  with  a 
song — Mrs.  Pennington  by  name.  This  pair  of 
eccentricities  were  introduced  to  the  Convention  by 
the  Chairman  as  a “couple  of  important  characters.” 
They  made  their  bow  and  “The  Sweet  Singer  of 
Arkansas”  immediately  broke  out  into  a song,  com- 
posed for  the  occasion  and  sung  to  an  air  something 
between  “Auld  Lang  Syne”  and  “John  Anderson, 
My  Jo  John.” 

Reversal  of  the  Order  of  Nominations. 

The  report  of  the  Committee  on  Rules  and  Order 
of  Business  was  taken  up  for  action.  The  majority 
report  had  been  read  last  night.  The  minority  re- 
port was  now  read,  the  point  of  it  being  that  nomina- 
tions for  Vice  President  shall  be  made  prior  to  nomi- 
nations for  President.  The  majority  report  was  ex- 
plained by  Delegate  Pomeroy,  of  New  Jersey,  a 
member  of  the  Committee  on  Rules. 

When  that  portion  of  the  rules  was  reached  which 


620  THE  POPULIST  CONVENTION. 

provided  for  a reversal  of  the  order  of  nominating 
President  and  Vice-President,  “ Cyclone  ” Davis  took 
the  stand,  and  said  he  believed  he  could  now  point 
the  way  to  a haven  of  peace.  He  had  received 
pledges  from  the  States  of  Nevada  and  Illinois,  in  ad- 
dition to  the  States  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  that  if 
the  Convention  proceeded  in  regular  order  they 
would  sustain  the  middle-of-the-road  candidate  for 
Vice-President.  He,  for  his  part,  was  willing  to  trust 
their  good  faith  and  to  withdraw  all  obstruction. 

A delegate  from  Minnesota  added  to  these  pledges 
“the  almost  unanimous  support  ” of  Minnesota’s 
fifty-three  delegates.  But  the  Convention  was  not  in 
the  humor  to  accept  the  olive  branch  of  peace.  Fifty 
men  addressed  the  chair  at  once,  and  when  the  Chair- 
man declared  that  the  previous  question  had  been 
ordered,  Mr.  Crandall,  of  New  Jersey,  advanced  to 
the  platform,  and,  shaking  his  fist,  said  he  was  a dele- 
gate, and  he  proposed  to  be  heard.  He  was  howled 
down,  notwithstanding. 

Minority  Report  Adopted. 

A scene  of  great  confusion  ensued,  which  delayed 
the  proceedings  some  time.  An  informal  count 
showed  the  vote  to  be  : For  the  minority  report,  730  ; 
for  the  majority  report,  766. 

Before  the  result  was  announced  Mr.  Skinner 
changed  the  vote  of  North  Carolina,  casting  the  whole 
95  votes  for  the  minority  report,  which  was  thus 
adopted. 

The  official  total  being:  For  the  minority,  785  ; for 
the  majority  report,  615. 

The  Platform. 

General  Weaver,  of  Iowa,  Chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Resolutions  and  Platform,  took  the  stand  at 


THE  POPULIST  CONVENTION. 


621 


5 minutes  past  3 to  read  the  platform  and  resolutions 
which  had  been  agreed  to,  he  said,  with  great  una- 
nimity, but  not  with  entire  unanimity,  as  minority 
reports  would  be  presented  by  Mr.  Kearby,  of  Texas, 
and  Mr.  Coxey,  of  Ohio.  He  read  the  platform  and 
resolutions. 

Mr.  J.  S.  Coxey,  of  Ohio  (of  Coxey  Army  fame),  as 
representing  the  minority  of  the  Committee  on  Plat- 
form, read  other  propositions  to  be  added  to  the  plat- 
form, among-  them  being  these:  Non-interest-bearing 
bonds,  good  roads,  extension  of  suffrage  to  women, 
and  the  ownership  and  control  by  the  Government  of 
every  industry  necessary  to  the  welfare  of  the  com- 
munity. 

After  a number  of  amendments  were  presented 
and  discussed,  during  which  one  delegate  had  to  be 
forcibly  silenced,  the  platform  was  adopted  as  pre- 
sented in  the  majority  report  and  as  printed  in  another 
place  in  this  volume. 

Soon  after  the  Convention  adjourned  until  6 p.  m. 

Hon.  Thomas  E.  Watson,  of  Georgia,  for  Vice-President. 

During  the  evening  session  quite  a number  of 
nominations  were  made  for  Vice-President.  Among 
those  presented  were  Mann  Page,  of  Virginia, 
President  of  the  National  Farmers’  Alliance,  and  Mr. 
Skinner,  Congressman  from  North  Carolina. 

Representative  Howard,  of  Alabama,  placed  in 
nomination  Hon.  Thomas  E.  Watson,  the  late  Popu- 
list Congressman  from  Georgia. 

Mr.  A.  A.  Gunby,  who  spoke  for  Louisiana,  said 
neither  of  the  old  parties  had  dared  since  the  war  to 
put  a Southern  man  on  the  ticket,  but  it  was  reserved 
to  this  great  party  to  take  this  forward  step.  He 
could  not  understand,  he  said,  the  policy  which  had 
put  forward  a bank  President  to  put  down  national 


622 


THE  POPULIST  CONVENTION. 


banks,  a corporationist  to  put  down  corporations  and 
a railroad  magnate  to  put  down  railroad  corporations 
and  monopolies.  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  The  man 
he  named  could  stand  on  the  platform  with  both  feet, 
and  he  simply  wanted  to  say  of  him  that  if  the  Demo- 
cratic party  swallowed  Tom  Watson  it  would  have 
more  brains  and  honesty  in  its  stomach  than  it  had 
ever  had  before.  [Loud  and  long  continued  cheers.] 

Bland  and  Jones  on  the  Platform. 

During  the  delivery  of  the  speech  Mr.  Bland,  of 
Missouri,  the  defeated  aspirant  for  the  Democratic 
Presidential  nomination,  came  to  the  platform  and 
was  introduced  to  the  Chairman  by  Senator  Stewart, 
and  soon  afterwards  he  was  followed  by  Senator 
Jones,  of  Nevada,  who  took  a seat  beside  him. 

Pence  Speaks  for  Sewall. 

Colorado,  being  called,  yielded  to  Mr.  Lafe  Pence, 
now  of  New  York,  formerly  a Congressman  of  Colo- 
rado, who  began  by  saying: 

Mr.  President,  in  order  to  draw  the  poison  quickly  and  have 
it  out,  let  me  say  my  purpose  is  to  give  some  reason,  or  try  to  give 
some  reason,  why  we  should  nominate  Mr.  Arthur  Sewall,  of 
Maine,  for  Vice-President. 

This  announcement  was  received  with  great  ap- 
plause, followed  by  hisses. 

“Mr.  Sewall’s  standing,  personally.,  amounts  to  nothing,  as  far 
as  I am  concerned.  I never  saw  him.  I never  met  him,  and  I 
never  expect  or  care  to  meet  him.  If  I were  following  my  own 
heart  to-night  I would  go  either  for  Harry  Skinner,  of  North 
Carolina,  or  Tom  Watson,  of  Georgia.  [Cheers.]  But  I would 
rather  see  the  chance  of  beating  McKinley  and  the  gold  standard 
than  see  either  Mr.  Skinner  or  Mr.  Watson,  or  my  good  friend 
Page,  of  Virginia,  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

“But  if  we  nominate  either  of  them,  Mr.  McKinley  would 
surely  be  elected  and  I for  one  am  here  prompted  by  no  other 
motive  titan  to  defeat  the  Republicans.  It  is  a pity,  a great  pity, 
that  we  are  in  this  dilemma. 


TIIE  POPULIST  CONVENTION. 


623 


Would  All  Like  to  be  Bankers. 

“You  speak  of  Mr.  Sevvall  as  a millionaire.  Whose  picture  is 
this  ? (turning  round  and  pointing  to  the  portrait  of  Peter  Cooper). 
A millionaire. ' Thank  God,  a millionaire  who  was  willing  to 
spend  his  money  in  a righteous  fight.  You  say  that  Mr.  Sewall  is 
a banker?  Confidentially,  none  of  us  are  bankers,  but,  confiden- 
tially, we  would  all  like  to  be.  [Applause  and  laughter.]  The 
hero  whom  we  look  upon  now  as  a martyr  in  our  cause,  William 
P.  St.  John,  of  New  York,  was  a banker  till  a month  ago.  So 
that  these  are  mere  pretences.” 

Mr.  Pence  close  his  speech  with  the  declamation 
of  the  verse  : 

“There  are  ninety  and  nine  who  live  and  die 
In  want  and  hunger  and  cold, 

That  one  may  live  in  luxury  and  lie 
Wrapped  in  its  silken  fold, 

The  ninety  and  nine  in  their  hovels  bare, 

The  one  in  luxury  rich  and  rare. 

They  toil  in  the  fields,  the  ninety  and  nine; 

For  the  fruits  of  our  mother  earth 
They  dig  and  delve  in  the  dangerous  mine 
To  bring  its  treasures  forth. 

But  the  wealth  released  by  these  sturdy  blows 
To  the  hands  of  the  one  forever  flows.” 

A Protest. 

Delegate  L.  C.  Bateman,  of  Maine,  responded  when 
his  State  was  called,  and  protested  solemnly  against 
the  nomination  of  Mr.  Sewall  for  Vice-President. 
The  statement  that  Mr.  Sewall  was  formerly  a Green- 
backer  he  denounced  as  absolutely  false.  Mr.  Sewah 
had  not  one  particle  of  sympathy  with  the  People’s 
party  except  as  to  the  one  item  of  silver,  which  was 
the  least  among  the  Populist  demands. 

Mr.  Sewall  had  been  President  of  the  Maine  Cen- 
tral Railroad,  and  in  the  last  year  of  his  presidency 
the  wages  of  the  railroad  men  in  that  company  were 
cut  down  10  per  cent.  A comparison  of  Sewall  with 
Peter  Cooper  was  an  insult  to  the  immortal  dead. 


624  THE  popULIST  CONVENTION. 

He  appealed  to  the  Convention  not  to  force  that  bitter 
chalice  to  the  lips  of  the  Populists  of  Maine. 

Would  Not  Support  Sewall. 

Mr.  Ignatius  Donnelly  of  Minnesota,  one  of  the 
leaders  of  this  Convention,  was  the  next  speaker. 
On  behalf  of  his  State  he  seconded  the  nomination  of 
Mr.  Watson  of  Georgia.  He  had  supposed  it  was 
agreed  to  unanimously  that  the  second  place  on  the 
ticket  should  be  given  to  a Southern  man.  The 
People’s  party  could  not  sustain  the  candidacy  of 
Arthur  Sewall  of  Maine.  It  was  simply  impossible. 
If  he  were  to  go  home  and  tell  the  Populists  of  Min- 
nesota that  this  Convention  had  nominated  to  the 
Vice-Presidency  a man  worth  $6,000,000,  the  Presi- 
dent of  a national  bank  and  connected  with  ten  other 
national  banks,  an  officer  of  one  of  the  railroads  of 
New  England,  and  interested  in  half  the  railroads  of 
New  England,  the  Populists  of  Minnesota  would  say 
that  rather  than  vote  for  such  a man  they  would  see 
all  the  Democrats  in  the  country  500  miles  below  the 
lowest  pit  of  hell.  It  could  not  be  done. 

It  was  past  midnight  when  the  ballot  was  taken. 
Watson  had  541  votes  at  the  end  of  the  first  call. 
Texas  and  Tennessee  changed,  giving  him  721  votes. 
Necessary  to  a choice,  699. 

Just  as  Watson  was  declared  nominated  the  electric 
lights  went  out,  leaving  the  hall  in  darkness,  while 
pandemonium  reigned. 

At  12.50  the  Convention  adjourned  until  9 a.  m. 

The  Closing  Day.  Bryan  Nominated. 

Although  several  nominations  were  made,  every- 
body knew  that  Bryan  would  be  nominated.  It  was 
not  accomplished,  however,  until  much  time  was  spent 
in  speech-making,  and  then  against  the  bitter  opposi- 


THE  POPULIST  CONVENTION.  625 

tion  of  321  delegates,  most  of  whom  voted  for  S. 
Frank  Norton  of  Chicago. 

Following  the  course  of  the  opponents  of  Bryan  in 
the  Chicago  Convention,  his  opponents  here  refused 
to  make  his  nomination  unanimous.  They  threat- 
ened to  make  another  nomination  for  President. 

As  Sewall  was  rejected  and  Watson  nominated,  the 
question  is,  What  will  Bryan  do  ? 

It  is  hardly  probable  that  Bryan  will  decline  the 
nomination.  It  is  true  that  in  answer  to  a telegram 
sent  to  him  by  Chairman  Jones,  of  the  Democratic 
National  Committee,  advising  Bryan  to  decline  if 
Sewall  were  not  also  nominated,  Bryan  replied : 

“ I entirely  agree  with  you.  Withdraw  my  name 
if  Sewall  is  not  nominated.” 

But  that  was  before  the  nomination  of  a Vice- 
President  and  may  have  been  for  effect. 

Bryan  Nominated  by  the  Former  Candidate  of  the  Greenback  Party 
for  President. 

When  Alabama  was  called,  Governor  Kolb  yielded 
to  General  Weaver,  of  Iowa.  General  Weaver  came 
forward  and  formally  placed  Mr.  Bryan  in  nomina- 
tion. He  said: 

“ There  is  a tide  in  the  affairs  of  men,  which,  taken  at  the 
flood,  leads  on  to  fortune;  omitted,  all  the  voyage  of  their  life  is 
bound  in  shallows  and  in  miseries.”  And  then  in  dramatic 
climax  he  exclaimed:  “On  such  a full  sea  are  we  now  afloat. 

And  we  must  take  the  current  when  it  serves  or  lose  our  ventures.” 

Silver  the  Real  Issue. 

“ We  cannot  mistake  the  real  issue  in  the  struggle  at  present. 
It  is  between  the  gold  standard,  gold  bond  and  bank  currency,  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  bimetallic  standard,  no  bonds  and  Govern- 
ment currency,  on  the  other.  The  people  are  asked  to  choose  be- 
tween enforced  idleness,  destitution,  debt,  bankruptcy  and  despair 
and  an  open  door  of  opportunity  under  just  laws  and  normal  con- 
ditions. The  situation  presents  the  mightiest  civic  question  that 


626  THE  POPULIST  CONVENTION. 

ever  convulsed  a civilized  nation.  In  the  name  of  the  suffering 
people,  I affirm  that  this  is  no  time  for  dissensions  or  party  divis- 
ions. The  supreme  hour  for  action  has  arrived.  If  we  would  be 
victorious,  we  must  make  common  cause  with  the  heroic  men  who 
dominated'  the  Chicago  convention.  No  other  course  is  prudent 
or  desirable.  . 

“We  are  not  asked  to  abandon  our  party,  nor  would  it  be  wise 
to  do  so.  If  it  is  to  be  preserved,  we  will,  in  my  judgment,  be 
compelled  to  take  the  course  which  I am  about  to  indicate.  The 
silver  Democrats  have  lined  up  as  an  organization.  Now  let 
Populists,  free  silver  Republicans  and  the  American  Silver  party 
do  likewise.  Form  an  embattled  square,  impenetrable  to  the  as- 
saults of  the  confederated  gold  power. 

“After  due  consideration,  in  which  I have  fully  canvassed  every 
possible  phase  of  the  subject,  I have  failed  to  find  a single  good 
reason  to  justify  us  in  placing  a third  ticket  in  the  field. 

“ Therefore,  in  obedience  to  my  highest  conception  of  duty, 
with  a solemn  conviction  that  I am  right,  I place  in  nomination 
for  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States  a distinguished  gentleman, 
who,  let  it  be  remembered,  has  already  been  three  times  indorsed 
by  the  Populist  party  of  his  own  State,  once  for  representative  in 
Congress,  once  for  United  States  Senator,  and  only  last  week  for 
the  Presidency.  I name  that  matchless  champion  of  the  people, 
that  intrepid  foe  of  the  corporate  greed,  that  splendid  young 
statesman,  William  Jennings  Bryan,  of  Nebraska.” 

At  the  mention  of  Mr.  Bryan’s  name  the  conven- 
tion went  wild.  Through  one  of  the  side  entrances, 
four  men  carried  a big  yellow  cross,  surmounted  by 
a crown  of  thorns.  On  it  were  inscribed  the  words 
with  which  Bryan  closed  his  speech  at  Chicago : 
“You  shall  not  press  a crown  of  thorns  upon  the 
brow  of  labor,  you  shall  not  crucify  mankind  upon  a 
cross  of  gold.” 

Nominated  on  First  Ballot. 

The  roll-call  was  then  ordered.  As  it  proceeded 
it  became  apparent  that  Bryan  would  be  nominated 
before  it  was  completed. 

Pennsylvania’s  thirty-five  votes  for  Bryan  gave  him 
730,  thirty  more  than  a majority,  but  the  roll  of  States 
was  continued. 


THE  POPULIST  CONVENTION. 


627 

With  uplifted  gavel  Chairman  Allen  asked  if  any 
States  had  not  voted.  Two  tally  clerks  had  been  at 
work  figuring  the  totals.  Without  further  delay  he 
then  announced  the  official  vote  as:  Bryan,  1042; 
Norton,  321  ; Donnelly,  1. 

It  was  then  4.22  p.  m.  Bedlam  was,  of  course,  let 
loose.  Pandemonium  reigned  for  fifteen  or  twenty 
minutes. 

The  “ middle-of-the-road  ” men  finally  massed  about 
their  standard  on  the  left  of  the  hall.  About  300  in 
number,  they  made  a counter-demonstration.  They 
cheered  and  yelled  and  pushed  and  fought  for  ten 
minutes.  The  sergeant-at-arms  was  powerless  to  re- 
store order,  and  after  rapping  for  five  minutes  Chair- 
man Allen  declared  Mr.  Bryan  the  nominee  of  the 
Convention. 

He  then  declared  the  Convention  adjourned  sine 

die. 


The  Platform  of  the  Populist  Party. 

Adopted  at  St.  Louis , July  24 th,  1896. 

The  People’s  party,  assembled  in  National  Convention,  reaf- 
firms its  allegiance  to  the  principles  declared  by  the  founders  of 
the  Republic,  and  also  to  the  fundamental  principles  of  just  gov- 
ernment as  enunciated  in  the  platform  of  the  party  in  1892.  We 
recognize  that,  through  the  connivance  of  the  present  and  preced- 
ing Administrations,  the  country  has  reached  a crisis  in  its  national 
life  as  predicted  in  our  declaration  four  years  ago,  and  that  prompt 
and  patriotic  action  is  the  supreme  duty  of  the  hour.  We  realize 
that,  while  we  have  political  independence,  our  financial  and  in- 
dustrial independence  is  yet  to  be  attained  by  restoring  to  our 
country  the  constitutional  control  and  exercise  of  the  functions 
necessary  to  a people’s  government,  which  functions  have  been 
basely  surrendered  by  our  public  servant  to  corporate  monopolies. 
The  influence  of  European  money  changers  has  been  more  potent 
in  shaping  legislation  than  the  voice  of  the  American  people. 
Executive  power  and  patronage  have  been  used  to  corrupt  our 
Legislatures  and  defeat  the  will  of  the  people,  and  plutocracy  has 
thereby  been  enthroned  upon  the  ruins  of  Democracy.  To  restore 
the  Government  intended  by  the  fathers  and  for  the  welfare  and 
prosperity  of  this  and  future  generations,  we  demand  the  establish- 
ment of  an  economic  and  financial  system  which  shall  make  us 
masters  of  our  own  affairs  and  independent  of  European  control 
by  the  adoption  of  the  following 


Declaration  of  Principles. 

First.  We  demand  a national  money,  safe  and  sound,  issued 
by  the  General  Government  only,  without  the  intervention  of 
banks  of  issue,  to  be  a full  legal  tender  for  all  debts,  public  and 
private;  a just,  equitable  and  efficient  means  of  distribution  direct 
to  the  people  and  through  the  lawful  disbursements  of  the  Govern- 
ment. 

Second.  We  demand  the  free  and  unrestricted  coinage  of  sil- 
ver and  gold  at  the  present  ratio  of  16  to  1,  without  waiting  for 
the  consent  of  foreign  nations. 

(628) 


THE  POPULIST  PLATFORM. 


629 

Third.  We  demand  the  volume  of  circulating  medium  be 
speedily  increased  to  an  amount  sufficient  to  meet  the  demands  of 
the  business  and  population  and  to  restore  the  just  level  of  prices 
of  labor  and  production. 

Sale  of  Bonds. 

Fourth.  We  denounce  the  sale  of  bonds  and  the  increase  of  the 
public  interest-bearing  debt  made  by  the  present  Administration 
as  unnecessary  and  without  authority  of  law,  and  demand  that  no 
more  bonds  be  issued  except  by  specific  act  of  Congress. 

Fifth.  We  demand  such  legislation  as  will  prevent  the  de- 
monetization of  the  lawful  money  of  the  United  States  by  private 
contract. 

Sixth.  We  demand  that  the  Government,  in  payment  of  its 
obligations,  shall  use  its  option  as  to  the  kind  of  lawful  money  in 
which  they  are  to  be  paid,  and  we  denounce  the  present  and  pre- 
ceding Administrations  for  surrendering  this  option  to  the  holders 
of  Government  obligations. 

A Graduated  Income  Tax. 

Seventh.  We  demand  a graduated  income  tax  to  the  end  that 
aggregated  wealth  shall  bear  its  just  proportion  of  taxation,  and 
we  regard  the  recent  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  relative  to 
the  Income  Tax  law  as  a misinterpretation  of  the  Constitution 
and  an  invasion  of  the  rightful  powers  of  Congress  over  the  sub- 
ject of  taxation. 

Eighth.  We  demand  that  postal  savings  banks  be  established  by 
the  Government  for  the  safe  deposit  of  the  savings  of  the  people 
and  to  facilitate  exchange. 

Transportation. 

First.  Transportation  being  a means  of  exchange  and  a public 
necessity,  the  Government  should  own  and  operate  the  railroads 
in  the  interest  of  the  people  and  on  a non-partisan  basis,  to  the 
end  that  all  may  be  accorded  the  same  treatment  in  transportation 
and  that  the  tyranny  and  political  power  now  exercised  by  the 
great  railroad  corporations,  which  result  in  the  impairment  if  not 
the  destruction  of  the  political  rights  and  personal  liberties  of  the 
citizen,  may  be  destroyed.  Such  ownership  is  to  be  accom- 
plished gradually,  in  a manner  consistent  with  sound  public 
policy. 

The  Pacific  Railroads. 

Second.  The  interest  of  the  United  States  in  the  public  highways 


THE  POPULIST  PLATFORM. 


63O 

built  with  public  moneys  and  the  proceeds  of  extensive  grants  of 
land  to  the  Pacific  Railroads  should  never  be  alienated,  mortgaged 
or  sold,  but  guarded  and  protected  for  the  general  welfare  as  pro- 
vided by  the  laws  organizing  such  railroads.  The  foreclosure  of 
existing  liens  of  the  United  States  on  these  roads  should  at  once 
follow  default  in  the  payment  thereof  by  the  debtor  companies  ; 
and  at  the  foreclosure  sales  of  said  roads  the  Government  shall 
purchase  the  same  if  it  becomes  necessary  to  protect  its  interests 
therein,  or  if  they  can  be  purchased  at  a reasonable  price  ; and 
the  Government  shall  operate  said  railroads  as  public  highways  for 
the  benefit  of  the  whole  people  and  not  in  the  interest  of  the  few 
under  suitable  provisions  for  protection  of  life  and  property,  giv- 
ing to  all  transportation  interests  equal  privileges  and  equal  rates 
for  fares  and  freights. 

Third.  We  denounce  the  present  infamous  schemes  for  refund- 
ing these  debts,  and  demand  that  the  laws  now  applicable  thereto 
be  executed  and  administered  according  to  their  interest  and 
spirit. 

The  telegraphic,  like  the  Post-office  system,  being  a necessity 
for  the  transmission  of  news,  should  be  owned  and  operated  by 
the  Government  in  the  interest  of  the  people. 


Land. 

First.  True  policy  demands  that  the  National  and  State  legis- 
lation shall  be  such  as  will  ultimately  enable  every  prudent  and 
industrious  citizen  to  secure  a home,  and,  therefore,  the  land 
should  not  be  monopolized  for  speculative  purposes.  All  lands 
now  held  by  railroads  and  other  corporations  in  excess  of  their 
actual  needs,  should  by  lawful  means  be  reclaimed  by  the  Govern- 
ment and  held  for  natural  settlers  only,  and  private  land  monopoly 
as  well  as  alien  ownership  should  be  prohibited. 

Second.  We  condemn  the  frauds  by  which  the  land  grant  Pa- 
cific Railroad  Companies  have,  through  the  connivance  of  the 
Interior  Department,  robbed  multitudes  of  actual  bona  fide  settlers 
of  their  homes  and  miners  of  their  claims,  and  we  demand  legis- 
lation by  Congress  which  will  enforce  the  exception  of  mineral 
land  from  such  grants  after  as  well  as  before  the  patent. 

Third.  We  demand  that  bona  fide  settlers  on  all  public  lands  be 
granted  free  homes,  as  provided  in  the  National  Homestead  law, 
and  that  no  exception  be  made  in  the  case  of  Indian  reservations 
when  opened  for  settlement,  and  that  all  lands  not  now  patented 
come  under  this  demand. 


THE  POPULIST  PLA  TFORM. 


631 


Direct  Legislation. 

We  favor  a system  of  direct  legislation,  through  the  initiative 
and  referendum,  under  proper  constitutional  safeguards. 

General  Propositions. 

First.  We  demand  the  election  of  President,  Vice-President, 
and  United  States  Senators  by  a direct  vote  of  the  people. 

Second.  We  tender  to  the  patriotic  people  of  the  country  our 
deepest  sympathies  in  their  heroic  struggle  for  political  freedom 
and  independence,  and  we  believe  the  time  has  come  when  the 
United  States,  the  great  Republic  of  the  world,  should  recognize 
that  Cuba  is  and  of  right  ought  to  be  a free  and  independent 
State. 

Third.  We  favor  home  rule  in  the  Territories  and  the  District 
of  Columbia,  and  the  early  admission  of  the  Territories  as  States. 

Fourth.  All  public  salaries  should  be  made  to  correspond  to  the 
price  of  labor  and  its  products. 

Fifth.  In  times  of  great  industrial  depression  idle  labor  should 
be  employed  on  public  works  as  far  as  practicable. 

Sixth.  The  arbitrary  course  of  the  courts  in  assuming  to  im- 
prison citizens  for  indirect  contempt,  and  ruling  them  by  injunc- 
tion, should  be  prevented  by  proper  legislation. 

Seventh.  We  favor  just  pensions  for  our  disabled  Union  soldiers. 

Eighth.  Believing  that  the  elective  franchise  and  an  untram- 
melled ballot  are  essential  to  government  of,  for  and  by  the  people, 
the  People’s  party  condemn  the  wholesale  system  of  disfranchise- 
ment adopted  in  some  of  the  States  as  unrepublican  and  undem- 
ocratic, and  we  declare  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  several  State 
Legislatures  to  take  such  action  as  will  secure  a full,  free  and  fair 
ballot  and  honest  count. 

Ninth.  While  the  foregoing  propositions  constitute  the  platform 
upon  which  our  party  stands,  and  for  the  vindication  of  which  its 
organization  will  be  maintained,  we  recognize  that  the  great  and 
pressing  issue  of  the  pending  campaign,  upon  which  the  present 
election  will  turn,  is  the  financial  question,  and  upon  this  great 
and  specific  issue  between  the  parties  we  cordially  invite  the  aid 
and  co-operation  of  all  organizations  and  citizens  agreeing  with 
us  upon  this  vital  question. 


Thomas  Edward  Watson, 

The  Populist  Candidate  for  Vice-President. 

Thomas  Edward  Watson,  the  Populist  candidate 
for  Vice-President,  was  born  in  Columbia  county,  Ga., 
on  September  5,  1856.  After  receiving  a preparation 
in  the  common  schools,  he  entered  the  Mercer  Uni- 
versity, at  Macon,  Ga.,  as  a Freshman  in  1872,  but 
lack  of  means  compelled  him  to  leave  college  at  the 
end  of  his  Sophomore  year.  He  then  began  to  teach 
school,  at  which  calling  he  continued  for  two  years. 
Meanwhile  he  read  law  for  a few  weeks  under  Judge 
W.  R.  McLaws  of  Augusta,  Ga.,  and  was  admitted 
to  the  bar  in  1875.  He  began  the  practice  of  his 
profession  at  Thomson,  Ga.,  his  old  home,  in  Novem- 
ber, 1876.  He  has  been  practising  his  profession 
successfully  since  then,  and  has  made  enough  money 
to  buy  considerable  land,  and  to  conduct  farming 
operations  on  a large  scale. 

Entered  the  Political  Arena. 

In  1880,  when  he  was  only  twenty-four  years  of 
age,  Watson  entered  the  political  arena  as  a delegate 
to  the  Democratic  State  Convention,  and  leaped  to 
the  front  with  a suddenness  equal  to  that  of  the  “Boy 
Orator  of  the  Platte,”  by  one  of  the  fieriest  speeches 
delivered  before  that  body.  In  1882  he  was  elected 
to  the  lower  house  of  the  State  Legislature,  and  in 
(632) 


LIFE  OF  THOMAS  EDWARD  WATSON. 


633 

1888  was  a Democratic  Presidential  Elector-at-large. 
In  1890  he  was  elected  to  Congress  from  the  Augusta 
district  as  a Democrat,  receiving  5,456  votes  against 
597  for  Anthony  E.  Williams,  a Republican.  In  this, 
his  first  Congressional  campaign,  he  made  a dashing 
display,  exhibiting  much  power  and  ability  as  a 
speaker,  and  championing  the  principles  of  the  Farm- 
ers’ Alliance  with  remarkable  force  and  fervor. 

In  the  one  session  of  the  National  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives in  which  he  served  before  the  Congres- 
sional election  of  1892  he  achieved  great  notoriety. 
His  object  in  the  House  was  to  bring  as  much  dis- 
credit upon  both  of  the  old  parties  as  possible,  and 
he  was  cunning  enough  to  seek  the  applause  of  one 
side  while  he  abused  the  other,  trusting  to  thought- 
less partisanship  for  aid  in  discrediting  each  in  turn. 

A Campaign  of  Exceeding  Bitterness. 

In  1892,  the  Democratic  nomination  in  his  Con- 
gressional district  went  to  James  C.  Black,  against 
whom  Watson  became  the  candidate  of  the  People’s 
party,  and  conducted  a campaign  of  exceeding  bitter- 
ness. He  began  by  issuing  as  a campaign  docu- 
ment a book  which  was  a severe  attack  on  the  House. 
Among  other  things,  he  charged  that  it  was  a com- 
mon thing  among  members  for  them  to  come  upon 
the  floor  of  the  blouse  in  a state  of  intoxication. 

A committee  appointed  to  investigate  the  matter 
reported  that  the  charges  were  unfounded. 

In  his  campaign  for  re-election,  Watson’s  tactics 
were  to  arouse  the  country  districts  against  the 


LIFE  OF  THOMAS  EDWARD  WATSON. 


634 

towns,  to  teach  the  farmers  that  they  were  down- 
trodden and  oppressed,  and  to  arouse  their  wrath 
against  the  merchants.  He  proclaimed  himself  the 
friend  of  the  poor  and  the  enemy  of  the  rich,  declared 
that  he  was  for  principle  above  party.  He  held  with 
Mr.  Black  a series  of  joint  debates,  in  the  first  of 
which  he  proclaimed  to  his  followers  that  his  enemies 
were  determined  to  defeat  him  if  they  had  to  kill 
him,  and,  dramatically  bounding  upon  a table,  he 
bared  his  breast  and  dared  his  foes  to  fire  upon  him. 
Of  course,  no  one  had  ever  thought  of  such  a thing, 
but,  when  he  declared  he  had  friends  who  would 
support  him  and  defend  him  as  long  as  he  advocated 
the  principles  which  would  relieve  the  poor,  his  fol- 
lowers yelled  and  hurrahed  like  demons.  He 
aroused  them  to  such  a pitch  that  the  more  ignorant 
verily  believed  that  they  had  been  robbed  of  what 
was  rightfully  theirs.  The  Watson  farmers  refused 
to  buy  from  Democratic  merchants  in  the  country 
towns,  and  the  condition  of  affairs  throughout  the 
district  became  serious.  Bad  blood  was  aroused 
among  the  people  to  such  an  extent  that  the  rail- 
roads, in  running  special  trains  to  the  meetings,  were 
obliged  to  set  apart  separate  cars  for  the  men  of  the 
two  parties. 

“ Dat  Man  is  de  Nigger’s  Saviour.” 

One  day  Watson  spoke  to  a thousand  of  his  negro 
followers.  The  Democrats  had  a rally  the  same  day. 
They  had  a barbecue  attachment  to  their  meeting. 
They  invited  all  the  negroes  to  feast  upon  barbecued 
pig  and  lamb,  but  Watson  told  them  not  to  eat  of 


LIFE  OF  THOMAS  EDWARD  WATSON . 


635 

Democratic  meat — it  would  be  poison  to  them — and 
they  went  without  food.  They  listened  to  a three- 
hours’  harangue  from  him  and  then  followed  him  to 
his  hotel  and  depot.  At  the  depot,  as  he  took  a train, 
an  old  negro  cried  to  another  near  him  : — 

“ Did  you  shake  his  han’  ? ” 

“ No,  but  I teched  de  hem  ob  his  garment,  an’  dat 
was  ’nough,”  the  other  replied.  “ Dat  man  is  de 
nigger’s  saviour.  When  he  gits  ’lected  de  nigger  will 
hab  all  he  wants  widdout  workin’  fer  it.” 

A Last  Bold  Stroke. 

At  the  State  election  in  October  all  hope  of  his 
being  returned  to  Congress  was  dissipated.  He  was 
the  issue  in  his  Congressional  district,  and  the  vote 
cast  for  State  officers  was  really  a test  vote  in  his 
Congressional  race.  When  the  news  that  the  district 
had  gone  Democratic  by  1,200  majority  reached  him, 
he  cried  like  a child,  and  said  that  the  thing  he  most 
regretted  was  the  bitterness  which  had  been  aroused 
against  him  among-  his  old  friends.  In  his  own  home 
town,  Thomson,  all  his  life-long  friends  had  voted 
against  him,  and,  because  of  his  teachings  of  race 
equality  to  the  negroes,  many  of  them  declined  to 
receive  him  at  their  homes  or  to  associate  with  him 
in  public.  Although  he  realized  that  he  must  be  de- 
feated at  the  Congressional  election,  he  determined 
to  make  a last  bold  stroke  for  the  negro  vote,  and 
started  out  upon  another  active  canvass  of  the  dis- 
trict, speaking  principally  to  the  negroes.  When  the 
election  came  off  he  was  overwhelmingly  defeated, 


636  LIFE  0F  THOMAS  EDWARD  WATSON. 

receiving  but  12,333  votes  to  17,772  cast  for  Mr. 
Black. 

In  1894  Watson  was  again  pitted  against  Mr. 
Black,  this  time  as  an  avowed  Populist  candidate, 
and  was  again  overwhelmingly  defeated,  receiving 
13,498  votes  to  20,942  for  his  regular  Democratic 
competitor.  There  were  charges  and  counter- 
charges of  fraud  and  Mr.  Black  declined  to  enter  on 
the  term,  resigning  the  seat  on  March  4,  1895.  This 
enabled  the  two  competitors  to  make  a fresh  appeal 
to  the  people.  It  was  taken  at  a special  election 
held  on  October  2 last,  and  resulted  in  another  de- 
feat for  Watson,  who  received  on  this  occasion  only 
8,637  votes  to  10,193  for  Black. 

His  Personality. 

Watson  is  a slender,  angular,  youthful-looking 
person,  with  a clean-shaven  face  and  thick  auburn 
hair.  His  personal  aspect  does  not  indicate  the  real 
ability  possessed  by  the  man,  and  his  unparalleled 
ambition.  In  1878  he  was  married  to  Miss  Georgia 
Durham,  and  has  two  children. 


The  Speech  That  Made  Bryan. 


CROWN  OF  THORNS,  CROSS  OF  GOLD AN  HISTORIC 

ACHIEVEMENT  IN  AMERICAN  POLITICS  AS  WELL  AS 

A LITERARY  CURIOSITY  FOR  FUTURE  GENERATIONS 

THE  WONDERFUL  PERORATION (DELIVERED  IN 

REPLY  TO  SENATOR  HILL  AS  THE  CLOSING  SPEECH 
IN  FAVOR  OF  THE  PLATFORM  AS  AFTERWARDS 
ADOPTED,  CHICAGO,  JUNE  25TH,  1 896). 

“ Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Conven- 
tion: I would  be  presumptuous,  indeed,  to  present  my- 
self against  the  distinguished  gentleman  to  whom  you 
have  listened  if  this  were  but  a measuring  of  ability, 
but  this  is  not  a contest  among  persons.  The 
humblest  citizen  in  all  the  land,  when  clad  in  the 
armor  of  a righteous  cause  is  stronger  than  all  the 
whole  hosts  of  error  that  they  can  bring.  I come  to 
speak  to  you  in  defence  of  a cause  as  holy  as  the 
cause  of  liberty — the  cause  of  humanity.  (Loud 
applause.)  ******* 

“ Never  before  in  the  history  of  this  country  has 
there  been  witnessed  such  a contest  as  that  through 
which  we  have  passed.  Never  before  in  the  history 
of  American  politics  has  a great  issue  been  fought 
out,  as  this  issue  has  been,  by  the  voters  themselves. 
On  the  4th  of  March,  1895,  a few  Democrats,  most 
of  them  members  of  Congress,  issued  an  address  to 
the  Democrats  of  the  nation,  asserting  that  the 
money  question  was  the  paramount  issue  of  the 
hour;  asserting  also  the  right  of  a majority  of  the 
Democratic  party  to  control  the  position  of  the  party 

(637)  . 


THE  SPEECH  THAT  MADE  BRYAN. 


638 

on  this  paramount  issue  ; concluding  with  the  re- 
quest that  all  believers  in  free  coinage  of  silver  in 
the  Democratic  party  should  organize  and  take 
charge  of  and  control  the  policy  of  the  Democratic 
party.  Three  months  later,  at  Memphis,  an  organi- 
zation was  perfected,  and  the  silver  Democrats  went 
forth  openly  and  boldly  and  courageously  proclaim- 
ing their  belief,  and  declaring  that  if  successful 
they  would  crystalize  in  a platform  the  declaration 
which  they  had  made  ; and  then  began  the  conflict 
with  a zeal  approaching  the  zeal  which  inspired  the 
crusaders  who  followed  Peter  the  Hermit.  Our 
silver  Democrats  went  forth  from  victory  unto  victory 
until  they  are  assembled  now,  not  to  discuss,  not  to 
debate,  but  to  enter  up  the  judgment  rendered  by 
the  plain  people  of  this  country.  (Applause.) 

“ In  this  contest  brother  has  been  arrayed  against 
brother  and  father  against  father.  The  warmest  ties 
of  love  and  acquaintance  and  association  have  been 
disregarded.  Old  leaders  have  been  cast  aside  when 
they  refused  to  give  expression  to  the  sentiments  of 
those  whom  they  would  lead,  and  new  leaders  have 
sprung  up  to  give  direction  to  this  cause  of  truth. 
(Cheers.)  Thus  has  the  contest  been  waged,  and 
we  have  assembled  here  under  as  binding  and 
solemn  instructions  as  were  ever  fastened  upon  the 
representatives  of  a people. 

Speak  for  the  People. 

“ We  do  not  come  as  individuals.  Why,  as  indivi- 
duals we  might  have  been  glad  to  compliment  the 
gentleman  from  New  York  (Senator  Hill),  but  we 
knew  that  the  people  for  whom  we  speak  would 
never  be  willing  to  put  him  in  a position  where  he 
could  thwart  the  will  of  the  Democratic  party. 
(Cheers.)  I say  it  was  not  a question  of  persons  ; 


THE  SPEECH  THAT  MADE  BRYAN. 


635 


it  was  a question  of  principle,  and  it  is  not  with  glad 
ness,  my  friends,  that  we  find  ourselves  brought  into 
conflict  with  those  who  are  now  arrayed  on  the  other 
side.  The  gentleman  who  just  preceded  (Governor 
Russell)  spoke  of  the  old  State  of  Massachusetts. 
Let  me  assure  him  that  not  one  person  in  all  this 
Convention  entertains  the  least  hostility  to  the  people 
of  the  State  of  Massachusetts.  (Applause.) 

“But  we  stand  here  representing  people  who  are 
the  equals  before  the  law  of  the  largest  citizens  in 
the  State  of  Massachusetts.  (Applause.)  When 
you  come  before  us  and  tell  us  that  we  shall  disturb 
your  business  interests,  we  reply  that  you  have  dis- 
turbed our  business  interests  by  your  course.  (Great 
applause  and  cheering.)  We  say  to  you  that  you 
have  made  too  limited  in  its  application  the  definition 
of  a business  man.  The  man  who  is  employed  for 
wages  is  as  much  a business  man  as  is  his  employer. 
(Continued  cheering.)  The  attorney  in  a country 
town  is  as  much  a business  man  as  the  corporation 
counsel  in  a great  metropolis.  The  merchant  at  the 
cross-roads  store  is  as  much  a business  man  as  the 
merchant  of  New  York.  The  farmer  who  goes  forth 
in  the  morning  and  toils  all  day,  begins  in  the  spring 
and  toils  all  summer,  and  by  the  application  of  brain 
and  muscle  to  the  natural  resources  of  this  country 
creates  wealth,  is  as  much  a business  man  as  the 
man  who  goes  upon  the  board  of  trade  and  bets 
upon  the  price  of  grain. 

“The  miners  who  go  a thousand  feet  into  the 
earth  or  climb  2,000  feet  upon  the  cliffs  and  bring 
forth  from  their  hiding-places  the  precious  metals  to 
be  poured  into  the  channels  of  trade  are  as  much  busi- 
ness men  as  the  few  financial  magnates  who,  in  a 
back-room,  corner  the  money  of  the  world. 

“ We  come  to  speak  for  this  broader  class  of  busi- 


1- 

o 


o 


THE  SPEECH  THAT  MADE  BRYAN. 


ess  men.  Ah,  my  friends,  we  say  not  one  word 
/gainst  those  who  live  upon  the  Atlantic  coast;  but 
' those  hardy  pioneers  who  braved  all  the  dangers  of  the 
wilderness,  who  have  made  the  desert  to  blossom  as 
the  rose — those  pioneers  away  out  there,  rearing 
their  children  near  to  nature’s  heart,  where  they  can 
mingle  their  voices  with  the  voices  of  the  birds — out 


there  where  they  have  erected  school-houses  for  the 
education  of  their  young,  and  churches  where  they 
praise  their  Creator,  and  cemeteries  where  sleep  the 
ashes  of  their  dead — are  as  deserving  of  the  con- 
sideration of  this  party  as  any  people  in  this  country. 
(Great  applause.) 


No  More  Pleading. 

“ It  is  for  these  that  we  speak.  We  do  not  come 
as  aggressors.  Our  war  is  not  a war  of  conquest. 
We  are  fighting  in  the  defence  of  our  homes,  our 
families  and  posterity.  (Loud  applause.)  We  have 
petitioned,  and  our  petitions  have  been  scorned. 
We  have  entreated,  and  our  entreaties  have  been 
disregarded.  We.  have  begged,  and  they  have 
mocked,  and  our  calamity  came.  We  beg  no 
longer;  we  entreat  no  more;  we  petition  no  more. 
We  defy  them!  (Great  applause  and  confusion  in 
the  silver  delegations.)  * * * * * 

Income  Tax. 

“They  say  we  passed  an  unconstitutional  law.  I 
deny  it.  The  income  tax  was  not  unconstitutional 
when  it  was  passed.  It  was  not  unconstitutional 
when  it  went  before  the  supreme  court  for  the  first 
time.  It  did  not  become  unconstitutional  until  one 
judge  changed  his  mind,  and  we  cannot  be  expected 
to  know  when  a judge  will  change  his  mind.  (Ap- 
plause, and  voice,  ‘ Hit  ’em  again.’)  The  income 


THE  SPEECH  THAT  MADE  BRYAN. 

tax  is  a just  law.  It  simply  intends  to  put  t 
dens  of  government  justly  upon  the  backs  of 
people.  I am  in  favor  of  an  income  tax.  (Ap- 
plause.) When  I find  a man  who  is  not  willing  to 
pay  his  share  of  the  burden  of  the  government  which 
protects  him,  I find  a man  who  is  unworthy  to  enjoy 
the  blessings  of  a government  like  ours.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

“ He  says  that  we  are  opposing  the  national  bank 
currency.  It  is  true.  If  you  will  read  what  Thomas 
Benton  said  you  will  find  that  he  said  that  in  search- 
ing history  he  could  find  but  one  parallel  to  Andrew 
Jackson.  That  was  Cicero,  who  destroyed  the  con- 
spiracies of  Catiline  and  saved  Rome.  He  did  for 
Rome  what  Jackson  did  when  he  destroyed  the  bank 
conspiracy  and  saved  America.  (Applause.) 

“We  say  in  our  platform  that  we  believe  that  the 
right  to  coin  money  and  issue  money  is  a function  of 
government.  We  believe  it.  We  believe  it  is  a part 
of  sovereignty,  and  can  no  more  with  safety  be  dele- 
gated to  private  individuals  than  we  could  afford  to 
delegate  to  private  individuals  the  power  to  make 
penal  statutes  or  levy  laws  for  taxation.  (Applause.) 

“ Let  me  call  attention  to  two  or  three  great  things. 
The  gentleman  from  New  York  says  that  he  will  pro- 
pose an  amendment  providing  that  this  change  in 
our  law  shall  not  affect  contracts  already  made.  Let 
me  remind  you  that  there  is  no  intention  of  affecting 
those  contracts,  which,  according  to  the  present  laws, 
are  made  payable  in  gold.  But  if  he  means  to  say  that 
we  cannot  change  our  monetary  system  without  pro- 
tecting those  who  have  loaned  money  before  the 
change  was  made,  I want  to  ask  him  where,  in  law  or 
in  morals,  he  can  find  authority  for  not  protecting 
the  debtors  when  the  act  of  1873  was  passed,  but 
now  insists  that  we  must  protect  the  creditor.  He 


THE  SPEECH  THAT  MADE  BRYAN. 

he  also  wants  to  amend  this  law  and  pro- 
that  if  we  fail  to  maintain  a parity  within  a year 
that  we  will  then  suspend  the  coinage  of  silver.  We 
reply  that  when  we  advocate  a thing  which  we  believe 
to  be  successful  we  are  not  compelled  to  raise  a doubt 
as  to  our  own  sincerity  by  trying  to  show  what  we 
will  do  if  we  can.  I ask  him,  if  he  will  apply  his 
logic  to  us,  why  he  does  not  apply  it  to  himself.  He 
says  that  he  wants  this  country  to  try  to  secure  an 
international  agreement.  Why  doesn’t  he  tell  us 
what  he  is  going  to  do  if  they  fail  to  secure  an  inter- 
national agreement.  There  is  more  reason  for  him 
to  do  that,  than  for  us  to  fail  to  maintain  the  parity. 
They  have  tried  for  thirty  years — for  thirty  years — 
to  secure  an  international  agreement,  and  those  are 
waiting  for  it  most  patiently  who  don’t  want  it  at  all. 
(Cheering,  laughter  long  continued.) 

“ Now,  my  friends,  let  me  come  to  the  great  par- 
amount issue.  If  they  ask  us  here  why  it  is  that  we 
say  more  on  the  money  question  than  we  say  upon 
the  tariff  question,  I reply  that  if  protection  has  slain 
its  thousands,  the  gold  standard  has  slain  its  tens  of 
thousands.  If  they  ask  us  why  we  did  not  embody 
all  these  things  in  our  platform  which  we  believe,  we 
reply  to  them  that  when  we  have  restored  the  money 
of  the  Constitution  all  other  necessary  reforms  will 
be  possible,  and  that  until  that  is  done  there  is  no 
reform  that  can  be  accomplished.  (Cheers.) 

“ Why  is  it  that  within  three  months  such  a change 
has  come  over  the  sentiments  of  this  country  ? Three 
months  ago,  when  it  was  confidently  asserted  that 
those  who  believed  in  the  gold  standard  would  frame 
our  platform  and  nominate  our  candidates,  even  the 
advocates  of  the  gold  standard  did  not  think  that  we 
could  elect  a President ; but  they  had  good  reason 
for  the  suspicion,  because  there  is  scarcely  a State 
here  to-day  asking  for  the  gold  standard  that  is  not 


THE  SPEECH  THAT  MADE  BRYA 

within  the  absolute  control  of  the  Republican 
(Loud  cheering.)  But  note  the  change.  Mr 
Kinley  was  nominated  at  St.  Louis  upon  a platform 
that  declared  for  the  maintenance  of  the  gold  stan- 
dard until  it  should  be  changed  into  bimetallism  by  an 
international  agreement.  Mr.  McKinley  was  the 
most  popular  man  among  the  Republicans,  and  every- 
body three  months  ago  in  the  Republican  party  proph- 
esied his  election.  How  is  it  to-day?  Why,  that 
man  who  used  to  boast  that  he  looked  like  Napoleon 
— (Laughter  and  cheers) — that  man  shudders  to-day 
when  he  thinks  that  he  was  nominated  on  the  anni- 
versary of  the  battle  of  Waterloo. 

“ Not  only  that,  but  as  he  listens  he  can  hear  with 
ever-increasing  distinctness  the  sound  of  the  waves 
as  they  beat  upon  the  lonely  shores  of  St.  Helena. 
(Cheers.)  Why  this  change  ? Ah,  my  friends,  is 
not  the  change  evident  to  any  one  who  will  look  at 
the  matter?  It  is  no  private  character,  however  pure, 
no  personal  popularity,  however  great,  that  can  pro- 
tect from  the  avenging  wrath  of  an  indignant  people 
the  man  who  will  either  declare  that  he  is  in  favor  of 
fastening  the  gold  standard  upon  this  people,  or  who 
is  willing  to  surrender  the  rig-ht  of  self-government 


and  place  legislative  control  in  the  hands  of  foreign 
potentates  and  powers..  (Cheers.) 

“ I want  to  suggest  this  truth,  that  if  the  gold 
standard  is  a good  thing,  we  ought  to  declare  in  favor 
of  its  retention  and  not  in  favor  of  abandoning  it; 
and  if  the  gold  standard  is  a bad  thing,  why  should 
we  wait  until  some  other  nations  are  willing  to  help 
us  to  let  go  ? (Applause.)  Here  is  the  line  of 
battle.  We  care  not  upon  which  issue  they  force  the 
fight.  We  are  prepared  to  meet  them  on  either  issue 
or  on  both.  If  they  tell  us  that  the  gold  standard 
is  the  standard  of  civilization,  we  reply  to  them  that 
this,  the  most  enlightened  of  all  the  nations  of  the 


E SPEECH  THAT  MADE  PE  YAH. 


*ias  never  declared  for  a gold  standard,  and 
rth  the  parties  this  year  are  declaring  against  it. 
(Applause.)  If  the  gold  standard  is  the  standard  of 
civilization,  why,  my  friends,  should  we  not  have  it  ? 
So  if  they  come  to  meet  us  on  that,  we  can  present 
the  history  of  our  nation.  More  than  that.  We  can 
tell  them  this,  that  they  will  search  the  pages  of 
history  in  vain  to  find  a single  instance  in  which  the 
common  people  of  any  land  have  ever  declared 
themselves  in  favor  of  a gold  standard.  (Applause.) 


“ There  are  two  ideas  of  government.  There  are 
those  who  believe  that  if  you  just  legislate  to  make 
the  well-to-do  prosperous  that  their  prosperity  will 
leak  through  on  those  below.  The  democratic  idea 
has  been  that  if  you  legislate  to  make  the  masses 
prosperous,  their  prosperity  will  find  its  way  up  and 
through  every  class  and  rest  upon  it.  (Applause.) 
You  come  to  us  and  tell  us  that  the  great  cities  are 
in  favor  of  the  gold  standard.  I tell  you  that  the 
great  cities  rest  upon  these  broad  and  fertile’ prairies. 
Burn  down  your  cities  and  leave  our  farms  and  your 
cities  will  spring  up  again  as  if  by  magic.  But  de- 
stroy our  farms  and  the  grass  will  grow  in  the  streets 
of  every  city  in  this  country.  (Applause.) 


The  Climax. 

“ If  they  dare  to  come  out  and  in  the  open  defend 
the  gold  standard  as  a good  thing,  we  shall  fight  them 
to  the  uttermost,  having  behind  us  the  producing 
masses  of  this  nation  and  the  world.  Having  behind 
us  the  commercial  interests  and  the  laboring  interests 
and  all  the  toiling  masses,  we  shall  answer  their  de- 
mands for  a gold  standard  by  saying  to  them,  You 
shall  not  press  down  upon  the  brow  of  labor  this 
crown  of  thorns.  You  shall  not  crucify  mankind  upon 
a cross  of  gold.” 


